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Showing papers in "American Journal of Archaeology in 1987"


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The polis and its politai Part I. as discussed by the authors The central thesis: The pattern of settlement of classical Attika 3. Demes and democracy: local politics and the politics of locality 5.
Abstract: List of maps List of plates Preface Abbreviations Introduction 1. The polis and its politai Part I. The Central Thesis: 2. The pattern of settlement of classical Attika 3. The pattern of land-holding in classical Attika 4. Demes and democracy: local politics and the politics of locality 5. Athenian stone resources and their exploitation 6. Patterns of exploitation in the Athenian silver mines 7. Kinsmen and neighbours, choosing and using 8. The religious factor: confirmation or alternative? Conclusion 9. The replacement of Athens Appendices Plates Notes Index of passages cited General index.

206 citations






Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Petrie has been called the "father of modern Egyptology" as discussed by the authors, and indeed he is one of the pioneers of modern archeological methods, and his life from his boyhood, when he was already a budding scholar, through his stunning career in the deserts of Egypt to his death in Jerusalem at the age of 89.
Abstract: Flinders Petrie has been called the \"Father of Modern Egyptology\" - and indeed he is one of the pioneers of modern archeological methods. Here Margaret S. Drower, a student of Petrie's in the early 1930s, traces his life from his boyhood, when he was already a budding scholar, through his stunning career in the deserts of Egypt to his death in Jerusalem at the age of 89. Drower presents Petrie as he was: an enthusiastic eccentric, diligently plunging into the uncharted past of ancient Egypt. She tells not only of his spectacular finds, including the tombs of the first Pharaohs, the earliest alphabetic script, a Homer manuscript, and a collection of painted portraits on mummy cases, but also of Petrie's important contributions to the science of modern archaeology, such as orderly record-keeping of the progress of a dig and the use of pottery sherds in historical dating.

58 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The House of the Tiles at Lerna as mentioned in this paper is a two-storied building with a sloping, tiled roof and stairways within which, at first glance, appear to be corridors, created by walls set parallel to its longer sides.
Abstract: During the past 30 years of excavation, a new, major type of prehistoric building has appeared at various sites in Greece (Table 1), one which is as characteristic of its own culture as the Mycenaean and Minoan palaces are of theirs. The best known and most developed example is the House of the Tiles at Lerna. The type, without any obvious Early Helladic I precursors, runs its course in EH II and then disappears after the unrest attested archaeologically in the late part of this period. The building is two-storied, with a sloping, tiled roof, and features stairways within which, at first glance, appear to be corridors, created by walls set parallel to its longer sides. It seems that the upper floors of the larger examples had at least two rooms, possibly an unusual lightwell, and balconies to which access was probably restricted. The possibility is entertained that the type may have evolved from another, contemporary, one-storied type of building. Our knowledge of an intriguing and important type of building has progressed a long way since the discovery in 1952 of the first example, the so-called House of the Tiles (figs. 1-2) at Lerna in the Argolid.1 Its unprecedented, sophisticated plan and substantial size led to the speculation that it might have been a "palace." Not long after, however, comparable structures came to light, in 1970 at Akovitika in Messenia, at Kolonna on the island of Aegina2 and, in 1982, at I The themes in the present article were introduced in an abbreviated form at the annual AIA/APA convention in Toronto (AJA 89 [1985] 353) on 30 December 1984. Their development was influenced at various points by discussion with graduate students in the Department of Fine Art at the University of Toronto, especially Peter McGuinness, Jacke Phillips, and Thomas Smart. Dr. Martha H. Wiencke, and Mr. Lloyd Cotsen gave valuable advice at various stages. Prof. Jeremy Rutter, as is apparent from the notes here, has questioned a number of conclusions, provided information, and has made valuable suggestions for improvement. My wife, Prof. Maria C. Shaw, I thank for reading the several versions and for her incisive and meticulous comments. Anna Pappi and Popi Kritikakou introduced me to Dora Konsola's work. The present inquiry was sparked by a realization of the growing number of analogous EH II buildings and particularly by the publication of the architecture of the Kolonna site. As this article is in proof stage, the proceedings of a conference by the Swedish Institute in Athens (June 1985) on Early Helladic culture, featuring important articles on architecture by V. Aravantinos, D. Pullen, M. Wiencke, and others, is about to be published as a volume of SIMA, too late to be incorporated into the fabric of this article. I hope to be able to reflect upon these offerings in the near future. The following special abbreviations are used: Caskey 1954 J.L. Caskey, "Excavations at Lerna, 1952-1953," Hesperia 23 (1954) 3-30. Caskey 1955a J.L. Caskey, "Excavations at Lerna, 1954," Hesperia 24 (1955) 25-49. Caskey 1955b J.L. Caskey, "The House of Tiles at Lerna," Archaeology 8 (1955) 116-20. Caskey 1956 J.L. Caskey, "Excavations at Lerna, 1955," Hesperia 25 (1956) 147-73. Caskey 1957 J.L. Caskey, "Excavations at Lerna: 1956," Hesperia 26 (1957) 142-62. Caskey 1958 J.L. Caskey, "Excavations at Lerna, 1957," Hesperia 27 (1958) 125-44. Caskey 1959 J.L. Caskey, "Activities at Lerna, 19581959," Hesperia 28 (1959) 202-207. Caskey 1968 J.L. Caskey, "Lerna in the Early Bronze Age," AJA 72 (1968) 313-16. Karagiorga 1971 T.G. Karagiorga, "Akovitika," ArchDelt 26 (1971) 126-29. Konsola 1984 D. Konsola, Early Urbanization in Early Helladic Settlements (in Greek, with summary in English), Athens 1984. Papathanasopoulos G.A. Papathansopoulos, "Akovitika Kalamatas," ArchDelt 25 (1970) 177-79. Themelis 1970 P.G. Themelis, "Early Helladic Megaron in Akovitika Messenia" (in Greek, with summary in English), AAA 3 (1970) 303-11. Themelis 1984 P.G. Themelis, "Early Helladic Monumental Architecture," AM 99 (1984) 335-51. Walter 1983 H. Walter, Die Leute im alten Agina 30001000 v. Chr. (Stuttgart 1983). Walter and H. Walter and F. Felten, Alt-Agina Felten 1981 III.1: Die vorgeschichtliche Stadt: Befestigungen, Hduser, Funde (Mainz am Rhein 1981). 2 For an early mention of the Kolonna structure see BCH 95 (1971) 846. American Journal of Archaeology 91 (1987) 59 This content downloaded from 157.55.39.120 on Mon, 05 Sep 2016 06:13:07 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms 60 JOSEPH W. SHAW [AJA 91

