Showing papers in "British Journal of Sociology in 1970"

The Hidden Dimension

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Origins of Sociology: The Case of the Scottish Enlightenment

Abstract: Historians of sociology frequently locate its origins in the early years of the nineteenth century and especially in the work of Comte, Mill and Le Play.' They argue that with the growth of a rigorous method in social research and an increasing knowledge of both industrial and non-industrial societies, sociology gradually emerged as an autonomous and disciplined science. In this 'drive towards objectivity'2 sociology sheds its ideological character and polemical intent, and, working in many directions strives for an objective, unbiased and scientific understanding of the social world. Thus British sociology, originating in early nineteenth-century statistics and surveys and strongly motivated by a desire to improve industrial society, especially its working-class segments tended to lose its direction after Spencer and become fragmented into social administration and the study of eugenics. Abrams has recently argued that it was not until the 1930s that British sociology recovered its scientific elan through a direct and negative confrontation with the eugenicist argument thus providing it with its contemporary character: a dominant concern with demography, educational opportunity, mobility and the sociology of poverty.3 So much for the myth. It seems most improbable that an automatic conversion to unsullied objectivity about human society occurs simply because of increasing specialization and sophisticated techniques of data gathering, for as soon as sociology attempts reintegration of its limited empirical findings with a conception of society as a whole and as a process then the work becomes problematic. For the sociologist comes to any study with a perspective and a core of values and as the sociology of knowledge has convincingly shown, perspectives and values have a social referent which lends them the character of an ideology. It is precisely perspective and values which are likely to penetrate the problem of social significance which underpins all empirical research. If this is so, then the history of social theory itself becomes problematic and that instead of some kind of evolutionary march to objectivity one should pose the concept of the broken line: that at different historical moments certain doctrines and theories which will attempt to ascribe

The Working-Class Vote in Chile: Christian Democracy versus Marxism

Abstract: There is abundant comparative evidence that political parties differ substantially in the support they receive from different social classes, whether or not their appeals manifestly have class content. In particular, Socialist and Communist parties, for reasons inherent in their theoretical position and political programmes, have focused their organizational efforts and agitational appeals on urban industrial workers. And, wherever such parties have gained mass followings, their predominant core resides in the working classes. 'No other party,' as Seymour Martin Lipset puts it, 'has been as thoroughly and completely the party of the working class' as the Communist Party.' Chile is the only country in Latin America (Cuba excepted) in which the organized working class in politically and socially significant and is led by Marxian socialists and communists. The socialist movement has had a political base in the working class for many decades, especially among miners, and in the 'fifties, based on growing working class support, it began to become a serious contender for political power. Between 1952 and 1956, the working-class movement became increasingly unified; on the trade union level, a central labour organization, Central Unica de Trabajadores (C.U.T.) was formed; and in the political arena a broad electoral bloc emerged uniting the major parties of the left, the socialists and communists, and several splinter parties, in a coalition called the Popular Action Front (Frente de Accion Popular-F.R.A.P.). While the organized strength of the labour movement declined under the quasi-caudillo Ibafiez regime, 1952-8, working-class militancy and combativeness rose. The number of strikes, the number of workers affected and of man-days lost were all far higher during this period than the preceding post-war years.2 From F.R.A.P.'s formation in 1956 to the present, its electoral strength has risen rapidly. In the presidential elections

Some Suggestions about the Transitory-Permanence Dimension of Organizations

Abstract: The literature about organizations focuses on those of the permanent variety and tends to ignore temporary or transitory associations of either the voluntary or non-voluntary type. The main purpose of this paper is to introduce the concept of 'transitory organizations' and to suggest some differences between transitory and more permanent organizations.' The ideas presented were engendered by some observations made by the author while participating in a conference on race relations. A subsequent review of the literature uncovered very few attempts to deal with transitoriness of organizations. However, the ideas presented are based upon the available literature as well as personal observations.

Hospitalisation and Discharge of the Mentally Ill

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Durkheim and contemporary social pathology.

Abstract: The relation between Durkheim's (I951) concepts of anomie and egoism has been virtually unexplored in the substantial body of literature on social pathology. While the obscurity of Durkheim's distinction has frequently been commented upon, it is implicitly assumed to be irrelevant for contemporary theorization in social pathology. Against this view, two theses will be advanced: first, had Durkheim pursued and attempted to clarify his distinction between the two concepts, he would have been forced to re-examine the presuppositions upon which his sociology had been based. Secondly, despite the difficulties in Durkheim's theory in which the concepts of anomie and egoism play a crucial part, a distinction between them still has to be drawn which in fact retains some elements of their original meaning. All contemporary studies of anomie have neglected the distinction between anomie and egoism with the result that social conditions, psychological states, and processes which are entirely different from one another have been assimilated.

Comparison of Influentials in Contemporary American and British Sociology: A Study in the Internationalization of Sociology

Abstract: Sciences, by their very nature, attempt to transcend national boundaries. It is, as William V. Consolazio points out, 'a truism that science is international' (1965: 322). Wilbert Moore has recently suggested that sociology has become 'remarkably international' (1966: 476). Sociology will, according to Moore, increasingly become international because men will increasingly be facing similar problems and finding similar solutions. If sociology, or any other discipline, were to become more international than it presently is we might assume that one way in which this process would be manifest is through an increasing concentration upon the works of a number of men who make fundamental trans-national contributions