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Showing papers in "Anthropological Quarterly in 1998"


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, Reed-Danahay et al. present a collection of case studies from the field of literary anthropology, focusing on the impact of writing in the shaping of cultural forms.
Abstract: Auto/Ehnography: Rewriting the Self and the Social. DEBORAH E. REED-DANAHAY, ed. Oxford: Berg, 1997; 277 pp. Since the 1980s a community of anthropologists, both in the United States and in Europe, have placed written texts at the forefront of anthropological analysis. Think, for example, of Text, play and story (Bruner, ed. 1983), Literary anthropology (Poyatos, ed. 1988), Literature and anthropology (Dennis and Aycock, eds. 1989), Domains et chateaux (Aug* 1989), Jane Austen and the fiction of culture (Pandler and Segal 1990), Anthropological poetics (Brady, ed. 1991), Anthropology and literature (Benson, ed., 1993), Creativity/anthropology (Lavie et al. 1993), The ethnography of reading (Boyarin, ed. 1993), Ecritures ordinaires (Fabre, ed. 1993), The prose and the passion (Rapport 1994), Exploring the written (Archetti, ed. 1994), and Culture/contexture (Daniel and Pecks, eds. 1996). The book edited by Reed-Danahay joins this significant trend of literary anthropology. This development has in most cases occurred spontaneously, as the by-product of genre mixing and the influence of cultural studies, without a dominant theoretical body and without the consolidation of a legitimate speciality, like psychological or medical anthropology. This fact reflects perhaps the complexity of this intellectual enterprise that I will now explore. The practice of anthropology in the contexts of "little traditions" implied an emphasis on the study of oral practices: speaking, singing, and orating. Therefore, the "anthropological written texts" originate, in principle, from oral transmissions - and, of course, behavioural observation. Orality was thus transformed by the writing of the anthropologist. However, in contexts of "great traditions," social discourses were and are also embedded in, or expressed through, writing. Anthropologists working in complex societies with ample literary traditions are confronted with a variety of texts. These different texts have been produced nationally, even locally, in the community studied, or elsewhere, by the informants themselves or by "others" in general: writers journalists, scientists, politicians, bureaucrats or teachers. Confronted with this dense jungle of texts, research strategies can vary: the emphasis on the consumption of texts concentrates the analysis on the impact of reading, while the emphasis on the production of texts permits a discussion on the implications of writing in the shaping of cultural forms. Any cultural theory thus needs to reflect on the multiplicity of writings because identities, or the interface between the self and the social, are also created and recreated through writing. So how heterogeneous literary works affect the anthropological understanding of a given sociocultural setting is a relevant question to pose. In her introduction Reed-Danahay defines the main objectives of the volume. All the chapters of the book result from research carried out in contemporary literary societies and can be seen as an attempt to problematize and, in a way, to transcend the distinction between autobiography and ethnography. Three crucial genres of writing intersect in the different chapters: (1) "native anthropology," where the subjects of enquiry become the authors of studies of their own group; (2) "ethnic autobiography," characterized by personal narratives written by members of ethnic groups; and (3) "autobiographical ethnography," in which anthropologists transform given personal experiences, in the context of field work or in the realm of the lived, into ethnographic writing. The articles explore various interconnections, mixtures of genres and voices, in order better to shape the complexity between ethnography and autobiography. Some of the case studies are indeed innovative. The chapters in Part One deal with contexts of state repression and the possibilities of resistance in life stories and autoethnography. Kay B. Warren discusses the prose of Victor Montejo, a Jacaltec Maya from Guatemala, who fled the rural violence of 1982 and became an anthropologist and writer in exile. …

681 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, Tone Bringa's discussion of Bosnian Islamic identity focuses on the mixed Catholic-Moslem pseudonymous village of Dolina in central Bosnia, where Bringa carried out fieldwork in 1987-1988 and briefly in 1993.
Abstract: Being Muslim the Bosnian Way: Identity and Community in a Central Bosnian Village. TONE BRINGA. Princeton NJ: Princeton University Press, 1995; xxi + 281 pp. (paper). Tone Bringa's discussion of Bosnian Islamic identity focuses on the mixed Catholic-Moslem pseudonymous village of Dolina in central Bosnia. Bringa carried out fieldwork in 1987-1988 and briefly in 1993. As this period was critical for the development of the Bosnian conflict, Bringa's account is that much more compelling. However, as the war provides only a background in her book, the practical significance of the identity issues she raises are never fully explored. When Bringa began fieldwork in the late 1980s, tensions between Yugoslavia's ethnic communities were palpable. Life in Dolina, however, seemed far removed from these issues. Its history of cordial inter-ethnic relationships seemed to establish a limit beyond which it would be hard to go. Though Bringa's residence in a Moslem household was met with incredulity on the part of Dolina's Catholics, their mild response left her unprepared for what awaited the village in the early 1990s. Bringa returned briefly to Dolina in 1993, by which time nearly every Moslem home had been destroyed and their inhabitants dispersed. She discusses her ensuing confusion in the Preface, speaking of perspectives on writing the book. Though no Moslems physically remained, clearly the past tense was inappropriate; they were still a strong cultural presence and there were hopes of their return. Bringa also faced questions about naming things. The diverse peoples that comprised former Yugoslavia and Dolina had their own names for things and places. This issue, in fact, confronts nearly every researcher in East and Central Europe. For Bringa and Bosnia's Moslems, however, it was complicated by questions of Bosnian Moslem identity and the organized com munal violence prosecuted over the right of naming and settlement. Her efforts at clarifying these issues help us to better understand the question of Bosnianess at the heart of the recent war. Bringa's Introduction and first chapter on Yugoslav, Bosnian, and Moslem identity is the most relevant for making sense of the conflict. She situates the question of Bosnian identity historically and within larger issues of over-lapping and competing (ex)Yugoslav identity concepts of nation, people, region, and ethnic group. She particularly discusses identity problems and politics in the socialist state and suggests how the confusion in establishing a precise Bosnian identity lent itself to Serbian and Croatian competition and the late flowering of a regional Bosnian identity largely conflated with Islam. All this, according to Bringa, not only contributed to a "denial of the dream" of a common Yugoslav identity, but also established a context for the violence of recent years. As she points out, the concept of Bosnianness first existed only as a negative one, that is, as against Serbian or Croatian identity. There was thus an inherent weakness in any potential state thus defined. On this same basis, the prospects for Bosnia's future remain as bleak as the present. Chapters two through four provide ethnographic contexts for the general discussion on Bosnian identities. They focus, in turn, on the village and its inter-ethnic relations, community gender identities, and sex roles, and operationalize the latter within marriage. …

291 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Culture/Power/Place: Explorations in Critical Anthropology as mentioned in this paper is a landmark contribution to this current theoretical trajectory in cultural anthropology, which is a collection of ground-breaking theoretical essays that first appeared in a 1992 special issue of the journal Cultural Anthropology dedicated to the theme of space and place in anthropology.
Abstract: Culture/Power/Place: Explorations in Critical Anthropology. AKHIL GUPTA and JAMES FERGUSON, eds. Durham NC: Duke University Press, 1997; 361 pp. In our relentless search for theoretical guidance in understanding "culture," the central conceptual cornerstone of our discipline, cultural anthropologists have long looked to other analytic realms and disciplines for insight. By counterpoising "culture" to ecology, personality, history, or now, "power" and "place," we have tried to not only define the nebulous contours of what culture is by exploring what it is not, but sought, more importantly, to understand how culture is produced, reproduced, and transformed. As part of this pursuit, contemporary anthropologists have turned first to history (think, for example, of the important volume Culture/power/ history edited by Nicholas Dirks, Sherry Ortner, and Geoff Eley), and more recently to geography for assistance. The widespread appeal of geography's conceptual apparatus is revealed in the plethora of spatial metaphors -- landscapes, spaces, places, maps, displacement, global, local, to name just a few - in recent titles in anthropology. Culture/power/place is a landmark contribution to this current theoretical trajectory in cultural anthropology. The anthology reprints, in revised versions, the ground-breaking theoretical essays (by Lisa Malkki, John Borneman, James Ferguson, Lisa Rofel, Akhil Gupta, and Akhil Gupta and James Ferguson) which first appeared in a 1992 special issue of the journal Cultural Anthropology dedicated to the theme of space and place in anthropology. Since their initial publication these essays, especially those by Malkki, Gupta, and Gupta and Ferguson, have become pivotal to current rethinkings of the relationship between culture and nation, territoriality, identity, difference, transnational processes, and power. The additional seven essays in the volume (some of which, like Kristin Koptiuch's, are also reprinted versions of published articles) complement, enhance, and complicate the themes raised in these earlier essays (all of the pieces were originally presented at three panels for the American Anthropological Association annual meetings). The volume therefore has a theoretical coherence and depth rarely found in edited collections, for which the editors, Akhil Gupta and James Ferguson, should be commended. Two themes organize the format and contributions of the volume: issues of culture and space, and the relationship of culture and power. As Gupta and Ferguson argue in their introduction and in their article, ideas of place have always been implicit in cultural theory. The terms may be the territorially circumscribed, symbolically bounded notions of "cultures" and "culture areas" in earlier anthropology (and the assumed isomorphism of space, place, and culture) or those of current interests in the "global" and "local." Making these assumptions explicit enables anthropologists to go "beyond culture" in order to analyze the relationship between culture and place, particularly in the spatialized production of identity and difference. In other words, as John Durham Peters suggests in his provocative tour through fact and fiction, anthropologists must learn to "see bifocally," that is to read the local and global simultaneously in our ethnographic studies. Authors of the remaining essays in the first section use detailed ethnographic studies to explore and expand aspects of this argument. Several papers problematize the concept of nation and nationalism in cultural theory. Lisa Malkki explores how ideas about nations and nationalism inform anthropological studies and theories of culture and identity, in part through her comparative study of two settlements of Hutu refugees in Tanzania. In an evocative complement to Malkki's analysis, John Borneman investigates the shifting, ambivalent meanings of Heimat (home, homeland) in relation to the structuring and restructuring of state, nation, and territory in post World War II Germany. …