57 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, it was shown that coinage served to fix and stabilize the value of electrum, and that metal must have been difficult to use as a means of exchange; presumably its market value would also have fallen.
Abstract: Explanations for the introduction of electrum coinage are of two main types: arguments of practical convenience, based on the premise that the standardized weights of coins eliminated the need for weighing bullion at each transaction; and metallurgical arguments that the manufacture of coins only from electrum, with its variable gold content, was a means either for the state to deceive the public and make a profit, or for private issuers to guarantee the value they placed on particular coins. Recently, it has also been proposed that early coins were bonus payments to employees at the end of service. None of these explanations for the origin of coinage proves satisfactory, and current theories that coinage had some political or ideological purpose pertain only to the diffusion of coinage in Greece. The explanation put forth here proceeds from the variable alloy (and susceptibility to dilution) of natural electrum, and the difficulty of determining that alloy in any given case. Since the inconsistent and largely indeterminable gold content of electrum made its value uncertain, that metal must have been difficult to use as a means of exchange; presumably its market value would also have fallen. By contrast, the carefully regularized weights of early coins imply that, regardless of metallic content, each electrum coin of similar size was to have had a particular value. Thus it can be shown that coinage served to fix and to stabilize the value of electrum. Valuations must have been set by the issuers-at least in most cases states or rulers-and effected by the guarantee of redeemability. In the final section, questions of the "inventor" of coinage, the political or intellectual consequences of coins, and the introduction of silver coinages are briefly considered.

