Showing papers in "Americas in 1974"

Open Veins of Latin America: Five Centuries of the Pillage of a Continent

Abstract: A wide-ranging historical account of the social, political, and particularly economic development of a continent seemingly ravaged by the unbridled exploitation of major capitalist countries bent on turning Latin American resources into their own economic gain. Bibliogs.

The Mediterranean and the Mediterranean World in the Age of Philip II

Abstract: The focus of Fernand Braudel's great work is the Mediterranean world in the second half of the sixteenth century, but Braudel ranges back in history to the world of Odysseus and forward to our time, moving out from the Mediterranean area to the New World and other destinations of Mediterranean traders. Braudel's scope embraces the natural world and material life, economics, demography, politics, and diplomacy.

The Manumission of Slaves in Colonial Brazil: Bahia, 1684-1745

Abstract: T HE HISTORY AND NATURE of the slave regimes of the New World have been examined and hotly debated in national, regional, and comparative perspectives.1 Much of the controversy has centered on the treatment of slaves in the various slave regimes and under a variety of economic conditions. This debate was greatly clarified and advanced by Eugene Genovese in his article, "The Treatment of Slaves in Different Countries," in which he distinguished between three basic meanings of "treatment."2 Genovese recognized that the term "treatment" has been used at different times to describe 1) the day-to-day physical conditions of the slave; 2) the existential conditions of life, the opportunities for familial, social, and religious expression; and 3) access to freedom and citizenship. While these aspects may be interrelated there is no necessary connection between the first and third. Whereas a great deal of argument rages over the comparative history of the first two of these categories, over the third there seems to be general agreement. Both those who see striking differences between Latin American and North American slavery and those who find disheartening similarity concur that access to freedom was easier in Latin America, and that the liberation of slaves was a widely practiced phenomena.3 Once this has been said, however,

Labor Conditions on Haciendas in Porfirian Mexico: Some Trends and Tendencies

Abstract: o F THE MANY PROFOUND TRANSFORMATIONS which took place in the Mexican countryside in the period between 1876 and 191o, two have been emphasized: the expropriation of the lands of communal villages, and the decrease in real wages paid to laborers on haciendas. By the end of the Porfiriato over 95 percent of the communal villages had lost their lands, according to available data.' The buying power of wages paid to agricultural laborers on haciendas sharply declined between 1876 and LgLO.2 These statistics give only a partial and limited view of the situation in the countryside. What happened to the expropriated peasants? Did they become peones acasillados on the haciendas, industrial workers or free agricultural laborers? To state that the value of real wages paid to laborers on haciendas

Men in a Developing Society: Geographic and Social Mobility in Monterrey, Mexico

Abstract: Monterrey, Mexico, the locus of the study reviewed here, doesn't fit the stereotype of romantic and colorful Latin American cities depicted in the tour brochures of travel a.gencies. In fact, it isn't likely to be included in tourist itineraries at all except possibly as a rest stop between the Texas border 150 miles to the north and more alluring sites farther south. Its tourist appeal is roughly on a par with that of, say Cleveland, Ohio, or Birmingham, Alaba.ma, and for largely the same reason: it is primarily anindustria.l city. A large (over one million population) and rapidly growing industrial city, Monterrey produces most of the steel products of Mexicot and emits, a-long with its 20thCentury factory fumes, a dynamic 19thCentury spirit of capitalism, conceived without benefit of Protestantism. and largely home-grown. The combination of ambition, hard work, and frugality, which contribute to what Balan, Browning, and Jelin call the "industrial mystique" of Monterrey, is relatively ra.re in Latin America, but not unique. It is to be found in at least a few other cities, such as Medellin, Colombia, and Sao Pa.ulo, Brazil, for reasons which remain to be fully explained by some contemporary or future Max Weber. Monterrey is clearly not typical of current metropolitan development in Latin America, or even Mexico, and it is questionable whether it provides a prototype for future developmental trends. What it does offer, though, is a fertile field for studying the relationship between urban migration and social mobility, a central focus of Men in a Developing Society. The industrial and population growth of Monterrey is of relatively recent origin. Although the city had achieved some importance as a. commercial center in the l9th Century (stimulated in part by the U. S. Civil War and the blockade of Confederate ports), the chief impetus for its industrial development came through its selection at the turn of the century as the site of the first steel mill in Mexico. Despite temporary setbacks by the Mexican revolution of 1910 and the world depression of the 1930's, 'Monterrey's industrial and population growth during the present century has been phenomenal. As an indication of the extent of its transformation, one has only to note that, a.s recently as 1921, Monterrey's population was only 88,000. By 1965 (when the Monterrey Mobility Study was undertaken), the population was more than ten times as great, having a.lmost doubled in the 1950-1960 decade alone. Needless to say, migration contributed a large share of the recent growth-a.bout half of that occurring during the 1940-1965 period, according to the authors of the study report. Un-

History of Portugal

Abstract: History of Portugal encompasses the stretch from her earliest times to her first empire in South America, and to her decline in the early nineteenth century, before the rise of her third empire in Africa.