235 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Keane as mentioned in this paper explores the implicit logic of speaking in pairs and argues that the replicability of utterances among different speakers displace utterances from persons and bespeak the transcendent authority of ancestors.
Abstract: Signs of Recognition: Powers and Hazards of Representation in an Indonesian Society. WEBB KEANE. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1997; 297 pp. (paper). Anakalang is a dry, out of the way place in West Sumba, Eastern Indonesia. Here, where subsistence agriculture is the norm, neither trade nor wages play much part in people's lives. Local affairs take place in a realm largely untouched by the reach of the Indonesian state. Although most people have converted to Christianity within the last thirty years, and warfare and the headhunting that went with it have been in abeyance since the colonial era, violence and bravado still command men's image of themselves, and ancestor spirits remain important. This is where Webb Keane carried out fieldwork in the 1980s and '90s, trying to understand exchanges, formal speech, and feasting. In his remarkable and ambitious ethnography, he makes these esoteric subjects speak to general theories of representation. The result is a critique both of those approaches that treat culture as a text or as disembodied discourse and of those that lean toward economic or material reductionism. Further, Keane shows that agency is not only something individuals exercise, but also a property of groups. The main actors in formal transactions are the corporate patrilineal descent groups called kabisu and their segments known as "houses." High status kabisu, some of which constitute a nobility, assert claims as village founders, and possess ancestral heirlooms and villages with stone tombs and dancing platforms where they sponsor great feasts. Asymmetrical alliance characterizes the pattern of marriage among kabisu, with, ideally, at least one marriage each generation renewing the affinal bond. Nonetheless, long-standing affines construe each other as antagonists and constantly scrutinize the objects and words they exchange in ceremonial contexts as either a recognition of honor or grounds for offence. The ethnography sticks mostly to formal settings such as marriage negotiations, where the predominant speakers are generally not themselves party to the exchanges or decisions that occur, but merely the delegated voices of the principals. Adepts of ritual speaking lace their talk with the couplets that are a hallmark of this region and that Anakalangese regard as a legacy from an ancestral golden era. The stylized expressions bracket an event as efficacious or definitive, for this was the manner in which ancestors spoke. Much speaking in ritual events also consists of highly redundant messages relayed by go-betweens, reports and repetitions of what others have said. This agency-blurring practice, and the replicability of utterances among different speakers, Keane argues, displace utterances from persons and bespeak the transcendent authority of ancestors. Keane explores at length the implicit logic of speaking in pairs. A couplet says the same thing in two different ways, and also points to an unstated, third possibility: a gloss in colloquial speech. Couplets as a poetic device thus evince a general process of displacement where signs point to something not actually there, a semantic center that is only presupposed. Displacement is also evident in behaviors relating to slavery. …

206 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Clothing and Difference: Embodied identities in Colonial and Post-Colonial Africa as mentioned in this paper is a collection of case studies that detail how clothing, toilette, and related body practices become ways to constitute, challenge, signal, and inculcate social identities and differences.
Abstract: Clothing and Difference: Embodied Identities in Colonial and Post-Colonial Africa. Edited by HII.DI HENDRICKSON. Durham NC: Duke University Press, 1996; 261 pp. (paper). Clothing and difference brings together an engaging and useful set of case studies that detail how clothing, toilette, and related body practices become ways to constitute, challenge, signal, and inculcate social identities and differences. Drawn from a range of African settings, they illustrate the changing nature of such practice and identities and the subtle distinctions of meaning encoded in variations of style. Most relate their concerns to recent work in cultural theory and cultural studies. A few go further to demonstrate how careful ethnographic analysis and cultural history provide a firm and fertile grounding for critical engagement with contemporary theory as well as an avenue for its creative reformulation. Hendrickson's brief introduction emphasizes the socially constructed, historically particular, and semiotic nature of clothing practice and the body surface. She defines the book in relation to three literatures: recent studies on fashion and dress, particularly feminist and cultural studies; social science analyses of dress; and Africanist scholarship. These are treated more like isolated traditions than theoretically and historically entwined endeavors, but the short discussions highlight basic questions that show the importance of comparative work stretching beyond Europe and North America. Hendrickson emphasizes their eclectic mix of material and methods in the papers and the counterpoint of perspectives that this often allows. The eight case studies are divided into three sections. The first groups three papers under a very general rubric, "Creating Social Identities." Elishe Renne considers changing meanings of virginity, as represented by special white cloths and as a bodily state, for Ekiti Yoruba in Nigeria. She shows how "enlightened" behavior became defined this century in relation to education, elite status, and alternative kinds of sociality, reversing other Ekiti understandings of marriage arrangement and young women's physical states and status. Deborah James' fascinating paper about northern Sotho-speaking communities in South Africa describes the dynamics of setswana and sekgowa (Sotho ways and White ways). By tracing the history of women's dress over three generations, James explains how the former incorporated aspects of the latter and how gendered shifts in the political economy of labor, financial obligation, education, and marriage have been intimately related through clothing. She also examines how women in a local dance group forge temporary economic solidarity and community through performance and dress. Adeline Masquelier closes the section with a paper on Bori spirits and their mediums in southern Niger. She outlines not only how different costumes identify deities, but how mediums build, display, and break their relations with deities and others by means of cloth. Misty Bastian's marvelous account of fashion history and the daring stylistic maneuvers of youth in Onitsha, Nigeria, begins the second section, "Challenging Authority." Bastian explores the way young women and young men alike adapted particular senior male styles in the late 1980s, questioning notions of power, wealth, and morality in the process. Her creative use of diverse sources, close attention to particular cases of stylistic choice and innovation, and perceptive commentary on consumption-based theories of fashion and identity make this a particularly compelling essay. One other paper is included in this section, though its relevance to "challenging authority" is less than clear. Bradd Weiss' fragmentary account of Haya death shrouds and funeral dressing in Tanzania touches some classic anthropological themes but is rather disengaged from Haya social experience. …

52 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The authors examined the problematic relationship between the anthropologist's self-identity and the fieldwork process through a self-reflexive discussion of my field experiences in a Japanese factory employing both Japanese and Japanese-Brazilian migrant workers.
Abstract: In this article I address the problematic relationship between the anthropologist's self-identity and the fieldwork process through a self-reflexive discussion of my field experiences in a Japanese factory employing both Japanese and Japanese-Brazilian migrant workers. I examine how the constant and contested negotiation of identity between fieldworkers and informants influences rapport, acceptance, and differential access to ethnographic information. Because of the multiple social roles that anthropologists assume in the field for research purposes, the social distance between self and other continually shifts in productive ways. The resulting psychic tension and dissonance that they experience between their external role behavior and inner sense of self can contribute to their continued self-development and is linked to the emergence of analytical and theoretical frameworks. [fieldwork methods, identity and self, ethnicity, Japan] Introduction: A Hot Summer Day It was a September day when I stepped off the train into the scorching heat after a three-hour trip from central Tokyo to Ota city in Gunma-prefecture. I had arrived in Japan just four days earlier to start phase two of my fieldwork after close to nine months in Brazil. As I walked out onto the station platform, I looked up at the imposing structure of the shopping center that towered over the station, which brought back fleeting memories of those grand and massive shopping centers in Brazil (os shoppings). However, I had no time to reminisce. I was in Japan - a completely different society, culture, people, and language - and I had changed my mentality accordingly. Unlike Brazil, which had been a completely foreign country for me, Japan was very familiar, and as a Japanese descendent from the United States, I always felt I belonged here. Compared to the uncertainty I felt when stepping off the plane in Brazil, I was a partial insider in Japan and knew how to behave, how to adapt and mix in with the Japanese, and what to expect. Usually, I could be ethnically "Japanese" enough to get by without any problems and avoid some of the difficulties that complete foreigners would conceivably have. Yet, I did not expect the disorienting confusion that would confront me in the coming weeks of fieldwork - a disorientation that would result not because of my status as a foreigner, but precisely because I was not completely foreign in Japan. Ota city, as well as the adjacent Oizumi-town, are industrial towns in the Tokyo countryside which have received considerable Japanese media attention because of their high concentration of foreign migrant workers. Most notable and prominent among the numerous groups of foreigners that have flocked to the region in recent years are the JapaneseBrazilian nikkeijin (former Japanese emigrants and their descendants born abroad). These workers have "return-migrated" to Japan in large numbers to work in labor-deficient factories as dekasegi (temporary migrant workers) because of a severe and prolonged Brazilian recession in the late 1980s. Since a vast majority of them are of the second and third generations who were born and raised in Brazil, they are culturally Brazilianized to a considerable degree and have become Japan's newest ethnic minority. Being a "nikkeijin" myself (second-generation Japanese-American), I had decided to work in a factory with the Brazilian nikkeijin as a dekasegi in order to conduct participant observation in the true anthropological spirit. From what I had heard so far, however, my prospects of getting a factory job as a researcher did not sound very encouraging. After arriving in Japan, I had already come once to Ota city in order to speak with a local government official responsible for foreign workers affairs, Mr. Honkawa. He had kindly agreed to contact employers on my behalf but had not yet succeeded in placing me in a factory. Armed with a bunch of shokaijo (letters of introduction), which are a basic necessity in Japan if one wishes to get anything done, I had returned to Ota city again in order to discuss any possibilities with him. …