55 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors propose that these leg fragments functioned as special contracts or identifying tokens symbolizing social and economic bonds among five Middle Neolithic communities in the northern Peloponnese.
Abstract: Prehistorians have long asserted that Neolithic figurines from Greece should be identified with an ancient cult of a Great Mother Goddess. Although concerns with fertility, both human and vegetational, were no doubt of paramount importance to emerging agricultural communities, recent research suggests that small, portable figurines were not a unifunctional class of objects but may have served a variety of purposes. This article reassesses the possible function of 18 unusual clay legs which have been traditionally interpreted as parts from female figurines of the Great Goddess. Inspired by both ethnographic and historical analogies, the author proposes that these leg fragments functioned as special contracts or identifying tokens symbolizing social and economic bonds among five Middle Neolithic communities in the northern Peloponnese. The objects are seen as useful devices marking regional ties in a preliterate society. The discussion underscores both the importance of reanalyzing the function of prehistoric figurines as well as the potential value of ethnographic analogies in interpreting past behaviors. During the last few decades, excavations at five Neolithic sites in southern Greece have recovered 18 very similar and unusual clay fragments which appear to represent individual female legs. Dating to the Middle Neolithic,' these legs have been traditionally interpreted as stray pieces from completed "Mother Goddess" figurines. It is suggested here, however, that these body fragments functioned not as fertility symbols but rather as special identifying devices or contracts employed among five Neolithic communities in the Peloponnese. The argument hinges on three separate pieces of evidence: the construction of the legs (i.e., the archaeological evidence), ethnographic and historical analogues, and recent interpretations of socioeconomic patterns in Middle Neolithic society.2 THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL EVIDENCE The class of objects studied here is currently confined to five settlements in the northern Peloponnese: Franchthi Cave, Corinth, Lerna, Akratas, and Asea (fig. 1).3 The first four are located close to the sea, the * I am indebted to a number of people for insightful and substantive comments on an earlier version of this article. In particular, I would like to thank Anselm Talalay, who first suggested the idea for this paper, and Thomas W. Jacobsen, who has been a continual source of constructive criticism for my ideas on prehistoric figurines. Dr. Jacobsen also generously granted me access to unpublished material from Franchthi Cave. Both Charles Williams and the late John Caskey kindly allowed me to examine the entire corpus of published and unpublished figurines from the sites of Corinth and Lerna, respectively. Finally, I am most indebted to Michalis Fotiadis, Steven C. Bank, Lila Freedman, and an anonymous AJA reviewer. Their comments and suggestions proved invaluable. This article was written while I held an American Council of Learned Societies Fellowship. A summary of the paper was delivered at the 84th General Meeting of the AIA (1982): AJA 87 (1983) 264. ' Determining the precise chronological span of the Middle Neolithic in southern Greece is hampered by a lack of radiocarbon dates. On the basis of more than a dozen samples from Franchthi Cave (5568 half-life), the Middle Neolithic would seem to span at least the first half of the fifth millennium. For radiocarbon dates, see B. Lawn, "University of Pennsylvania Radiocarbon Dates, XIV," Radiocarbon 13 (1971) 363-77; "University of Pennsylvania Radiocarbon Dates, XVII," Radiocarbon 16 (1974) 219-37; "University of Pennsylvania Radiocarbon Dates, XVIII," Radiocarbon 17 (1975) 196-215; T.W. Jacobsen, "Excavations in the Franchthi Cave, 1969-1971: Part I," Hesperia 42 (1973) 45-88; "Excavations in the Franchthi Cave, 19691971, Part II," Hesperia 42 (1973) 253-83; "New Radiocarbon Dates from Franchthi Cave, Greece," JFA 4 (1977) 367-68. 2 It is only in the last few years that careful attention has been given to elucidating socioeconomic patterns in the Greek Neolithic. Three recent dissertations have contributed substantially to our understanding of Neolithic society and I have relied on these works to provide a general picture of the social and economic behaviors of the fifth millennium: C.N. Runnels, A Diachronic Study and Economic Analysis of Millstones from the Argolid, Greece (Diss. Indiana Univ. 1981); M. Fotiadis, Economy, Ecology and Settlement Among Subsistence Farmers in the Serres Basin, Northeastern Greece, 5,000-1,000 B.C. (Diss. Indiana Univ. 1984); T. Cullen, A Measure of Interaction Among Neolithic Communities: Design Elements of Greek Urfirnis Pottery (Diss. Indiana Univ. 1985). 3 For excavation reports and summaries of the various sites, see: T.W. Jacobsen, "Excavations at Porto Cheli and 161 American Journal of Archaeology 91 (1987) This content downloaded from 157.55.39.30 on Wed, 20 Jul 2016 04:20:28 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms 162 LAUREN E. TALALAY [AJA 91

51 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: A preliminary study of the unguentaria from the site of Stobi in Yugoslavian Macedonia suggests new directions of investigation as discussed by the authors, indicating that the function of these vessels in funerary contexts was closely connected to funerary ritual and not necessarily related to the commercial trade in perfumed oils and unguents.
Abstract: Ceramic unguentaria are among the most common grave offerings of the Hellenistic and early Roman periods. The function of these vessels in funerary contexts, however, and their chronology have not yet been firmly established. A preliminary study of the unguentaria from the site of Stobi in Yugoslavian Macedonia suggests new directions of investigation. Information about the context, appearance, capacity, frequency, and chronology of unguentaria at Stobi and elsewhere indicates that 1) unguentaria were produced in many centers rather than in just a few, 2) any proposed chronology for unguentaria must take into account this regional or local variation, and 3) the function of unguentaria found in burials was closely connected to funerary ritual and not necessarily related to the commercial trade in perfumed oils and unguents.

45 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The terracotta masks excavated from the Sanctuary of Ortheia at Sparta can be assigned to two types: grotesquely furrowed demons and idealized heroes as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: Almost all the terracotta masks excavated from the Sanctuary of Ortheia at Sparta can be assigned to two types: grotesquely furrowed demons and idealized heroes. The prototypes for these two categories are traced through Old Babylonian, Canaanite, Cypriot, Phoenician, and Punic examples. The contexts of the Near Eastern and Punic masks, mostly sanctuaries, show that the deities associated with masks are a female fertility goddess and her consort. This goddess may be identified as a West Semitic goddess named Asherah or Tanit. Similarities between the Near Eastern and Punic cults and the Spartan cult suggest that the cult of this goddess may have been established at Sparta by Phoenicians. Ortheia may be the Greek name for Asherah-Tanit.




Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The two painted portrait medallions in Cubiculum 15 of the imperial villa at Boscotrecase have been generally assumed to depict Agrippa, Agrippia Postumus, or another male member of the Imperial family.
Abstract: Since their initial mention in 1929, the two painted portrait medallions in Cubiculum 15 of the imperial villa at Boscotrecase have been generally assumed to depict Agrippa, Agrippa Postumus, or another male member of the imperial family. Original photographs of the medallions before restoration suggest that they are in fact portraits of two different women. Proposed here are Julia, the daughter of Augustus, and Livia, his wife, and evidence is presented to support these identifications.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Carroll as discussed by the authors showed that the first horizontal loom was developed by Roman weavers in the eastern provinces, probably in Syria, not long before A.D. 250, and was used to weave damask silks with geometric patterns.
Abstract: The evidence of surviving textiles and entries in the Edict of Diocletian (A.D. 301) suggest that the first horizontal loom was developed by Roman weavers in the eastern provinces, probably in Syria, not long before A.D. 250. Fitted with multiple heddle-rods, the loom was used to weave damask silks with geometric patterns. An advanced model in which the patterning device was separate from the basic binding device for the first time was available by about A.D. 400, and was used for damask silks with a fluid-outline pattern and for weft-faced compound tabbies. In her note in AJA 89 (1985) 168-73 ("Dating the Foot-Powered Loom: The Coptic Evidence"), Diane Lee Carroll has raised again one of the most formidable, yet perennially fascinating, problems of ancient technology, that of the development of new and advanced types of looms in late antiquity in the Mediterranean region. The principal questions which arise are: What forms do the looms take, when and where?' Carroll has effectively disposed of some of the obstacles which inhibited progress in past discussions: there is no sound reason, she demonstrates, to accept the antiquity of the boat-shuttle and three reeds from Egypt published by Flinders Petrie.2 Nor is the identification of the narrow brick-lined trenches in the monks' cells at the Monastery of Epiphanius in Thebes as pits to accommodate the treadles or pedals on horizontal looms to be accepted without scrutiny.3 The "treadle-pits" in the early Byzantine "loom-factory" at Abydos are even more difficult to credit.4 Questioning accepted views on weaving developments should not stop there, however. The earliest Mediaeval representations of a horizontal loom (or "low-warp loom") have had a strong influence on our attitudes to what might have been happening in the latter half of the first millennium A.C. when pictorial and other direct evidence is lacking. The best known illustration (fig. 1) is in a manuscript probably illuminated at St. Albans ca. A.D. 1250 and now in Trinity College, Cambridge.5 It shows a figure seated at a horizontal loom, the warp of which is spanned tight between beams within a fixed frame. Two shafts are linked over pulleys and raised or depressed by a pair of treadles under the weaver's feet. The weaver holds in his left hand what appears to be a reed or slay, and in his right a clearly drawn boat-shuttle. The narrow web of woven cloth (colored green) has a simple diaper pattern.6 Somewhat earlier representations of a similar type of loom can be seen in the stained glass windows of Chartres Cathedral and in the contemporary or slightly later glass at Amiens.7 The Egerton Manuscript 1894 in the British Museum (ca. A.D. 1300) also shows a loom.8 In each case there is a close association between the horizontal loom with a rigid frame, treadles linked to shafts for opening the shed mechanically, a reed for beating up the weft, and a boat-shuttle containing a pirn or spool of weft yarn.9 But that association may be misleading: there is no proof that the individual loom parts and weaving implements have a I am grateful to my wife for scrutinizing the text of this contribution and for her comments upon it. I remarked briefly on some of the problems in: L. Bender Jorgensen and K. Tidow eds., Textilsymposium Neumiinster: Archiiologische Textilfunde 6.5-8.5.1981 (Neumiinster 1982) 16-22. The following abbreviations are used: AAASyr Les annales archeologiques arabes syriennes Bulletin de Bulletin de Liaison du Centre International Liaison d'Etude des Textiles Anciens MedArch Medieval Archaeology 2 D.L. Carroll, AJA 89 (1985) 169, ns. 6-9. 3 H.E. Winlock and W.E. Crum, The Monastery of Epiphanius at Thebes (New York 1926) 68-70, fig. 25 (seventh century); see L. White, Medieval Technology and Social Change (Oxford 1962) 173. 4 R.A. Farag, "Excavations at Abydos in 1977: A Byzantine Loom Factory," MDIK 39 (1983) 51-57. 1 Trinity College Library MS 0.9.34 f.32b, conveniently reproduced in MedArch 13 (1969) pl. XXV.B; M.R. James, A Descriptive Catalogue of the Western Manuscripts in the Library of Trinity College, Cambridge 3 (Cambridge 1902) 489, scene 93. 6 For loom terminology, see Carroll (supra n. 2) 170, ill. 1.II. 7 Chartres (ca. A.D. 1200-1225): G. Aclocque, Les corporations, I'industrie et le commerce a' Chartres du XIe sizcle a la revolution (Paris 1917) 111, pl. II; Y. Delaporte, Les vitraux de la cathidrale de Chartres 2 (Chartres 1926) pl. CXI; Amiens: MedArch 13 (1969) 164, n. 78. 8MS Egerton 1894, f. 2v: MedArch 13 (1969) 163, pl. XXV.A; for other Mediaeval looms, see p. 164 (Austrian MS ca. 1200-1250), and p. 163, pl. XXV.C (Ypres MS A.D. 1363); P. Clemen, Die romanische Monumentalmalerei in den Rheinlanden (DUisseldorf 1916) pl. XXXI, fig. 347 (Boppard, soon after A.D. 1235). 9 Carroll (supra n. 2) ill. 1.II. 459 American Journal of Archaeology 91 (1987) This content downloaded from 157.55.39.249 on Wed, 03 Aug 2016 06:05:47 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms 460 JOHN PETER WILD [AJA 91 Fig. 1. The horizontal loom illustrated in Trinity College, Cambridge, MS 0.9.34 f.32b of ca. A.D. 1250. The loom has treadles bound to a pair of linked shafts and a reed, while the weaver holds a boat-shuttle. common origin, and it is unwise to assume ex hypothesi that they do. The primary evidence relating to advanced looms in later antiquity needs to be examined anew, in chronological order, and without reference to better attested, but not necessarily relevant, later developments. REPRESENTATIONS AND SURVIVING PARTS OF

