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Showing papers in "British Journal of Sociology in 1966"



Journal ArticleDOI

977 citations




Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The lectures collected in this paper examine the manner in which various British anthropologists have attempted to understand and account for the religious beliefs of primitive peoples, and examine the way in which they have examined and explained these beliefs.
Abstract: The lectures collected herein examine the manner in which various British anthropologists have attempted to understand and account for the religious beliefs of primitive peoples.

319 citations







Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Downes as mentioned in this paper found no evidence in secondary sources for the existence of a delinquent subculture in this country, although adult subcultures have been documented in the US. But they did not find any evidence of a criminal subculture here.
Abstract: The concept of the 'subculture' has undergone considerable development in sociology, and has emerged as a separate field of study. It has proved useful as a tool with which to describe aspects of adult and juvenile deviance in America. Although adult subcultures have been documented in this country, Downes finds no evidence in secondary sources for the existence of a delinquent subculture here. Writing on delinquent subcultures has followed a discrete














Book ChapterDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors lay bare some of the micro-sociological mechanisms within one school and dwells primarily on processes of differentiation and sub-culture formation, focusing on the selection for entry and the performance in secondary schools of pupils with various social and psychological characteristics.
Abstract: A great deal is now known about the macro-sociology of secondary education in Britain. Recent studies (for example, Floud et al., 1957; Douglas, 1964) focusing on selection for entry and on the performance in secondary schools of pupils with various social and psychological characteristics, have sketched in the major dimensions of the problem. This paper, on the other hand… is an attempt to lay bare some of the micro-sociological mechanisms within one school and dwells primarily on processes of differentiation and sub-culture formation. It must therefore be seen against the background of well-established findings in the field.


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: A study of attitudes towards foremen, managers, workers, doctors, patients or God himself, must be presumed to enable one to predict or explain the conduct of men in their dealings with fore men, workers and patients.
Abstract: The term 'attitude', both in colloquial as well as in scientific usage, refers to the dispositions of men to view things in certain ways and to act accordingly. Attitudes are complexes of ideas and sentiments. In reality, some of the elements which are contained, or are thought to be contained in attitudes, are also those which are contained in motives; but, analytically, attitudes and motives are different. When an observer imputes a motive to someone, he asserts the existence of a conscious or unconscious goal to be realized, even when its realization fails; when one imputes an attitude one refers only to that dispositional state of a person which is regularly directed towards particular categories of persons or objects, regardless of the particular goals which he may pursue. In many situations, particularly structured social situations, the same sets of motives and attitudes are regularly mobilized together. In everyday life one infers attitudes from ordinary conduct, not from specially designed enquiries. One usually uses an attitudinal concept to cover a complex of acts and expressions, both verbal and non-verbal. From a parent's punitive reaction to a range of misdemeanours on the part of his child, from facial expressions, and scolding manner and content of speech, one infers the attitude of authoritarianism or, in layman's terms, of 'strictness'. From the reaction of an employer to the demands of his employees and from other expressions which one can observe, one infers an attitude of contempt, or consideration, superiority or relative equality. To refer to such attitudes is to impute to someone a stable disposition; and such imputation may have the role of providing a short-hand label for a complex of interrelated acts and expressions; or, it may have the additional role of providing an hypothesis for the explanation or prediction of conduct. Sociologists, one assumes, are never interested in attitudes as a final object of enquiry but always as part of an ultimate aim of studying the structure of social conduct; for them, an enquiry into attitudes must be justified by the assumptions that attitudes are predictive of conduct. A study of attitudes towards foremen, managers, workers, doctors, patients or God himself, must be presumed to enable one to predict or explain the conduct of men in their dealings with foremen, workers,


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: A good deal of work has been done both in elaborating the theory and in trying to test it out as mentioned in this paper, and a recent volume (Clinard, et al., I964) adds some new evidence and a comment by Merton upon what he emphasizes is the developing theory of anomie.
Abstract: 'Social Structure and Anomie' in Social Theory and Social Structure a good deal of work has been done both in elaborating the theory and in trying to test it out. A recent volume (Clinard, et al., I964) not only surveys the existing work very competently, but adds some new evidence and a comment by Merton upon what he emphasizes is the developing theory of anomie. In his article Merton refers to some discrepancies between sociologists in their interpretation of the term 'anomie', and he is wise to do so as a glance through a number of sociological texts will show. R. M. Williams (1951, pp. 53-7), for instance, quotes the Mertonian cultural goals-structural limitations analysis as one type only of anomie, and refers to 'cultural apathy with respect to standards of conduct'; which seems to imply withdrawal. He also, however, refers to conflict situations in general. Johnson (1961, pp. 557-8) emphasizes ambivalency of attachment to norms, and it is not clear whether he means conflicting norms or individual reaction against accepted norms. He adds that there is also some widely effective structural defect, although he mainly emphasizes the conflict aspect, saying that anomie can be due to role conflict. Bell (1961, pp. 190-I) refers to 'the lack of goals or the overemphasis on goal attainment'. It is usual to equate anomie with 'normlessness', but Bierstedt (1957, p. I77), taking a very literal view of normlessness, points out that 'A situation of complete normlessness, or anomie, would be intolerable, and no normless or anomic society could long endure'. Cohen (1959), using the analogy of a game the rules of which may not be observed, also seems to equate anomie with complete breakdown. Parsons (1937, p. 291) refers at one point to it as 'a polar type' (though polarities and continua are often confused in Parsons),

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors examine the accepted measures of class and in particular the point at which the line is usually drawn between the'middle' and 'working' classes and find that the relative party solidarity of classes must depend on the operations by which the classes are separated.
Abstract: The subtleties of class systems have always presented a challenge to social investigators. Ever since Stevenson's pioneer work on class differences in fertility,' new categories have been offered for measuring the stratification of British society. In America, although class is a less obtrusive phenomenon, the variety of empirical approaches has been if anything even greater.2 As the result of a current study of British political attitudes we have been led to examine the accepted measures of class and in particular the point at which the line is usually drawn between the 'middle' and 'working' classes. In the summer of 1963 we collected interviews from a stratified random sample of just over 2,000 British electors and seventeen months later we managed to reinterview just on three-quarters of these.3 Our main findings will be written up elsewhere but, since our approach to class may be of help to people working in quite different fields, we are publishing this immediate report. Research into the political effects of class is peculiarly dependent on the way in which classes are defined empirically; answers to the simplest questions about, for instance, the relative party solidarity of classes must depend on the operations by which the classes are separated. A simple hypothetical example will illustrate this point. Let us suppose that we have a sample of I,ooo electors who are either Conservative or Labour supporters and that we wish to explore the party composition of this sample according to class position. Let us further suppose that on occupational grounds 30 per cent of these electors can unhesitatingly be called middle class and 60 per cent working class but that the position of a middle Io per cent is ambiguous. The joint frequency distribution by class and party might be as shown in the table following.