50 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The Transformation of Rural Life: Southern Illinois 1890-1990 as discussed by the authors is an account of how life is lived on farms starting from late in the last century through the vast economic and social changes that transpired since.
Abstract: The Transformation of Rural Life: Southern Illinois 1890-1990. JANE ADAMS. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1994; 321 pp. Adams's book represents ten years of fieldwork and archival research in Union County, located in Southern Illinois. Here the author is historical ethnographer as well as friend and a nearby neighbor of those studied. The book provides a blueprint for delineating the lives of people who are literate and expect to read about themselves when the research is published. It is a challenge anthropologists increasingly may face as the United States becomes a more frequent research subject since the field largely abandoned it after World War II. This account of how life is lived on farms starting from late in the last century through the vast economic and social changes that transpired since, is an engaging book, written in a fluid and elegant style. Adams meets the challenge of providing a tangible and often fascinating grasp of everyday experience by focusing on how farm families made a life; managed their farms; fed themselves; ordered their homes; and arranged ordinary tasks such as going to the toilet or washing clothes. Adams traces changing farming practices, housing, rural communities, and gender roles over 100 years. To do this she uses oral histories, dairies, photos, and documents obtained from seven families to show how urbanization, industrialization of agriculture, concentration of farms, government policies, and the depopulation of the countryside transformed rural life and family farming. Her account adds a new dimension to our emerging picture of U.S. farm life, families, and communities by detailing life where the upland South meets the Midwest of poor soils, and where families must eke out a living. This ethnography should shatter many assumptions about the prosperity, ethnicity, and the dominance of grain farming in the Midwest. Certain parts of the region, Adams shows us, are characterized by labor intensive crops- strawberries, green beans, asparagus, raspberries, potatoes, apples, or peaches. Such farming resulted in demands that shape distinctive configurations of family in relation to the farm. Although the focus is on the household and the mesh between kinship unit and production unit is graphically detailed, Adams also depicts how the family and farm transcend individual life histories. She does this by showing how the built landscape of farm buildings and structures modifies the countryside as well as defines changing family and farm practices. Five generations are described for each of the seven families. As these families developed, rooms were added to homes, remodeling carried out, and home furnishings as well as farm animals and equipment changed. Domestic activities such as making soap, canning food, are portrayed; this was work that was altered as electricity came to the countryside and roads improved, making trips to town easier. Transformations in various domains of family and farm are indicated by wonderful chapter titles: "We Worked Can See to Can't See"; "We Were the Fattest People Ever Going to the Poor House"; "It Was Either I Work or We Sell the Farm," and my favorite, "We Used to Eat Inside and Shit Outside; Now We Eat Outside and Shit Inside. …

40 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The authors examines the relationship between traditional and commercial expressions of Spanish flamenco in light of gender systems of meaning, and establishes a contrast modeled after the complementary relationship between female and male modes of sociability in respective domains of private and public by establishing performance contrasts through gender concepts.
Abstract: This article examines the relationship between "traditional" and commercial expressions of Spanish flamenco in light of gender systems of meaning At the center of the flamenco tradition are Andalusian flamenco aficionados who practice an intimate, private, and emotional exchange of flamenco in exclusive pefia clubs, which directly contrast flamenco performed publicly and spectacularly in commercial venues for purposes of tourism In the juxtaposition created between traditional and commercial flamenco, aficionados establish a contrast modeled after the complementary relationship between female and male modes of sociability in respective domains of private and public By establishing performance contrasts through gender concepts, aficionados not only reveal how gender notions of unity and division can ultimately generate local and national performance sensibilities, but in doing so, they affirm a cultural identity against change in Spanish society [flamenco, gender, Spain, tourism, tradition] The passion and intrigue of flamenco music and dance have captivated the exotic imagination of many travelers and tourists to Spain While the bullfight is another tourist attraction or "icon" of Spain, flamenco has gained a broader acceptance nowadays because of its non-violent nature; tourists of European Union countries are very ambivalent about the bullfight (Douglass 1997: 98), but not about fla

35 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, Howard-Malverde argues that cultural agents themselves "engage in the chain of reception, interpretation, and production of meaning" (p. 9), and also cautions that rejecting an overly western notion of culture as text does not mean that one should ignote how the Andean highland peoples studied here have become producers of western kinds of texts themselves, incorporating alphabetic literacy and legalistic discourse and symbolism into their lives.
Abstract: Creating Context in Andean Cultures. ROSALEEN HOWARD-MALVERDE, ed. New York: Oxford University Press, 1997; 253 pp. The writers of this volume strive to show how "texts and textualizing practices are active agents in the shaping of experience and . . . the creation of context" (p. 7). In the spirit of a more dialogical approach to understanding cultural expressions, "texts" include a range of cultural activities and artifacts. Howard-Malverde emphasizes that the central aim of scholars should be to grasp how cultural agents themselves "engage in the chain of reception, interpretation, and production of meaning" (p. 9). She also cautions that to reject an overly western notion of culture as text does not mean that one should ignote how the Andean highland peoples studied here have become producers of western kinds of texts themselves, incorporating alphabetic literacy and legalistic discourse and symbolism into their lives. These arguments, set out in the introduction, guide the volume's contributors as they examine rituals, various material objects, dialogues, letter-writing among non-literates, and shamanic sessions. Some of these efforts succeed better than others in teasing out how people receive messages, the paths those messages take, how and why their respective interpretations differ or resemble each other, and, finally, how these interpretations may then produce new meanings, misunderstandings, or simply reiterate existing ones. The authors stress the dynamism and flexibility of communication among Quechua peoples living in the Andean highlands. The first section concerns the production of meaning, history, and memory through various media. Harvey shows how Peruvian Independence Day celebrations, while they convey intended meanings, also leave space for alternative interpretations that go against the grain of "hegemonic histories." She argues as well that Shining Path guerrilla members consciously recognized the power of official narratives and therefore expended considerable energy disrupting the festivities. Rappaport's reprinted article traces how the Cumbales and Muellamueses of Colombia produce militant dramas which serve in part to teach young people "how to remember history" rather than what they should recall. She compares these historical narratives to those produced by memoristas, another kind of local historian. The second section examines such material culture as textiles and pebbles that are highly significant communicative forms in the Andes. Allen's "When Pebbles Move Mountains" is extraordinary in its insightful analysis of why hundreds of thousands of Quechua villagers who make the annual pilgrimage to the high glacial sanctuary of Qoyllur Rit'i spend much of their time en route playing with pebbles, creating miniature scenes from their lives, making requests to the ancestors with them, and exchanging them among themselves. She shows that iconic textuality is multifaceted, complex, interactive, and dynamic, and carefully demonstrates the relationship between thought and matter by tracing the use of these pebbles as power objects. The articles by Arnold and Dransart reveal the impressive work of skilled ethnographers but fall short in adequately moving beyond unmediated interpretations or in making distinctions between texts and contexts. Arnold argues against anthropologists who, she claims, do not heed native interpretations and, instead, fall back on western-anchored analyses, over-determined by a vision of Aymara people as "vanquished." Yet she herself falls prey to overdetermined interpretations, linking diverse native explanations to each other in a highly subjective and selective manner. The third section examines how textualization through written discourse takes place. Adelaar and Dedenbach-Salazar Saenz take as their subject the seventeenth-century Huarochiri texts. Adelaar explains how the relatively abrupt transition from orality to incipient literacy is reflected in the texts. …

25 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Taylor as mentioned in this paper proposes a processual ethnographic approach focusing on the interstices or "creative space" between "religious regimes" and the individual and on the differentiation in religious content and experience.
Abstract: Due to the tenacity of disciplinary boundaries in the Irish academy, only a small number of anthropologists seek to integrate past and present in their analyses. The book Occasions of faith: An anthropology of Irish Catholics makes a valuable contribution to such interdisciplinary methodologies, while it examines the religious beliefs and practices of residents in Southwest Donegal. Throughout the book, Taylor masterfully weaves past and present together using data gathered from intensive fieldwork, archives and from what he calls the "physical archive," meaning ruins and natural features of the Donegal landscape which create a spiritual sense of place. Rejecting methodologies that deductively proceed from an a priori definition of religion and its relationship to human social life, Taylor prefers a processual ethnographic approach focusing on the interstices or "creative space" between "religious regimes" and the individual and on the differentiation in religious content and experience. Despite the long tradition of ethnography in Ireland, for fifty years the dominant theoretical paradign was Durkheimian structural functionalism with research narrowly focusing on social life in rural communities. Although a revised conception of culture as process has generated alliances between social science and history elsewhere for several decades, such approaches have only just begun to emerge in Irish studies during the last decade. Taylor is among a handful of scholars grappling with the unique perspective that anthropology brings to the historicity of social and cultural life in Ireland. Each discipline "sees" the evidence differently, thereby posing different questions. Contemporary fieldwork underlies Taylor's approach to the past, leading him to the importance of particular historical texts and to questions exploring connections between these and the contemporary "occasions of faith" analyzed in the book. Taylor points out that although Catholicism is perhaps the most salient feature of Irish culture, it has received slight, simplistic, and reductive treatment from anthropologists. The organizing concept of "occasions" allows him to integrate interdisciplinary material and perspectives and to focus on the connections between religion as power and meaning. Taylor repeatedly highlights human agency in the expressions of Catholicism. He offers such concepts as "interactive play" and "creative space" to identify distinctive forms of religious experience at holy wells, in accounts of drunken priests, at missions, prayer meetings, and pilgrimages to Lough Derg, Knock, Lourdes in France and Medjugorje in Bosnia. Historical ethnographers have emphasized the linkages between particular places and people and larger processes at the world historical level. This requires command of a variety of sources and Taylor's ability to synthesize these is evident in every chapter. For example, his treatment of a nineteenthcentury event, the eviction of an assertive priest by the local Protestant landlord, is contextualized within exploitative relations between the landowning Protestant ascendancy and their poor Catholic tenants. Taylor is not, however, content with political economy as an explanation since the agency of real people can be submerged. He insists that the real question is one of competing discourses - the "genre of the tale" (p. …