Railroads, Landholding, and Agrarian Protest in the Early Porfiriato

Abstract: U NDER CONDITIONS of rigid social and political hierarchy, and especially where rural cultivators form a distinct and subordinate ethnic group, marked improvement in the profitability of agricultural enterprise tends to be associated with regressive movements in the distribution of property (land, livestock, implements, and the like) as well as direct assaults on the political liberties and other rights of peasants. While there has been some recognition that such a process accompanied the large scale penetration of foreign capital and technology into much of IndoLatin America in the last decades of the nineteenth century, the process has not received the attention it deserves.' Perhaps the most visible and costly byproduct of nineteenth-century foreign intrusion were the railroads. Hundreds, even thousands, of miles of railroads often were built even before substantial direct investments were made in other kinds of enterprise. In fact railroads accounted for more than half of all British and United States investments in Latin America until well after the turn of the century.2 The close relationship between transport innovation and export sector development has been very evident to historians.3 However, much less is known of the impact of railroads on agrarian conditions except where the new transport system formed part of the agricultural export system. Yet railroads often induced profound transformations

Los orígenes del nacionalismo mexicano

Abstract: Los Origenes Del Nacionalismo Mexicano PDF Books 11 Los origenes del nacionalismo mexicano David Brading Patriotismo y nacionalismo en la historia de Mexico Nacionalismo Mexicano algunas aproximaciones NOTAS SOBRE LA CONSTRUCCION DEL NACIONALISMO DURANTE LA RACE CLASS AND NATION IN WARTIME SAN LUIS POTOSI museoamparocom Capitulo 1 Surgimiento del nacionalismo mexicano 11 EL NACIONALISMO MEXICANOpdf Instituto de Investigaciones El Guadalupanismo mexicano su impacto a traves de la 218 El transito hacia el estado nacional Mentalidad nacionalismo y estilo en el futbol mexicano Que es el patriotismo pdf gaxirocfileswordpresscom NACIONALISMO Y EDUCACION LA REFORMA redalycorg Tacos joven” Cosmopolitismo proletario y la cocina References Project MUSE And Many Other Awesome Books...

Black and Mulatto Brotherhoods in Colonial Brazil: A Study in Collective Behavior

Abstract: G UILDS OF ARTISANS, brotherhoods, and confraternities flowered in Western Europe during the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. To be sure, a corporate spirit was part of the European ethos itself, as has been shown by the presence of burial societies of early Christians in Rome. Their importance greatly increased, however, in the late middle ages, a product of an age responding to the stoic doctrines of St. Francis and St. Dominic, coupled with an entirely secular phenomenon-the emergence of the city. Victims of famine and plague deserted the countryside for the cities, only to fall prey to unemployment, poverty, and enforced vagrancy. The establishment of confraternities of lay men and women had the dual objective of protecting members against such misfortunes and practicing works of charity. Such brotherhoods represented the birth of a social conscience in Europe. The Iberian Peninsula did not remain immune to this corporate sentiment sweeping Europe. Furthermore, the societies of Spain and Portugal included different religions, races, and languages, and afforded opportunities for frequent intercultural contacts. By the fifteenth century there existed in the cities of Spain and Portugal Catholic brotherhoods that counted among their members blacks brought from Africa as slaves, as well as whites of Iberian stock. Despite minor administrative differences, all brotherhoods pos-

Patrons, Clients, and Kin in Seventeenth-Century Caracas: A Methodological Essay in Colonial Spanish American Social History

Abstract: IN RECENT YEARS social scientists have become increasingly aware of the persistence and importance of patronclientelism in Latin America. The growing literature on patron-clientele systems in the contemporary world provides a theoretical framework for studying possibly analogous social systems in the Spanish Empire. From research in the records of seventeenthcentury Caracas (1595-1627) emerge the outlines of a patron-clientele system in genesis within the structure of the kinship network of the city. To accomplish this analysis I applied methods which relied on computers to process the myriad pieces of comparable data describing events at the mundane level of human life where patron-clientelism exists. After a discussion of the concept, this essay describes how I defined the kinship network and calculated the distribution of wealth, power, and prestige within it.