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: A review of women in the ancient world can be found in this article, where the authors focus on the evidence of the extant monuments, rather than on the information of the literary sources.
Abstract: Ancient Greek women and their relationship to the visual arts are here discussed solely on the evidence of the extant monuments, rather than on the information of the literary sources. Although this review makes no attempt to be complete, several forms of the relationship are explored. The most important is that of women as sponsors of architectural projects; second is that of women as dedicators of statues and other offerings. Finally, the objects meant to be used by women, or those that represent them, are included, although the men of the family might have been responsible for the commission and the funding. The survey follows a chronological arrangement. In the wake of the feminist movement, a great deal of attention has been focused in recent years on women in antiquity. Most such studies, however, have based their conclusions on literary sources, which by their very nature either dramatize or are slanted according to a specific bias. Even those studies that have used contemporary depictions on vases, or other artistic evidence, have often drawn inferences colored by literary knowledge, since many of the painted scenes are less explicit than it may seem, and can be subjected to more than one interpretation. My own task is much more limited in scope, since I do not plan to write specifically on the status of women in ancient Greece; yet the resultant picture may lead to a more balanced view of women's role in their society. What I attempt to do is to draw together a sample group of extant monuments that can be demonstrably connected with women in various ways. Women may have either commissioned or dedicated the items in question; they could have simply used them, or even have been the subject represented on and by them. This last areawomen as depicted in the visual arts-is, of course, too extensive for the scope of a brief survey which makes no claim to completeness. Women as artistic subjects, therefore, will be included only as a way of suggesting their relative importance, thus fleshing out what to me is the more interesting aspect of this research, women as patrons of art and architecture.1 Obviously, if by patronage one visualizes the complex relationships of Renaissance women with artists and poets, no such condition seems to have existed in ancient Greece, at least before the Hellenistic period. Even the more limited role played by Roman women IAn oral version of this study was delivered as part of a symposium on "Women in the Ancient World" held on 1 February 1986 at Trinity University, San Antonio, Texas. I am indebted to Prof. C. Valone for her invitation to participate in the symposium and for her suggestion that I address the issue of Greek women as patrons. In keeping with my archaeological training, I tried to approach the topic from the tangible evidence alone, using literary sources only as supporting information. Since delivering the paper, I have received several requests for my text, and I have therefore attempted to put it into article form, although without the help of the many illustrations which accompanied the original presentation; it must still be considered in the nature of comments rather than a thorough study, and primarily useful for pointing the way for potential future research. For a helpful collection of literary sources on women, see, for instance, M.R. Lefkowitz and M.B. Fant, Women's Life in Greece and Rome (rev. ed., Baltimore 1982). But tragedies, historical accounts, and legal records are likely to deal only with extreme cases, and not with common, everyday life. For interpretation of scenes on vases see, e.g., E. Keuls, The Reign of the Phallus (New York 1985), but that different interpretations are also possible is shown, e.g., by G.F. Pinney, "Money-Bags?" AJA 90 (1986) 218. For a more moderate approach see also A. Cameron and A. Kuhrt eds., Images of Women in Antiquity (Detroit 1983); I owe this reference to R. Hamilton, to whom I am grateful also for many helpful comments. Other useful studies are M.R. Lefkowitz, Heroines and Hysterics (New York 1981) and S.B. Pomeroy, Goddesses, Whores, Wives, and Slaves (New York 1975); in the latter, however, the archaeological evidence, because of the compass of the study, has been condensed and simplified to the point of being occasionally misleading (e.g., p. 46, on Archaic Attic gravestones of women; not only is there some evidence that stelai just for women existed, but no grave relief, to my knowledge, shows a woman with a warrior). In my text, all dates should be taken as B.C., unless otherwise specified. Reference has been made to general handbooks or sources of illustrations, to facilitate consultation. The following abbreviations are used throughout: Boardman J. Boardman, Greek Sculpture. The Archaic Period (London 1978). Jeffery L.H. Jeffery, "The Inscribed Gravestones of Archaic Attica," BSA 57 (1962) 115-53. Lazzarini M.L. Lazzarini, "Le formule delle dediche votive nella Grecia arcaica," MemLinc, ser. 8, vol. 19 (1976) 47-354. Raubitschek A.E. Raubitschek, Dedications from the Athenian Akropolis (Cambridge, Mass. 1949). Ridgway B.S. Ridgway, The Archaic Style in Greek Sculpture (Princeton 1977).