19 citations



Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Coutin and Hirsch as mentioned in this paper argue that these namings can make individuals, groups, and practices politically suspect in authorities' eyes, and they argue that the naming of resistance is problematic, not only because they risk reducing the agency of individuals and groups attempting to define their own actions, but also because they address an academic audience, and frequently position ethnographers outside the political contests that they describe.
Abstract: Ethnographic analyses of political dissidence are deeply implicated in the political contests about which ethnographers write. A comparison of the authors' fieldwork among dissidents in Argentina, Kenya, and the United States reveals both the differing dynamics of contests over the political and the complex ways that ethnographers are situated within such contests. In Argentina during the last period of military rule it was dangerous to be defined as political; in Kenya, when multiparty elections were finally authorized, being recognized as political was a prerequisite for legitimacy; and in the United States, where protest is officially legal but unofficially suspect, being defined as political has advantages and disadvantages. We argue that ethnographic writing is inextricable from such contests, and we advocate more explicit attention to how anthropologists negotiate their positions during fieldwork and how they reposition themselves through their writing. [resistance, repression, fieldwork, reflexivity, writing] This article grew out of conversations in which we, Susan Coutin and Susan Hirsch, discovered similarities in our experiences as ethnographers studying political movements and law. While conducting research-Coutin in Argentina and the U.S. and Hirsch in Kenya-we each witnessed or heard about shocking incidents of repression that acquainted us with the terror of overt domination. We realized that we shared the belief that our visibility as researchers and our connections to activists had subjected us to being monitored by those responsible for these incidents. We also worried that our own research and writing could in some way endanger those whose activities we had studied. Reflecting on our own experiences being "named" as dissidents while conducting research made us think more carefully about what it means for ethnographers to label people's actions as resistance, particularly when such namings can make individuals, groups, and practices politically suspect in authorities' eyes. The question of who has the agency, authority, power, and position to designate a practice "resistance" is of critical concern in theorizing resistance and is especially germane to recent debates over the concept of "everyday resistance." Those who developed this concept argued that opposition to domination takes myriad forms and that even actions and organizations that actors do not define as political can implicitly critique the structures of power, such as capitalism and racism, in which they are embedded (see Comaroff 1985; Comaroff and Comaroff 1991; Scott 1985; Thompson 1975). Although we recognize that these analysts intended to give credit to apparently powerless individuals and groups for attempting to transform the conditions of their existence, we argue, based on our experiences conducting research in repressive situations, that ethnographic namings of resistance are problematic. Not only do these namings risk reducing the agency of individuals and groups attempting to define their own actions, but also, in that they address an academic audience, ethnographic namings of resistance frequently position ethnographers outside of the political contests that they describe. We are not arguing that resistance must be conscious and intentional to be named as such (see Hobsbawm 1959; Jenkins 1983), but rather that when ethnographers name actions as "resistance," they engage ideological and political structures and positionings outside the academy, whether they acknowledge these or not. By juxtaposing various namings of resistance by ethnographers, dissidents, and states, we seek to reconnect the politics of fieldwork with those of ethnographic writing. We argue that such a reconnection is critical to creating a more politically attuned and ethically responsible social science. We view naming as a strategic and contested process, one that is simultaneously a calculated response to particular political circumstances and an expression of individuals' and groups' understandings of their own and others' positions and actions. …

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TL;DR: This article examined the politics of minority childhood in Ireland through an analysis of dominant discourses and published biographical and autobiographical accounts, focusing on the official constructions and experiences of Traveller children during the decades preceding the implementation of a state settlement policy in the mid-1960s.
Abstract: This article examines the politics of minority childhood in Ireland through an analysis of dominant discourses and published biographical and autobiographical accounts. The focus is on the official constructions and experiences of Traveller children during the decades preceding the implementation of a state settlement policy in the mid-1960s. Minority childhood is discussed within the context of anti-Traveller racism, the political economy of Irish childhood, and the formulation of a Traveller settlement policy. [childhood, Ireland, Travelling People, racism, discourse] While the scholarly study of children has been dominated by psychological approaches and a developmentalist paradigm, a growing number of scholars from other disciplines such as social history and sociology are contributing to a broader conceptualization of a child and childhood studies. A central premise of the renewed childhood scholarship is the familiar anthropological observation that the categories and social relations of age and generation (like those of gender, class, and "race") are products of culture and society (for example, James and Prout 1990; Jenks 1996). Although anthropology has a long tradition of contributing cross-cultural cases to the literature on child development and socialization, it has tended to neglect the broader contexts of childhood. Recent work has, however, used archival and ethnographic research to document the connections between local constructions and experiences of childhood, and wider national and global political economies (for example, Scheper-Hughes 1992; Nieuwenhuys 1994, 1996; Stephens 1995; Stoler 1995). Jenks (1996) has argued that there has been a sacralization of "the child" in contemporary western society. This sacralization of childhood has made children central to political discourse as politicians have made use of the rhetorical power derived from constructing various social problems as "dangerous" to children (Best 1994: 11). As a number of anthropologists have made clear however, political (and other) claims about the needs, interests, and rights of children frequently rely upon a model of a universal "modem" childhood characterised by domestication, schooling, and a lack of productivity. Such a model obscures the diversity of childhoods both within the west and more globally (Boyden 1990; Stephens 1995; Nieuwenhuys 1996). Stephens has recently pointed out how, for example, in the contemporary American context, notions of the universal child, with pre-established needs and interests, tend to short-circuit more far-reaching political debates about . . . the place of various groups of children-differentiated by class, race, ethnicity, religion, gender, and geographical location (1997: 8). Critical analyses of the rhetorical invocation of childhood, and its relationship to the lived experiences of diverse and unequal childhoods are a key area of research for the renewed anthropology of childhood. This article combines an analysis of political discourse surrounding minority childhood in Ireland with an examination of published texts that allow for a partial reconstruction of minority childhood as lived experience. My focus is on the children of the indigenous minority population of Travelling People (also known in the past as gypsies, tinkers, and itinerants) and covers the decades that preceded the implementation of a state-initiated Traveller settlement program in the mid-1960s.1 I begin with a broad discussion of the history of anti-Traveller racism and childhood in Ireland. Following this, parliamentary debates, press accounts, and government reports are used to show how anti-Traveller rhetoric and practice in these decades relied in part upon the identification of Traveller and non-Traveller childhoods as being in need of "protection" from the state. I suggest that the problematizing of Traveller childhood during this period drew upon and reinforced models of modern childhood while also revealing contradictory aspects of Ireland's move toward a more interventionist welfare state. …

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TL;DR: Pemberton and Afolayan as mentioned in this paper present a detailed account of contemporary ritual life in the town of Ila, southwestern Nigeria, focusing particularly on the annual cycle of rites for ancestors and gods that undergirds the authority of the town's king, known as the Orangun, but also attending to the rites that dramatize the historical autonomy of local sub-groups that have resisted the sovereignty of this king.
Abstract: Yoruba Sacred Kingship: "A Power Like That of the Gods." JOHN PEMBERTON III and FUNSO S. AFQLAYAN. Washington DC: Smithsonian Institution Press, 1996; 252 pp. Yoruba sacred kingship is a vivid and detailed account of contemporary ritual life in the town of Ila, southwestern Nigeria. It focuses particularly on the annual cycle of rites for ancestors and gods (dri,sd) that undergirds the authority of the town's king, known as the Orangun, but it also attends to the rites that dramatize the historical autonomy of local sub-groups that have resisted the sovereignty of this king. In this setting the authors illuminate the interplay of dominant and subaltern histories while examining the role of collective memory and politics in ritual performance generally. Although the town of Ila and its monarch hold an exceptional importance among Yoruba polities, they illustrate principles of government and of historical consciousness that might be recognized in any Yoruba town. Like other Yoruba towns, Ila plays host to multiple and rival narrations of the historical past (itan), of which annual and biennial ritual observances are invoked as proof. Some narrations and the related rituals dramatize the claims of the kingship to central authority, while others dramatize the claims of subject lineages to autonomy or to their distinctive rights as the original rulers of the town. Still other rituals appear to mediate the rival claims of rulers and ruled, and, in service to the greater good, dramatize the chiefs' ultimate acquiescence to the centralizing and ordering power of the king. Yoruba political history and contemporary socio-political order have inspired countless publications since the nineteenth century, and Yoruba art history is now an international growth industry. Beautifully bound and richly illustrated in both color and black-and-white photos, this book reveals anthropologist John Pemberton's lengthy collaboration with the community of Yoruba art historians and his demonstrated skills in the photographic documentation of Yoruba art. Afolayan has brought to the project his extensive experience not only at collecting Yoruba oral literature but also at the far more diffcult task of translating and interpreting it as a source of history. Pemberton and Afolayan together take full advantage of the anthropological literature as well, addressing themselves to "rituals of rebellion," to borrow a phrase from the Manchester School. In numerous rituals the chiefs of non-royal houses ritually defy or express mistrust of the king. The authors explain this defiance as a reflection of past historical conquest and of a now-established balance of power in the characteristically semi-centralized Yoruba kingship (in contrast to the centralized kingships of neighboring Benin and Dahomey, for example). As deftly as it reproduces the successes of these diverse disciplines, Yoruba sacred kinship is exceptional with respect to all of them. Along with J.K. Olupona's Kingship, religion, and rituals in a Nigerian community, this book is truly exceptional in the degree to which it details the conjunction of Yoruba religion and politics in a single town. Like the best of ethnography, it eschews both de-contextualized generalizations and the "ethnographic present." It instead documents the ongoing changes in a local ritual complex that have followed from the growth of Christianity and Islam, from the demands of the Nigerian state, and from named actors' improvised responses to the unforeseen illnesses, absences, preferences, and objections of other named human actors. Pemberton and Afolayan's accomplishment will find an enthusiastic audience in anthropology, art history, and the study of religion, but political scientists concerned with the renaissance of "traditional authorities" amid the perplexing evolution of the African national state would also do well to take note. Though set in one town and carefully attentive to the patterns of politics and religion in a specific African ethnic group, Yoruba sacred kingship also endeavors to illustrate some cross-cultural principles in the relationship among ritual, memory, and politics. …

