Showing papers in "British Journal of Sociology in 1986"
1,567 citations
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors present a set of patterns of master patterns and stories of change in the system, including: "Inside the System", "Deposits of Power", "Visions of Order", and "What Is To Be Done".
Abstract: Introduction. 1. The Master Patterns. 2. Inside the System. 3. Deposits of Power. 4. Stories of Change. 5. The Professionals. 6. Visions of Order. 7. What Is To Be Done. Appendix. Index.
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TL;DR: Weber's analysis of bureaucracy is framed in terms of the legal and rational accounting requirements of political and economic organizations as mentioned in this paper, which, in turn, furnish legal domination with its aura of administrative rationality and adequacy.
Abstract: Weber's analysis of bureaucracy is framed in terms of the legal and rational accounting requirements of political and economic organizations. These, in turn, furnish legal domination with its aura of administrative rationality and adequacy. The formal analytic features of bureaucratic discipline are drawn from Weber's studies of the army, church, university, and political party, as well as from the organization of the discovering social sciences. Foucault's studies of the hospital, prison, and school, in addition to accounts of the factory system by Marx and recent social historians, ground Weberian formal analysis in the history of various social techniques for the administration of corporeal, attitidunal and behavioural discipline, i.e., the disciplinary society. Foucault's studies, however controversial, may be seen to extend Weber's concept of rationallegal discipline through studies of the discursive practices that construct a physiology of power/knowledge which deserves the
173 citations
TL;DR: Hall as discussed by the authors examined the origins of the West's unprecedented economic dynamism and showed that the rise of capitalism was related to Christianity in ways unsuspected by Max Weber, and that the liberal political traditions of Europe - inevitably in conflict with those of state socialism and the Third World - must adapt or perish.
Abstract: Why did capitalism emerge only in Western Europe? What is the relation between class and nation? Is the West declining, and what are its options? These are some of the questions asked by David Hume and Adam Smith - and Karl Marx - but often neglected in recent times. Now, in this book, the origins of the West's unprecedented economic dynamism is examined. John A. Hall offers a wealth of insights into many major topics, but they are always based on recent historical research. He shows, for example, how the rise of capitalism was related to Christianity in ways unsuspected by Max Weber. He goes on to consider how, today, the liberal political traditions of Europe - inevitably in conflict with those of state socialism and the Third World - must adapt or perish.
127 citations
TL;DR: In this article, the authors focus on the pattern of fighting between rival groups that has come to be regularly associated with soccer, not only in this country but in a number of others besides.
Abstract: The subject of this paper is 'football hooliganism'. We shall focus centrally in this connection on the pattern of fighting between rival groups that has come to be regularly associated with soccer, not only in this country but in a number of others besides. In fact, although this rarely surfaces in the press, there is scarcely a country where Association football is played where eruptions of crowd violence have not occurred, though English fans are currently the most feared in Europe and the only ones who regularly cause trouble when they are travelling abroad in support of their clubs or the national side.l The research on which the paper is based was funded by the Social Science Research Council (now the ESRC) and the Football Trust. Before we set forth some of our results, we shall sketch in some of the main parameters of football hooliganism as a social phenomenon.
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TL;DR: The authors investigates three propositions about economic growth and two about unemployment and concludes that long lasting democracies suffer from an accumulation of distributional coalitions whose rentseeking activities retard economic growth, and also supports the proposition that expanding public sectors, i.e., the tax and welfare state, slow down economic growth.
Abstract: This article investigates three propositions about economic growth and two about unemployment. It rejects the proposition that technology gaps between nations provide opportunities of backwardness which significantly contribute to the explanation of differential growth rates among industrialized democracies. It supports Olson's proposition that long lasting democracies suffer from an accumulation of distributional coalitions whose rentseeking activities retard economic growth. It also supports the proposition that expanding public sectors, i.e., the tax and welfare state, slow down economic growth. Results on unemployment are less definite than those on growth rates. But there is some support for Olson's idea that long lasting democracies also suffer from more unemployment than younger democracies do. The impact of public sector size on unemployment seems extremely sensitive to specification issues. Technically, this. paper applies cross-sectional and pooled regression analyses of growth or unemployment on the level of economic development, age of democracy, and some public sector size variables. Data refer to the 1960-1982 period and 19 nations.
TL;DR: Parkin's closure theory has been criticised for being either too broad or too narrow as mentioned in this paper, and it has been shown that Parkin's notions of usurpation, of the withdrawal of services, and of property, as well as the ambiguity in the politics of closure theory are spurious.
Abstract: Neo-Weberian closure theory developed principally by Parkin appears at first glance to suffer from two opposing weaknesses that its central concept of exclusion is either too broad or too n-arrow. This paper demonstrates that these objections are spurious. It then uncovers several real problems which have not yet been examined by the critics of closure theory. These problems have to do with Parkin's conceptions of usurpation, of the withdrawal of services, and of property, as well as with the ambiguity in the politics of Parkin's closure theory. The paper corrects these weaknesses and clarifies this ambiguity and concludes that closure theory socorrected provides a promising framework for going beyond analyses focused narrowly on one particular means of domination and one particular set of monopolization and exclusion rules to a focus on monopolization and exclusion per se. It is to be expected that a new and highly original approach will be subjected to close critical scrutiny, especially if its presentation was embedded in a satirical critique of an established approach. Such has been the fate of Parkin'sl development of neo-Weberian closure theory. Most evaluations have been favourable. An eminent Weberian scholar, Guenther Roth, states that 'Parkin has succeeded . . . in elaborating a genuinely "neo-Weberian" position'.2 Rex concludes that Parkin's discussion of closure . . . illuminates many of the issues of British politics in the sixties. And his notion of double closure . . . seems to me to be a theoretical notion of the first importance.... I believe that the importance of this concept in the field of ethnic and race relations is enormous and can be developed even further than Parkin thinks it can.3 Wrong judges that 'Parkin's use of these concepts [closure, exclusion, The British Journal of Sociology Volume XXXVII Number I This content downloaded from 157.55.39.162 on Thu, 11 Aug 2016 05:47:57 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
TL;DR: In this article, the authors introduce ways of looking at marriage: an introduction to the study, and separate and joint activity for knowing and talking to each other, and change in self and in activities.