The Honduran Army in the Sociopolitical Evolution of the Honduran State

Abstract: REQUENTLY, commentators on political developments in various small Central American nations describe the political participation of the military as if it were an unchanging and ineluctable force that had conditioned public life from time immemorial. Unfortunately, such a perspective not only distorts historical reality but makes it extremely difficult to offer accurate interpretations of current events. While it seems fundamentally correct to assert that Latin American military institutions differ from such organizations in other less developed areas in that they were forged in the crucible of 19th rather than 20th century events, such a generalization cannot apply to every Hispanic nation.' A more adequate representation of reality might be that there are essentially two types of Latin American military establishments which relate in quite different ways to their respective political systems. First, there is that class of military organization where institutional identities were fairly well established by the early 20th century and, secondly, there are those which bear a closer affinity to military establishments in the new nations. Here, there has been a very late process of institutional consolidation which makes the behavioral patterns of these institutions particularly volatile.

Migration to a Spanish Imperial Frontier in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries: St. Augustine

Abstract: ECENT CONSCIOUSNESS OF THE ETHNIC DIVERSITY of American society has renewed interest in the Old World source of colonial American immigrants. It is well known that Florida's colonial capital, St. Augustine, was largely settled by immigrants of Hispanic origin. It is less recognized that within the term "Hispanic" there was a variety of groups almost as diverse as the present-day American ethnic mixture. These groups were divided both by racial background and by geographic origin. Not only was there the usual division between the peninsulares, who migrated from the Iberian Peninsula, and the criollos, who had been born in Spanish America, but even among peninsulares, there was separatism and discrimination based on one's native municipality or province. The Spanish-American group was equally diverse. Besides criollos, it included a variety of mixed-bloods, for example, mestizos, mulattoes, and zambos. As in the other parts of Spanish America, mestizos were further differentiated by degrees of Spanish and Indian blood: the term castizo usually referred to those mestizos who had a relatively small amount of Indian blood and were treated as "whites," while other mestizos with a small percentage of Spanish blood were regarded as illegitimate and looked down upon. Also present were full-blooded Indians, not only from St. Augustine's hinterland (Apalache and Guale) but from Mexico and the rest of Spanish America. Finally, there were pure blacks (morenos) who came from the Antilles or as escapees from Carolina. Colonial St. Augustine was thus a melting pot of ethnic groups, loosely bound together by a common Catholic faith, Castilian tongue, and the political dominion of the Spanish Crown.' My purpose

Landed Society in New Spain: A View from the South

Abstract: W ^tIm GOOD REASON, great landed estates hold the attention of many students of modern Latin America. Landholding in wide areas of the subcontinent to the south is inseparable from latifundios. Great estates were especially conspicuous in the century after Independence, often dominating local economies and political power. The size and traditional functions of these rural estates have also made them obvious targets of those who demand modernization, nationalism, and social justice in the twentieth century. Political and social reformers have naturally concentrated their attention on the land regime, not only because of its economic and political power but also because nowhere in Latin America have landed barons given up their privileged position voluntarily. Rural estates with colonial beginnings continue to dominate regional economies and societies in Colombia, Ecuador, Peru, and Guatemala. In Mexico, where traditional latifundios have declined in the last fifty years, concentration of land in a few hands was once an even more important issue. Mexico's Revolution of 1g9o, and its fulfillment under Lazaro Cardenas in the 1930s, reacted against a colonial heritage that was symbolized by haciendas and a landed aristocracy. If large estates have a conspicuous place in the rural landscape of Indoand Mestizo America, their functions and socioeconomic effects also have brought them under attack, as values changed in the direction of economic efficiency or social justice. Whether operated primarily for profit or prestige, the large, labor-intensive rural estates perpetuate income inequalities and authoritarian-paternalistic rule. Even when large estates have declined, they leave behind a residue of values and attitudes that resists change. Like a gnarled old oak, the latifundio's roots reach well beyond its visible boundaries into personal and psychological relationships, such as the patron-servant posture or

The Social and Economic Role of the Convent: Women and Nuns in Colonial Bahia, 1677-1800