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TL;DR: In this article, the authors investigate how a discourse (advocating hierarchy, sociopolitical categorization, and standardization) reproduces the rationalizing operations of Japan's politico-economic elite, serving the state by reproducing its ideology through "moral education" at local sites (schools).
Abstract: I investigate how a discourse (advocating hierarchy, sociopolitical categorization, and standardization) reproduces the rationalizing operations of Japan's politico-economic elite, serving the state by reproducing its ideology through "moral education" at local sites (schools). In Japan, state bureaucratic structures try to build a psychology that hierarchizes, categorizes, and formalizes the sociopolitical environment, thereby supporting an economic rationality demanded by economic nationalism. After describing the sociopolitical context of Japan's statist economic-nationalist ideology that drives a bureaucratizing discourse, I analyze a collection of teacher's guidebooks published by the Ministry of Education as my primary target of discourse analysis. I show how the state turns its objectives into subjective truths, or more specifically, how convictions in elite economic interests are reproduced through a discourse that is often explained as "traditional" or somehow "natural" to "being Japanese." [moral education, state, Japan, national identity, ritualization] Introduction: Linking State and Subjectivity A set of conceptual markers has provided intellectual direction for many Japanese and Japanologists alike. Taken together, these markers form a discourse that constructs national-identity. This discourse expresses (1) hierarchy: "vertical society" (tate shakai) and "senior/junior relations" (sempai/kohai); (2) sociopolitical categorization: "groupism," (uchi/soto, inner/outer; ura/omote, back, hidden/front, exposed; and honne/tatemae, true opinion/stated policy); and (3) sociopolitical standardization: "cultural homogeneity," "consensus," and "harmony."1 These concepts, which define and reproduce class, age, gender, and nationality divisions, operate in families, schools, workplaces, and political institutions. Many Japanese regard these notions as comprising an essential Japanese identity that is part of a vague but immutable "tradition," or as rooted in the past: Tokugawa feudalism, Confucianism, an agricultural past, or Japan's history as an "island country."2 These culturalist mythologies and the aforementioned terms pervade accounts of Japanese society and are often employed by elites (and non-elites) to legitimate power arrangements, thereby ignoring existing political and socioeconomic structures that produce them. The result has been an Orientalist account of Japan by non-Japanese, and a self-Orientalizing project by some Japanese of their own society. In this article I describe how the authorities try to reproduce these values (hierarchy, social categorization, and standardization) in schools through a state-sanctioned discourse and ritual practices. I will make my argument by viewing the aforementioned notions as the conceptual footmen of Japan's economic nationalism (and not as culturalist mythologies). To do this, I first provide the sociopolitical context by describing the statist economic-nationalist ideology that drives a bureaucratizing discourse emanating from Japan's Ministry of Education (Monbusho). This discourse reflects the rationalizing operations of Japan's politico-economic elite, serving the state by reproducing ideology via socialization at local sites (schools).3 Then, using a collection of teacher guidebooks published by the Monbusho as my primary target of analysis, I show how the state turns its objectives into subjective truths by rituals.4 I show, that is, how convictions in elite economic interests are reproduced through a discourse that is often disguised as "traditional" or somehow "natural" to "being Japanese." In Japan, state bureaucratic structures try to build a psychology that hierarchizes, categorizes, and formalizes the sociopolitical environment, thereby supporting a belief in the rationality and efficiency demanded by economic nationalism. Bureaucratizing subjectivity for nation-statist goals is certainly not unique to Japan and is found in many places to varying degrees, but the point of this article is to describe how it is accomplished in Japan. …

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TL;DR: In this paper, the authors argue that by making the process of fieldwork more participatory, we make the product more policy oriented, and suggest use of visual instruments at three different stages of field work (conversations around photos, artifacts, and opinion books) involving informants and general publics.
Abstract: Anthropologists speak of ethnography as both product and process of fieldwork yet have tended to be overly concerned about the product In this article I argue that by making the process of fieldwork more participatory, we make the product more policy oriented The case presented here suggests that visual methods can be valuable in the process of validating anthropological interpretations with study populations and of submitting ethnographic renditions to general publics. Visual methods help study populations to project their views and engage them in dialogue that validates fieldwork while helping them to construct their own and joint visions of "self" and "other." I suggest use of visual instruments at three different stages of fieldwork (conversations around photos, artifacts, and opinion books) involving informants and general publics. Using dialogues on, with, and about the study population produced a multifaceted, richer, and more reflective construction of "the other. " Interview instruments that engage the other in their own constructions of otherness are particularly useful in ethnographic research on multicultural and socially stratified contemporary urban societies. [ethnographic research, visual interview instruments, participatory fieldwork elderly, Hispanic] The Social Construction of Poverty The urban poor have received a great deal of attention, whether defined as marginal, a reserve labor force, suffering from a culture of poverty or, most recently, as an underclass. Focusing on the differences between "us" and "them," academic analysts have made basic assumptions about society which are then passed on to policy makers. Looking at "them," analysts and policy makers continue to debate whether poverty is caused by deficient integration within the stratification system or by intrinsic characteristics that can be measured to add up to dysfunctional units (such as in culture of poverty traits or in underclass indicators). We agonize over establishing differences, in identifying borders, in isolating brokers in academic circles, and providing information on differences to program planners. This article focuses on similarities to discover the common features, the other within the other within the other, in order to view New York as urban space containing stratified enclaves. To do that, we need to include in academic assumptions about society the assumptions that the "other" hold about themselves and us. Rather than using poverty as an explanatory construct or as a worldview, which are unidirectional analysts' constructions, I suggest problematizing the social construction of poverty to understand articulation between and within social classes. Instead of using poverty as an epithet or as a view of the poor from the mainstream (which, whether we use this term or not, we continue to think about), I am focusing on the poor's view of their own life circumstances in the context of structural inequity. The people I studied - the "other" - embodied various representations: on a first representation they were Hispanics, as defined on the basis of census categorizations by the National Institute on Aging, which funded my project. On a second representation, they were located in a real place and had a story to tell, that of migration. On a third representation, they were depicted in photos of a space-place constructed by me. A fourth representation was their feedback on my representation of them through our conversations; and a fifth was the exhibit that I curated in collaboration with museum staff. This exhibit in turn elicited a variety of representations in the responses of the audience. What follows is a critical reflection on the process that uncovered these representations. Ethnographic Fieldwork: Product and Process A central concern of contemporary ethnography of the "other" in the United States (Clifford and Marcus 1986; Van Maanen 1988) has been the product. Reflection on process has focused on understanding the interviewer's role in the production of social knowledge of the other, and on distinguishing between the anthropological self and the anthropologized other (Cohen 1992) both in the product and in the conduct of a fieldwork study (for recent examples, see Anderson 1995; Raybeck 1996). …

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TL;DR: The moral use of money in the late nineteenth and early twentieth century is considered by examining a sample of thirteen American entrepreneurs as mentioned in this paper, who gave away accumulated wealth, while other men of wealth remained committed to personal accumulation.
Abstract: The moral use of money in the late nineteenth and early twentieth century is considered by examining a sample of thirteen American entrepreneurs. Bourdieu's concepts of economic and symbolic capital, as well as Appadurai's ideas about linking desire and sacrifice through exchange are used to show how some entrepreneurs redistributed their wealth through philanthropy. Other men of wealth remained committed to personal accumulation. The concept of habitus is shown to be limited in explaining the differences in the moral distribution of wealth. [philanthropy, wealth distribution, money and morality, historic capitalism, economic altruism] In this article I examine motivations for the philanthropic use of money, as opposed to the purely market oriented accumulation of wealth. I ask questions about the social forces and cultural processes that surrounded nineteenth and twentieth-century American entrepreneurs who gave away accumulated wealth, while other entrepreneurs ignored giving. Both groups were concerned with capital accumulation, but the philanthropic conceived of money as having moral potential, while the non-philanthropic entrepreneurs thought of money only in terms of rational gain and loss. Though considered irrational in terms of market forces, giving money away in the late nineteenth and early twentieth-century America could also be conceived, as I show, as supportive of the moral order.