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: A recent find in the Idaean Cave in Crete of two plano-convex rock crystal lenses of unusually good optical quality led to this investigation of other lenses from antiquity.
Abstract: A recent find in the Idaean Cave in Crete of two rock crystal lenses of unusually good optical quality led to this investigation of other lenses from antiquity. The evidence indicates that the use of lenses was widespread throughout the Middle East and the Mediterranean basin over several millennia. The quality of some of these lenses was sufficient to permit their use as magnifying glasses. The use of lenses as burning glasses in Classical Greece is noted, as is the need for magnifying lenses to authenticate seal impressions. The probability that magnifying lenses were used by gem carvers and seal engravers is discussed. The fine detail of Roman gold-glass portrait medallions and the discovery of a lens in the house of an engraver in Pompeii and another in the house of an artist in Tanis are presented as evidence for the use of the lenses for magnifying purposes. Methods of producing optical quality lenses by simple procedures are also presented. Lenses found in October 1983 by Sakellarakis in the Idaean Cave' of central Crete are of unusually fine optical quality. The discovery prompted an investigation of similar finds, and speculation on the likely use of lenses in antiquity and on the methods of their manufacture. In Figure 1 is shown a plano-convex lens, 8 mm. in diameter and 4 mm. thick, which has a focal length of 12 mm., thereby giving a nominal magnification of 20X. The useful magnification is limited by distortions and is a subjective evaluation; this lens has at least a 7X useful magnification. The high quality of the polish and the perfection of the shape are evident. It is made of rock crystal (single crystal quartz), as is revealed by its birefringence when rotated between crossed polaroids. When viewed under a 7X loupe, very shallow, slight, circumferential polishing marks can be seen on the convex side. A similar lens was found at the same time and place (fig. 2). It is 15 mm. in diameter, 6 mm. thick, with 25 mm. focal length, which gives a nominal magnification of 10X; but its useful magnification is limited to about 2.5X. The edge of this lens has light tooling marks around the circumference inclined at 30 degrees from the axis of the lens. These marks are consistent with shaping the periphery with a cutting stone harder than quartz and using a round template. The two lenses were found in a disturbed stratum in the cave, but they are presumed to be Archaic Greek in keeping with the majority of objects found with them. From the studies by Boardman of artifacts from earlier excavations of the cave, it could be inferred that the cave was not used as a shrine after the sixth century B.C.2 Recent excavations, however, show that the shrine was in use much later than the Archaic period.3 These lenses should be considered in context with the much older ones found by Sir Arthur Evans in the Palace of Knossos and in the nearby Mavro Spelio Cemetery which date from 1400 B.C. The Bronze Age lenses received some attention in 1928 soon after the time of their excavation,4 but subsequently have received little mention. There are now 23 ancient lenses on display in the Archaeological Museum at Herakleion and many more are in storage there. They are also made of rock crystal and are of optical quality, with generated plano-convex surfaces. However, many have one surface lightly etched, presumably from the action of the chemicals in the soil during their long burial. A typical example is shown in Figure 3. Its diameter is 14 mm., with a thickness of 4 mm., and the focal length is 22 mm., which gives a nominal magnification of 11X. When the concave surface is wetted to minimize the scatter of the light from the etched surface, it magnifies objects without appreciable distortion. Two plano-convex rock crystal lenses were found in central Anatolia at Gordion by Gustav and Alfred K6rte in 1901 but cannot be dated.5 These lenses also RE (1916) 858-62, s.v. Ida (L. Btirchner). 2 J. Boardman, The Cretan Collection at Oxford (Oxford 1961) 79-81. 3 J.A. Sakellarakis, "'AvaorKaOp1 'IGa'ov "Avrpov 1984," Prakt 1984 (in press); R.W. Stock, "The Secrets of Crete," The New York Times Magazine (19 August 1984) Sec. 6, pp. 94, 95, 101, 103, 105, 106; I.A. Sakellarakis, "L'antro idea. Cento anni di attivita archeologica (1884-1984)," Atti dei Convegni Lincei 74 (Rome 1985) 19-48; I.A. Sakellarakis, "H via 'pcvva o-rd 'IaT^o "Avrpo," 'ApXatoAoyla 15 (1985) 14-22. 4 H.C. Beck, "Early Magnifying Glasses," AntJ 8 (1928) 327-30. S G. K6rte and A. Korte, Gordion: Ergebnisse der Ausgrabung in Jahre 1900 (Berlin 1904) 147, 151, 174 (These lenses are in storage in the Archaeological Museum, Istan191 American Journal of Archaeology 91 (1987) This content downloaded from 157.55.39.17 on Fri, 02 Sep 2016 05:41:41 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms 192 GEORGE SINES AND YANNIS A. SAKELLARAKIS [AJA 91 : .. ::: : -li:--i i I I :-



Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors compare the tower architecture of the Athenian and Theban towers with the tower of the Megarid city wall and find that the windows of the latter were bottom-hung.
Abstract: The invention of the catapult in 399 B. C. precipitated revolutionary changes in Greek military architecture. Towers were built higher and were provided with upper chambers characterized by the presence of windows often flanked by chases to hold hinged shutters. Comparative study of tower architecture yields more accurate restorations and revised chronologies for fortified sites and helps to define the function of isolated towers. Architectural features of relatively well-preserved and securely dated Theban towers at Messene (369 B.C.) and Siphai (370–362 B.C.) provide models for restoring and dating Athenian-built towers in Attica and the Megarid. The Athenian and Theban towers reflect a developing architectural tradition; they were designed to house relatively small, anti-personnel catapults, probably of nontorsion design. They predate towers which housed large, torsion, stone-throwing catapults (e.g., at Latmian Herakleia, ca. 297 B.C.). Analysis of shuttering systems of preserved artillery towers suggests that the shutters (thyrides kataraktoi) used on windows in the parapet of the Athenian city wall of 307/306 (IG II2, 463), like those used at several Athenian and Theban sites, were bottomhung.

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TL;DR: A shipwreck of the Hellenistic period, looted of almost all visible remains, was discovered by the Institute of Nautical Archaeology in 1973 at Serce Limani on Turkey's southwest coast as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: A shipwreck of the Hellenistic period, looted of almost all visible remains, was discovered by the Institute of Nautical Archaeology in 1973 at Serce Limani on Turkey's southwest coast. Partial excavation of the site by the Institute, between 1978 and 1980, revealed hundreds of amphoras, in two rather iniform sizes, still beneath the sand. Grape seeds and resinous linings in many of them indicate a cargo of wine; a secondary cargo may have been carried in more than two dozen small, bulbous pots. The amphoras and their stamps suggest that the ship sank ca. 280-275 B.C., providing a date for presumably contemporaneous glazed and plain wares found in the only area of the site excavated to the level of the ship's lead-sheathed hull. Other finds include millstones, marble and lead rings, a wooden toggle, and a length of lead pipe that may provide the earliest evidence for bilge pumps. The excavation was not continued after it was discovered that the wreck runs under a rockslide of massive boulders that might endanger the site if moved.






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TL;DR: In this paper, a viable typological sequence for scarabs can only be obtained from scarabs found in a sequence of archaeological deposits, and the archaeological contexts of Canaan are better suited to this purpose than those of Egypt.
Abstract: In recent years, several studies have stated or implied rather low dates for the various phases of the Middle Bronze II period in Canaan. These low dates are based largely on scarabs considered independently of their archaeological contexts. Old and inadequate theories on dating scarabs are applied to Canaanite deposits, resulting in conclusions which violate or ignore the archaeological data. The premises of the present study are: 1) a viable typological sequence for scarabs can only be obtained from scarabs found in a sequence of archaeological deposits; 2) the archaeological contexts of Canaan are better suited to this purpose than those of Egypt; and 3) this typology must take into account all relevant features of the heads, backs, sides, and designs. The inquiry centers on the scarabs from the Montet Jar and the MB tomb groups Jericho I–II and Megiddo A–D, considered within the archaeological contexts of these groups. The combined evidence of scarab typology and archaeological context shows that the Montet Jar group can safely be dated to the second half of the 20th century B.C., the early Jericho and Megiddo MB groups to the second half of the 19th century B.C., and that some traditional dating criteria such as the "Hyksos designs" on scarabs are not valid.