Abstract: S INCE THE CONQUEST of the New World the Church has participated actively in its development. Initial research on the institution generally dealt with its missionary role and its relations to the State.' Currently, the growing interest in social and economic history has inspired work on its financial activities.2 One subject which has recently drawn the attention of scholars has been feminine monasticism. Research on the patterns of recruitment of European nunneries has already produced significant findings.3 Asunci6n Lavrin's research has pioneered investigation into nunneries in New Spain.4

Development and Rural Rebellion: Pacification of the Yaquis in the Late Porfiriato

Abstract: HE DEPORTATION OF THE NATIVE YAQUIS of Sonora to other parts of Mexico, notably to the henequen plantations of Yucat'an, was one of the most notorious acts of the Diaz regime in the decade preceding the ig9o Revolution.' However, the background, rationale, mechanism, and consequences of this deportation have not been adequately studied. This essay discusses the motives of the Yaqui rebellions which both preceded and characterized the Diaz period, the development of the Diaz re'gime's efforts to pacify the Yaquis and the implications of the official policy both for the Yaquis and for Sonora's landowning elite. Finally, it views the deportation as a contributing factor in the alienation of these Sonoran groups and their participation in the Mexican Revolution. Yaqui rebellion had a long history antedating the' Diaz period. But the Yaquis intensified and found new meaning for their resistance as a result of the impact in Sonora of the process of rapid economic development occurring in Mexico during the Porfiriato. During this period, massive infusions of foreign capital dislocated certain traditional sectors of society, thus provoking rural rebellions against the forces or agents of development in various parts of the country. The Zapatista movement emerged in the sugar-growing region in central Mexico as a result of such conflicts.2 The intensified Yaqui rebellion was another example.

Integralism and the Brazilian Catholic Church

Abstract: M I OST SCHOLARS HAVE APPROACHED THE SUBJECT of Brazilian Integralism either comparatively-as a hybrid of Continental Fascism-or ideologically-as Brazil's first right-wing, radical movement. Generally, however, neither approach has emphasized its intellectual and spiritual affinity to the Brazilian Catholic Church of the 1930s or noted the nature of its political connection with the Church. The more dramatic aspects of Integralism, such as its violence and its fascist trappings (green shirts, salutes, goose-stepping marches), have obscured the fact that Integralism often acted, although implicitly, as a political arm of the Catholic Church. It is the contention of this essay that attention to the symbiotic relationship obtaining between the Integralist movement and the Catholic Church between 1932 and 1937 sheds light on some frequently disregarded characteristics of Brazilian fascism and the nature of "political Catholicism" in this period. The Integralists' philosophical dependence on Catholic doctrine and the significant sphere of influence it offered the Church coincided with the Church's search for means to aggrandize its power in the state within the context of an elitist political strategy. The fact that the Brazilian Catholic Church of the 1930s pursued a multi-pronged approach to political power, utilizing diversified groups and tactics to attain its ends, has dimmed historians' awareness of the Church-Integralist accord. Such a shotgun approach to power was developed by Sebastiao Cardinal Leme, authoritative leader of the Church from 1928 until his death in 1942. Leme long had perceived the Church as an institution beleaguered by the growth of competitive value systems and by the position of inferiority imposed on it by the Constitution of 1891.1 His choice of an essentially elitist political

Old Christian Merchants and the Foundation of the Brazil Company, 1649

Abstract: F EW STEREOTYPES of Luso-Brazilian history have endured more tenaciously than the concept of the merchant as Jew, crypto-Jew, or foreigner. The association of the mercantile profession with New Christians has been particularly strong for the seventeenth century, with the terms burguesia and cristdos-novos often being used interchangeably in works about that period.' The political, social, and religious factors which contributed to the concentration of New Christians in commerce are familiar and need not be elaborated here. The converse theoretical explanation is that Portuguese gentiles (or Old Christians) abandoned the field to the interlopers because of their inability or unwillingness to compete with the New Christians' supposed racial aptitude for trade and their clannish favoritism in business practice. As commerce became ever more linked in the popular mind with the despised crypto-Jew, fear of guilt by association increased the aversion of Old Christians to the mercantile arts, ultimately leaving Portuguese trade in the hands of the New Christians. To contemporaries the problem appeared so compelling that in 1629 D. Felipe IV called a council of ecclesiastics and jurists to consider measures for dealing with the New Christians, whose monopoly of trade allegedly caused prices to soar "thus sucking all the money from the populace,