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TL;DR: In this article, the authors present an ethnographic description of the murgas of Carnival 1993 in El Puerto de Santa Maria (Andalucia) and argue that the contemporary murga, and hence contemporary carnival itself, has been the result of the intense convergence of festival energies on the indoor contests held in nearby Cadiz during the general prohibition of the festival by Franco.
Abstract: Wandering groups of costumed minstrels who sing bawdy and biting songs about local events have long been the centerpiece of carnival in Andalucia. These groups are called murgas. In this article I offer an ethnographic description of the murgas of Carnival 1993 in El Puerto de Santa Maria (Andalucia) and argue that the contemporary murga, and hence contemporary carnival itself, has been the result of the intense convergence of festival energies on the indoor contests held in nearby Cadiz during the general prohibition of the festival by Franco. Contemporary carnival exhibits a rich continuum of murga formats, some finding a home in the theater, some in the streets. Nevertheless, the function of the murga remains the enactment of social and political commentary by the lower socioeconomic classes of society. However, the nature of that commentary is affected by the institution of contests in El Puerto and throughout the region. This "regionalization" of carnival may both reflect and contribute to political consciousness of Andalusian identity. [Andalucia, Spain, carnival, ritual, politics] For weeks before the arrival of Carnival those who had talents of that order spent their evenings composing these songs, and into them put all the scurrilous events of the year. Things which had been kept dark for many months came out in a couplet in Carnival sung hilariously by the masked figures as they danced down the street (Pitt-Rivers 1954: 176-177). Julian Pitt-River's description of the carnival group called a murga was made from town people's memory. At the time of his fieldwork in Grazalema in the early 1950s, carnival had already been suspended for nearly twenty years. But neither the murga nor the carnivals in which it figured have died out. This article explores the fortunes of the murga in the town of El Puerto de Santa Maria and offers a description of its current state in El Puerto's carnival of 1993. Carnival disappeared in the town of El Puerto, as in Andalucia generally, after 1936 but re-emerged in nearby Cadiz in 1954 as a "festival of folklore" whose major event was an indoor contest of murgas. Like other surrounding municipalities, El Puerto sent its own murgas to the contest.1 As a result, when carnival was re-instituted in El Puerto after Franco's death, the murga had developed into a highlydefined, rule-governed, competition-oriented form which focused more on regional and national than purely local themes. However, the reorganization of El Puerto's own carnival and official contest in 1983 has also witnessed the re-emergence of the original street murga (described by Pitt-Rivers above) common to the carnivals prior to the Civil War. Both of these murga forms, the contest-oriented and the street forms, are the successors to their pre-Civil War forms as the political and social voice of the lower class, though in the case of the contest murgas, that criticism is written for a wider audience than before. The perspective I take in this article on the murga's development from pre-Civil War years through a period of "incubation" during Franco's government and into the present era of multiple regional contests relies critically on the circumstances of El Puerto. From these data, I argue that the contemporary murga diversifies along a continuum of formal to informal, theatrical to street forms, which function as a range of outlets for the social and political criticism of the less powerful classes of society. This interpretation differs from Mintz's recent ethnography (1997) of carnival in the city of Cadiz in which he reads not a diversification of the murga along a continuum but a bifurcation of the festival into a carnival of the official contest and a People's Carnival in the streets. Carnival in El Puerto does not suggest this duality but rather a plurality of equally vital forms for different niches. El Puerto de Santa Maria is located along the Guadalete River where it opens onto the Bay of Cadiz. …

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TL;DR: In this paper, the authors focus on the centrality of texts, not as theoretical models, but as critical sources of data and as strategic sites of negotiation between the ethnographer and her consultants-French chocolatiers.
Abstract: As anthropology's focus has become increasingly urban, cosmopolitan, and Western, conventional understandings of ethnographic authority, access, and power relations are contested and problematized in new, more complex ways. This essay closely examines the politics of research and the process of ethnographic fieldwork. It focuses on the centrality of texts, not as theoretical models, but as critical sources of data and as strategic sites of negotiation between the ethnographer and her consultants-French chocolatiers. Texts are integral to a complex politics of identity which engage chocolatiers directly with representatives and structures of power. Chocolatiers supply scholarly, popular, and administrative texts to the ethnographer. They also solicit and selectively appropriate portions of her ethnography as a device to affirm their collective identity and to validate their strategic goals. [France, fieldwork, power, craft, identity] Introduction In 1996, five years after my fieldwork among French artisanal chocolatiers in Paris and southwest France had ostensibly ended, an unsettling event occurred. I received a package from Guy Mourier, a friend and consultant from southwest France. He enclosed a copy of the March 1996 issue of the journal (La Confiserie1) published in Paris by the chocolatiers' professional organization. He drew my attention to a feature article on his business of which he was justifiably proud and then added, rather mysteriously, that there was another article in the same issue sure to interest me. As I studied the journal table of contents and found my name listed, I began to feel quite uneasy. I had conducted fieldwork among French chocolatiers during a period (1989 and 1990-91) which posed diverse challenges for them in the form of intrusive European Community (EC) regulation and intensified international competition. Fearing the loss of both craft identity and market share, chocolatiers had sought to authenticate and institutionalize a unique French art of chocolate production. This had involved them in difficult, ongoing negotiations with bureaucratic officials in Paris and Brussels on critical issues ranging from training and certification to new norms of production and labeling. It had also engaged them in a new politics of identity and representation aimed not only at state and EC officials but also at members of their own craft community, a changing clientele, and the ethnographer. The analysis, production, and dissemination of numerous written and visual texts were and remain central to their efforts. In that context French chocolatiers, both national craft leaders and local artisanal practitioners, not only read but also produced texts, often in collaboration with cultural taste makers (such as food critics, restaurateurs, journalists, and intellectuals) and state officials. From my earliest contact with chocolatiers in 1989, they had not only welcomed my interest in their craft by opening their businesses and archives to me but had also offered to publish my research. Between 1991 when I left France and 1993 when I defended the dissertation based on that fieldwork research, I had received periodic inquiries about the status of my writing from both national craft leaders in Paris and local chocolatiers in Southwest France. Had I finished my dissertation? When would it be published? Could they have a French version of it? When it was finally finished in 1993, I had written to the journal editor of La Confiserie explaining the problems posed by the translation of a 400 page document and offered instead to provide a copy in English. A year later, in August 1994, both he and the vice president of the chocolatiers' professional organization separately sent urgent requests for a copy of my thesis-in English. They wanted to present it at a special plenary session of their craft congress to which several well-placed French politicians and European technocrats had been invited. …

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TL;DR: In this paper, the authors argue that indigenous beliefs in magical literacy partly derive from actual experiences with writing; that is, in addition to symbolizing and critically commenting on dominant power, these beliefs are literally about literacy.
Abstract: Contributing to previous studies of literacy, witchcraft, and domination, this article argues that indigenous beliefs in magical literacy partly derive from actual experiences with writing; that is, in addition to symbolizing and critically commenting on dominant power, these beliefs are literally about literacy. Such a focus on actual experience with writing provides a fuller picture of indigenous reactions to literacy and power, particularly state and church power. The ethnographic focus is an Andean indigenous group's beliefs in witchcraft done through a book of names; the author also describes his own experience in finding his name in the witch's book. [literacy, witchcraft, domination, Salasaca, Ecuador] Since the period of European exploration to the present, and in every major area of the world, indigenous peoples have been reported to equate Western alphabetic writing with "magical" power, comparing writing to indigenous shamanism, witchcraft, and ritual methods for contacting supernatural spirits and foretelling the future. Such reports come from sources as diverse as Christopher Columbus and Thomas Harriot in the New World, nineteenthcentury missionaries in Africa and Australia, and contemporary anthropologists working in South America and Melanesia.' In scholarly accounts the following explanations for these sorts of beliefs in magical literacy have been offered: 1) writing is an incomprehensible novelty; 2) writing is related to indigenous beliefs; and 3) writing symbolizes social groups and their power. What follows is a review of these previous accounts, with suggestions about how they might be improved. The article then focuses ethnographically on a specific case of magical literacy in Ecuador, where I encountered witchcraft based on a written book of names. By correlating this witchcraft with an indigenous group's specific experiences with archival literacy, the article contributes to understanding of magical literacy. A secondary advantage to the case I examine is that it involves a personal encounter with witchcraft (finding my own name in the witch's book); due to its obviously secretive nature, witchcraft has rarely been reported in depth in the Andean ethnographic literature