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TL;DR: Godart et al. as discussed by the authors found evidence for one (or a few) Mycenaean administrative center with a wanax in the Linear B tablets at Knossos.
Abstract: There is little agreement among scholars as to when the palace at Knossos was finally destroyed. This uncertainty leaves open a number of important questions concerning Late Minoan III Crete. Investigation of the securely dated LM IIIB written "documents," the inscribed stirrup jars, provides answers to some of those questions. It can be shown that the IIIB Cretans were able to express themselves in the Linear B script and that this knowledge of writing was more widespread than is usually supposed; at least three and perhaps six workshops where inscribed stirrup jars were produced can be identified in different regions of Crete. The jars also provide evidence for one (or a few) Mycenaean administrative center(s) with a wanax in LM IIIB Crete. During the same period Khania in western Crete was under strong Mycenaean influence and participated in international trade; indeed, the entire island prospered from external trade. The textual evidence of the inscribed stirrup jars, supported by steadily growing archaeological evidence, indicates the presence of Mycenaeans in LM IIIB Crete and suggests that the production of stirrup jars and their co tents was organized in a way which is not inconsistent with the administrative system found in the Linear B tablets at Knossos. Most scholars concerned within recent years with the painted Linear B inscriptions have directly or indirectly accepted these inscriptions as evidence for literacy.1 It is also generally agreed that most-if not all-of the inscribed stirrup jars chronologically belong within the LM IIIB phase2 and that the majority * I wish to express sincere gratitude to T.G. Palaima and J.-P. Olivier, who have read and commented on a draft of this paper. Their valuable suggestions have greatly improved the text. Several points of dispute remain and I alone am responsible for all opinions stated here. I am most grateful to Dr. E.L. Bennett, Jr., for making available to me his manuscript on inscribed stirrup jars and pinacology. Finally, I want to express my gratitude to the Danish Research Council for the Humanities for granting me a scholarship which made this study possible. 1 Y. Tzedakis, "Zeugnisse der Linearschrift B aus Chania," Kadmos 6 (1967) 106-10; J. Raison, Les vases a inscriptions peintes (Incunabula Graeca 19, Rome 1968); M. Popham, "An LM IIIB Inscription from Knossos," Kadmos 8 (1969) 45; J. Chadwick, The Decipherment of Linear B2 (Cambridge 1970) 130; L.R. Palmer, "Mycenaean Inscribed Vases. I. The Evidence from the Unexplored Mansion at Knossos," Kadmos 10 (1971) 71, 85; M. Ventris and J. Chadwick, Documents in Mycenaean Greek2 (Cambridge 1973) 109 (quoting A.J.B. Wace); A. Sacconi, Corpus delle iscrizioni vascolari in Lineare B (Incunabula Graeca 57, Rome 1974) 9-10; L. Godart and J.-P. Olivier, "Nouveaux textes en Lineaire B de Tirynthe," in Tiryns. Forschungen und Berichte VIII (Mainz 1975) 38-45; S. Hiller and 0. Panagl, Die friihgriechischen Texte aus mykenischer Zeit (Ertriige der Forschung 49, Darmstadt 1976) 58; S. Hiller, "Winajo und des 'Squatters'-Uberlegungen zum Knossosproblem," Kadmos 15 (1976) 108-29; E. Hallager, The Mycenaean Palace at Knossos (Medelhavsmuseet, Memoire 1, Stockholm 1977) 93; L. Godart and A. Sacconi, Les tablettes en Lineaire B de Thebes (Incunabula Graeca 71, Rome 1978) 8-9; H.W. Catling, J.F. Cherry, R.E. Jones and J.T. Killen, "The Linear B Inscribed Stirrup Jars and West Crete," BSA 75 (1980) 94, 102-103; J.T. Hooker, Linear B. An Introduction (Bristol 1980) 179-80; A. Kanta, The Late Minoan IIIB Period in Crete. A Survey of Sites, Pottery and their Distribution (SIMA 58, Gdteborg 1980) 296; L. Godart, "Quelques aspects de la politique extr H.W. Haskell, "Coarse Ware Stirrup-Jars at Mycenae," BSA 76 (1981) 236; H.W. Haskell, "From Palace to Town Administration. Evidence of Coarse Ware Stirrup-Jars," in Minoan Society. Proceedings of the Cambridge Colloquium 1981 (Cambridge 1983) 121-28; T.G. Palaima, "Inscribed Stirrup Jars and Regionalism in Linear B Crete," SMEA 25 (1984) 189-203; E.L. Bennett, Jr., "The Inscribed Stirrup Jars and Pinacology," 4~laa 7.r el F.E. Mvowv'v (Athens 1986) 136-43. 2 For the latest investigations: Catling et al. (supra n. 1) 93-101. The cross links between Khania and Thebes are important in this connection: infra n. 5; Kanta (supra n. 1) 295. H.W. Haskell, "Pylos: Stirrup Jars and International Oil Trade," in C.W. Shelmerdine and T.G. Palaima eds., Pylos Comes Alive (New York 1984) 105-106, n. 60, also accepts a late date and he rightly points out that most of the inscribed stirrup jars appear to be of LM IIIB:1 date, i.e., prior to the mainland archives. This is an important observation, not least because recent finds in Crete might indicate a destruction horizon at the end of that period and a change in settlement pattern in the following IIIB:2. In this connection, however, a note of warning is needed. The ceramic sequences in LM IIIB Crete and especially their relationship to the mainland sequences are not sufficiently established to permit historical conclusions. For example, recent investi-