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TL;DR: Foster et al. as discussed by the authors propose a general model for the process by which local theoretical traditions take on a gloss that renders them of wider interest, and suggest that regional ethnographic traditions sometimes simply get lucky The concerns of the discipline at large (often determined by things going on at home) play off of conspicuous features of local societies and then those societies come to serve as privileged cases for testing the theories that grow up around those concerns.
Abstract: Social Reproduction and History in Melanesia: Mortuary Ritual, Gift Exchange, and Custom in the Tanga Islands ROBERT FOSTER Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995; xxii + 288 pp Nation Making: Emergent Identities in Postcolonial Melanesia ROBERT FOSTER, ed Ann Arbor The University of Michigan Press, 1995; vi + 280 pp Children of the Blood: Society, Reproduction and Cosmology in New Guinea BERNARD JUILLERAT Trans by Nora Scott Oxford: Berg Publishers, 1996; xxx + 601 pp The State and Its Enemies in Papua New Guinea ALEXANDER WANEK Cornwall: Curzon Press and The Nordic Institute of Asian Studies, 1996; xv + 332 pp It is by now commonplace to remark that theoretical positions within anthropology are often tied to specific ethnographic regions (Appadurai 1986, 1988; Fardon 1990) Less often considered is the question of what conditions must obtain in order for the theory attached to a particular region to appear important to those working elsewhere Why do local traditions of anthropological work sometimes seem widely applicable? Why did African lineages become the model of social structure, for example, or South and Southeast Asia the places where so much of the initial theorization of issues of colonial domination and resistance was set? I will not propose here a general model for the process by which local theoretical traditions take on a gloss that renders them of wider interest I suspect that regional ethnographic traditions sometimes simply get lucky The concerns of the discipline at large (often determined by things going on at home) play off of conspicuous features of local societies and then those societies come to serve as privileged cases for testing the theories that grow up around those concerns Melanesian ethnography has often benefited from this sort of benign bestowal of interest Initially, this was so because it dealt with small, late-contacted societies of the kind that anthropologists used to treasure as living laboratories or simply as places in which to document the diversity of human arrangements Then, when symbolism was a matter of foremost concern, the elaborate ritual life and mythical traditions of the region kept it in the forefront of the discipline Finally, and most recently, in the 1970s and 1980s, when much anthropological interest was directed at questions of gender, the salience of gender distinctions for Melanesians gave their ethnographers the resources with which to play an important role in the ensuing debates Despite this history of centrality, however, during the 1990s the discipline has not reached out to Melanesianist work as it once did (Knauft nd; cf M Strathern 1990) This is because the concerns of anthropologists have recently turned from documenting and interpreting differences between cultures to exploring how differences within and between cultures are concatenated and managed through practices that are broadly political in character This shift in anthropological thinking, really quite epochal when cast in the perhaps exaggerated terms I use above, has left Melanesian anthropology somewhat out in the cold To begin with, Melanesians have never gone in for creating stable identities for themselves-arguably, they do not think in terms of them This is a theme that runs through Melanesianist anthropology all the way from the somewhat misconceived but nonetheless telling "loose structure debates" of the 1960s up through M Strathern's The gender of the gift (1988) Engaged with the topic of gender, that book was the last Melanesianist work to succeed in gaining attention as a piece of "general" anthropology But it was also widely held to be extraordinarily difficult This is at least in part because it raises fundamental questions about the notions of identity that underlie so much of the contemporary anthropology of the creation and management of difference Strathern's critique of the fit between Western notions of identity and the models of power and domination they underwrite, on the one hand, and Melanesian ideas, on the other, is widely considered important in Melanesianist circles …

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TL;DR: In this article, Reed-Danahay explores the role of power and social/cultural reproduction in the school, as well as how local and national cultures interact within the French institutional framework, and challenges the view taken by Bourdieu and others that schooling reproduces dominant culture and social inequality by forcing members of subordinate groups to "buy into" (or at least "misrecognize") dominant ideologies promulgated in the schools.
Abstract: Education and Identity in Rural France: The Politics of Schooling. DEBORAH REEDDANAHAY. Cambridge University Press, 1996; 237 pp. This book documents the ethnographic and ethnohistorical fieldwork Reed-Danahay conducted in a small village ("Lavialle") in the Auvergne region of France during the early 1908s. It will be of considerable interest to all those interested in issues of power and social/cultural reproduction in the school, as well as to those specifically interested in how local and national cultures interact within the French institutional framework. Reed-Danahay challenges the view taken by Bourdieu (and others) that schooling reproduces dominant culture and social inequality by forcing members of subordinate groups to "buy into" (or at least "misrecognize") dominant ideologies promulgated in the school. She also uses ethnographic data to undermine a common assumption in the literature about French education, namely, that its centralization and uniformity has led to cultural homogeneity, turning "peasants into Frenchmen" across the country. Her work in Lavialle emphasizes the important point that local cultures in the context of the modem nation-state do not lose their originality; they become "modem" and "national" in uniquely local ways (see Rogers 1991, Shaping modern times in rural France). These local ways of being French include both strategies of resistance and strategies of accommodation to dominant models of citizenship and cultural membership embedded in the national curriculum. Because of the theoretical frameworks that Reed-Danahay was working within (and ultimately against), she chose a field site that was geographically and culturally "removed" from the "center." Ironically, of course, her work calls into question the very existence of a unified "center." It also shows that one could just as easily look for non-dominant cultures in a Paris suburb as in an Auvergnat village. Chapters 3 through 5 describe Laviallois cultural norms and values as they reflected in everyday life and, in particular, in social rituals and socialization practices. She shows how children are socialized to be loyal to the region and to regional culture, with its emphasis on the kin group, social reciprocity, modesty, and the ability to "se debrouiller" (make do/make out). Since Auvergnats define their identity in contrast to a sophisticated (imagined?) French "center," this means that being a loyal Auvergat means "resisting" dominant culture. This resistance is not overt. Neither does it necessarily involve a full rejection of French identity and values. For example, local ideas about childhood and such issues as discipline and table manners contrast with bourgeois cultural values that are promoted in school, and people talk about this contrast. While adults do not encourage children to rebel at school, and may even praise some school-learned behaviors (saying "please," for example), they model a kind of passive compliance that never really calls into question local values and modes of behavior. And, one such value ("debrouillardise") endorses defending self and community against the "outside" rules and ideologies. Dinner table conversation in which parents criticize teachers shows children that teachers do not have unquestioned authority in the village. Schooling experiences are never talked about in the same positive light as farming, even as people acknowledge that farming can be "dur" (hard). And while the child's passage through the educational process is followed with interest, the major public coming of age rituals do not revolve around the school. In fact, family emphasis on preparation for the first communion conflicts with teachers' beliefs that children should not be distracted from the task of adjusting to middle school. Chapters 6 and 7 trace the history of schooling in the Laviallois region. Reed-Danahay makes the "important distinction to be made between valuing literacy skills and valuing the school as an institution" (p. …

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TL;DR: Arbelust as mentioned in this paper argues that the proliferation of vulgar art is one facet of Egyptian postmodernity, a mass culture phenomenon which, like Egyptian modernity, cannot be understood by simple analogy to what these (very loaded) terms mean in the metropole.
Abstract: Mass Culture and Modernism in Egypt. WALTER ARMBRUST. New York: Cambridge University Press, 1996; 275 pp. (paper). The creativity and intellectual sharpness of Armbrust's book will come as a relief to readers who had begun to suspect that "popular culture" and "thin ethnography" were made for each other. Armbrust's ethnography, conducted in middle-class Cairo, is as rich as any work based in Egypt's Bedouin camps and peasant villages. Moreover, this richness is achieved through an analysis of films, magazines, cassette tapes, posters, and newspapers: mass mediated artifacts designed to circulate widely and reinforce imagined (and necessarily composite) national identities. To lend situational nuance to his analysis, Armbrust develops an ethnographic style which, in his own words, "is more like what Orientalists do with medieval texts-relating them to each other, comparing them with other textual traditions, juxtaposing them, classifying them-than like the anthropologist's fantasy of spending a year with `informants,' `picking up the language in the field,' and relying on 'theory' to do the rest" (p. 6). Armbrust's method will prove radically unfashionable in some quarters, but the emphasis he places on systematizing mass market texts is effective. It makes sense of Egyptian popular culture in much the way a good grammar makes sense of a language. Armbrust is careful, however, to avoid a purely external system of classification. Instead, he explores the well-wom notion of isnad, or "authenticating genealogy," which underlies modernist discourse in Egypt. The modern is rendered authentically Egyptian, Armbrust argues, by linking it to the classical Islamic heritage and the Arabic language. Unlike the forms of modernity (once) prevalent in the metropolitan West, those prevalent in Egypt do not insist on a clean break with the past. In Armbrust's view, they cannot. For most of this century Egypt's popular (and largely state-controlled) media have cultivated a modern Egyptian identity by churning out films, music, and literature in which elements defined as traditional and authentic are placed in a "happy balance" with elements portrayed as modern and Occidental. For this representational maneuver to succeed, the links between the modem and the authentic must be drawn with obvious care. Armbrust discusses how this is done in soap operas such as The White Flag, in the musical innovations of Abd al-Wahhab, and even in the work habits of the editorial staff of al-Ahram Weekly. Yet this synthetic formula is no longer as convincing as it used to be. Since the 1970s works described as "vulgar" have become increasingly popular in Egypt. Armbrust files the oeuvre of pop singer Adawiya and the films of comedian Adil Imam under the heading of "vulgar art." They belong in this niche because they make no attempt to strike a happy balance between heritage and modernity. In vulgar art the traditional protagonist is not ennobled by his encounter with "enlightened progress." Modernity is cast as an illusion, and modern institutions-public schools, the state, and professional associations-are portrayed as failures. Armbrust suggests that the proliferation of vulgar art is one facet of Egyptian postmodernity, a mass culture phenomenon which, like Egyptian modernity, cannot be understood by simple analogy to what these (very loaded) terms mean in the metropole. …

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TL;DR: A second reading of Miller's work as mentioned in this paper reveals how those projects generate social and cultural contradictions among and between producers, and how these projects generate a kind of hyperreal idealized world of consumption.
Abstract: Capis An Edaphic Approadi. DANIEL MILLER New York: Be% 1997; x + 357 pp. On a first reading Capitalism appears scattered and confusing; on a second reading it is significant and provocative. The first reading stems from Capitalism's seemingly erratic jumps from one social context to another and from one agent's perspective to another's in its descriptions of commodity production in Trinidad, Capitalism's ethnographic site. A second reading clarifies Miller's major proposition: commodities are produced not only as objects with market value by manufacturers, but also as "projects of value," Miller's key concept, by brand owners, advertising executives (Capitalism's research foci, heretofore neglected by anthropologists), and even consumers. That reading also reveals how those projects generate social and cultural contradictions among and between such producers. For example, Trinidadian sweet drink manufacturers seek market share and profit through creating local and transnational brand name reputations, as well as through advertising agents' ads and promotions. Yet, brand names and products are also projects of value. Solo company's sweet drinks wear the oldest, indigenous brand name. Its brand, therefore, represents authentic Trinidadian nationalism; loyalty to the brand is loyalty to Trinidadian identity. But in other contexts Trinidadians identify as global consumers of higher quality foreign drinks. Coke, therefore, lends its reputation for quality to its local franchiser, Cannings. Local company executives face the problems of positioning the company in the market and of positioning themselves within larger global conglomerates. They represent themselves to conglomerates as having local expertise necessary to reinterpret or replace homogenized, global marketing campaigns by locally relevant, but for conglomerates more expensive, ones despite suspected lesser effectiveness. Conglomerates often accede so as to increase the local office's importance and because consumer reaction is unpredictable. "Profitability" of a local branch's "nationalism," therefore, structurally contradicts that of its conglomerate's "globalism." Profitability is not the only "value" at issue; material culture's logic cannot be reduced to market culture's commodities. Rather, commodities are complex symbolic formations (p. 4) produced and reproduced by multiple agents in a dynamic history of production, distribution, and consumption. Advertising agents create ads using their own models of consumer preferences as well as current aesthetic and professional models. The result is a genre of "capitalist realism . . . a kind of hyperreal idealized world of consumption" (p. 191). It has its own self-referential standards and expectations about which Trinidadians are highly sophisticated, because for them the world of ads is similar to the world of cinema elsewhere. Consumers also have their own categories and discourses: red drinks stand for East Indians and black drinks for Africans. Yet, consumers in each ethnic group tend to drink and identify with a drink's other qualities in the opposed category, for example, Indians consume Coke, a black drink, because of its modernity. Commodities such as drinks become, therefore, objectifications, out of commerce's control, for projects of value whereby each group appropriates imaginary aspects of the other's identity. Surprisingly, advertising executives tend to ignore consumers' categories for their own. Reactive fear of competitors, networks of social peers, and unpredictability of consumer reaction, more than profitability, motivate them. Miller concludes that "cultures" of consumption and production can operate separately, because assigning blame for advertising campaign failures is difficult. …

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TL;DR: Pournournakis and Sermetakis as discussed by the authors explored the relationship between the rural and the urban in the Dodecanese island of Kalymnos and found that rural villagers who have rejected superstition as part of their quest for modernity have once again fallen behind their urban cousins who have now embraced astrology, tarot readings, and other revamped signs of the West.
Abstract: The Last Word: Women, Death and Divination in Inner Mani. NADIA SEREMETAKIS. Chicago IL University of Chicago Press. 1991, xi + 275 pp. Fragments of Death, Fables of Identity: An Athenian Anthropography. NENI PANOURGIA. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press. 1995, xxiv + 242 pp. Tradition and Modernity in the Mediterranean: The Wedding as Symbolic Struggle. VASSOS ARGYROU. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 1996, x + 210 pp. Since its beginning the ethnography of Greece has struggled with the relationship between the rural and the urban. In a country that has suffered extreme rural depopulation since the time of its brutal civil war (1945-49), which was largely fought in these villages, anthropological concern with rural communities has seemed to some particularly misplaced. Yet as a recent documentary on Greece points out, rural depopulation is somewhat of a facade, as many nouveau and even long-time urbanites continue to register for voting purposes in their "home villages" and return for festive occasions (Triffit 1993). When you ask a Greek "where are you from?" the response "Athens" will only elicit the further question "but where is your village?" Even the first studies of Greece carried out in the late 1950s and early 1960s recognized some of these tensions. Campbell's (1964) study of Sarakatsani transhumant shepherds focussed in large part on the patronage networks that connected them to the centers of power. Friedl's (1964) model of "lagging emulation" got anthropological thinking going on the processes by which rural villagers were made to feel "backward" by their urban cousins, and thus were willing to sell off their land to buy apartments in Athens as dowries to attract high-status urban grooms. The lagging emulation thesis was picked up by Stewart (1991). He updated Zeno's paradox in showing how rural villagers who have rejected superstition as part of their quest for modernity have once again fallen behind their urban cousins who have now embraced astrology, tarot readings, and other revamped signs of the West. Others, such as Herzfeld (1987), argued for the centrality of the rural in modern Greek national ideology, and thus showed how economically marginalized Greek villagers have tried to use this national discourse to claim political and ideological power as representatives of "true Greek virtues." More pragmatically, Buck-Sutton (1988), foreshadowing transnationalist discourse, posed the question "what is a village in a nation of migrants?" examining how village identity is reconstituted by urban-based migrant associations. And Hirschon (1989) challenged the distinction between rural and urban identities in her work on the role of religion and ritual in a community of Asia Minor refugees in urban Piraeus. My own field research on the Dodecanese island of Kalymnos also touched on issues of the rural and the urban. I first came to Kalymnos in 1980 on a study-abroad program for American students. Kalymnos had been chosen by the director of the program in part because he believed that it still retained many of the traditional aspects of Greek life that had been lost in Athens and other regions overrun by tourism. But if my early experience of Kalymnos was as a repository of tradition, I also was attracted to the cosmopolitan outlook of Kalymnians. This perhaps reflected the fact that Kalymnos's rocky environment never supported much agriculture, and thus Kalymnos has long been primarily oriented toward seafaring: from the legendary sponge divers to fishermen and sailors. My own research, however, was shaped by my attraction to the Geertzian "experience-near" approach as well as a Foucauldian concept of discursive practices. This led to a focus not on how Kalymnos was a repository of traditional Greek lifeways, but rather on how Kalymnians used the categories "tradition," "custom," and "history" in negotiating their identity in relation to a number of key "others": from neighboring islanders living off the fat of the tourist boom, to corrupt Athenians, "modern" Western Europeans and "innocent" Americans (Sutton 1998). …

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TL;DR: The importance of a model of procreation for a comprehensive understanding of gender classification systems, "manhood" and "womanhood" analyzed as ideal types, as well as definitions of marriage, bachelorhood, spinsterhood, and the family is highlighted in this article.
Abstract: Based upon ethnographic accounts of European rural communities and my own fieldwork in the south of Spain, this article underscores the importance of a model of procreation for a comprehensive understanding of gender classification systems, "manhood" and "womanhood" analyzed as ideal types, as well as definitions of marriage, bachelorhood, spinsterhood, and the family [Europe, model of procreation, gender, marriage, family] Inroduction My aim is to explore the implications of the concept of procreation for gender, marriage and the family in the ethnographic context of several rural societies, primarily in southern Europe1 I will argue that unless explicit reference is made to procreation as a cultural domain and a core concept which shapes a range of other related issues such as gender classification systems and notions of manhood and womanhood, research on these issues will not advance Thinking of procreation as a cultural domain rather than as a universal, biological one compels us to be conscious of the importance of particular models of procreation Delaney (1991) has made an outstanding contribution to the knowledge of a particular model called monogenetic, according to the villagers' understanding of the man's and woman's roles, respectively, in procreation through the basic metaphors: the seed and the soil/field Although my approach owes a great deal to Delaney's, some basic differences should be taken into account While her book was the outcome of fieldwork in a Turkish village, my article consists of an analysis and revision of the ethnographic literature mostly published before Delaney's book She portrayed a particular model of procreation, whereas I aim to show that by using the concept of procreation, more of the connections between sometimes seemingly unrelated issues about gender and other aspects become clear, and their cultural logic better understood During the early 1970s through the 1980s deep social changes have affected southern European societies, and local and national ideas about procreation, gender, marriage, bachelorhood, and spinsterhood are thus more open to question than in the past My aim is less to outline the contours of these broader changes than to demonstrate that by ignoring the concept of procreation and privileging the realm of sexuality, the ethnographic texts considered here have been unable to provide an adequate interpretation of many crucial aspects of gender classification systems, marriage, and the family in European rural societies To support my argument, I begin by outlining my own conceptualization of the relationships between procreation and gender I then turn to a critical rereading of the existing ethnographic literature and make apparent a cultural logic of procreation that, while embedded in this literature, was never made explicit Procreation and Gender: Manhood What defines a man,2 not in opposition to the animal realm, but in relation to other human beings in European rural societies?3 In many of the contexts to which I shall refer, a person becomes a man when he is married and fulfills his social role in the creation and continuation of life It is his procreative capacity, and not just his affinal status, that defines a man and marks him in relation to other human beings To understand this position, one cannot imagine marriage merely as a phase within the life cycle, nor solely as a formal, ceremonial occasion Being married is not merely a provisional phase, but a permanent and basic element of the definition of being a man, which involves his procreative capacity and is consolidated through the actual act of procreation The following equivalence takes place: getting married is equivalent to procreating, and procreating is equivalent to getting married The notions of marriage, procreation, and what it means to be a man are interdependent The definition of being a man is based on something fundamental: the creation of life and also the assumption of responsibility for contributing to the maintenance of this life …