Abstract: Preface 1. Prologue 2. Ways of looking at marriage: an introduction to the study 3. Knowing and talking to each other 4. Separate and joint activity 5. Constraints on behaviour within marriage 6. Changes in self and in activities 7. Relationships outside marriage 8. Conclusion Appendices Glossary Bibliography Index.
TL;DR: Work-time debate has been a matter of debate for as long as capitalism has existed as discussed by the authors and the major contributions to the discussion can be found in the following: Between 1870 and 1980 total annual working-time in the major nations of the industrialised capitalist world fell by approximately 40 per cent.
Abstract: Between 1870 and 1980 total annual working-time in the major nations of the industrialised capitalist world fell by approximately 40 per cent. Why standard work-times should change has been a matter of debate for as long as capitalism has existed. This … [study] overviews the major contributions to the discussion. An examination of this nature is necessary because the contemporary work-time debate has become limited to the examination of worker preferences for income and leisure, of how these preferences manifest themselves and how workers, individually or collectively, go about attaining their preferred option. Such debate has become increasingly barren and irrelevant. This is because it is based on a number of major misconceptions and because there has been omitted from the discussion a factor that formerly dominated the whole question. This is the nature of the worker’s psycho-physiological capacities in relation to work and time. So buried has this factor become it is not even realised by many participants within the debate that the preference argument is only one of two traditional explanations for why changes to standard work-times occur.
TL;DR: In this article, the authors compared 1970 and 1980 methods of social class allocation and found no important differences in their empirical relations with a variety of social educational and health variables, and argued that whilst these systems differ considerably on a conceptual level they do not show any important differences on a empirical level.
Abstract: This note considers some of the methodological implications of the redefinition of social class as occupational skill by the U.K. Registrar General in 1980. "In 1980 other changes were also made in the system of social class allocation and the present study compares 1970 and 1980 methods of awarding social class. It is argued that whilst the 1970 and 1980 systems differ considerably on a conceptual level they do not show any important differences in their empirical relations with a variety of social educational and health variables." (EXCERPT)
TL;DR: In this article, the authors argue that Macdonald's assertion of the importance of the difference between Scottish and English accountants is misguided and that the distinction between the social environments of Glasgow and Edinburgh carried much more influence.
Abstract: The objective of this paper is to disprove the arguments put forward by Keith Macdonald in his recent paper on the professional formation of Scottish accountants. It is suggested that the data which he used are inappropriate and that his conclusions are unjustified. Additional evidence is adduced which suggests that his assumptions regarding the social characteristics of early Scottish accountants are wrong and that his inferences regarding the motivation which lay behind their professionalization are mistaken. An alternative, and we suggest, a much more convincing explanation of that professionalization is offered. Finally, the paper argues that Macdonald's assertion of the importance of the difference between Scottish and English accountants is misguided and that the distinction between the social environments of Glasgow and Edinburgh carried much more influence.
TL;DR: Trouble and Strife as discussed by the authors is a collection from the first Russian feminist magazine, which gives a comprehensive picture of women's lives in Soviety society, including women scientists, workers, artists and intellectuals of all ages and ethnic backgrounds.
Abstract: 'Courageous and stimulating ...remarkable mixture of analysis, poetry, theory and personal testimony.' Trouble and Strife Originally printed clandestinely and smuggled out of the USSR, this collection from the first Russian feminist magazine gives a comprehensive picture of women's lives in Soviety society. Women scientists, workers, artists and intellectuals of all ages and ethnic backgrounds and from all parts of the Soviet Union report on their experiences as workers, mothers, daughters and dissidents.
TL;DR: This paper reported on an analysis of the subjective class identification of married women in paid employment, based on the People in Society Survey data-base; in part it replicates earlier American work by Ritter and Hargens (1975).
Abstract: This paper reports on an analysis of the subjective class identification of married women in paid employment, based on the People in Society Survey data-base; in part it replicates earlier American work by Ritter and Hargens (1975). The overall conclusion is that the occupational class of these women is not an important determinant of their self-assigned class, but that educational variables tend to be, if anything, more important than husband's occupational class. Considerable doubt is cast on the utility of cross-sectional data to tackle questions such as these at all, because education, jobs and 'class of marriage' are integrally inter-related and therefore confounded variables.
TL;DR: The authors examines the generally neglected place of Lorenz von Stein in the paradigmatic bifurcation of social theory during the nineteenth century and proposes a fundamentally reformist political strategy in which the state guides the distribution of economic resources in a form that would prevent the class polarization envisioned by Marx.
Abstract: This paper examines the generally neglected place of Lorenz von Stein in the paradigmatic bifurcation of social theory during the nineteenth century. As a student of Hegel who rejected the idealist approach of his teacher, von Stein anticipated the major arguments of historical materialism; but, unlike Marx, he did not postulate axl inexorable proletarian revolution which would ultimately resolve societal contradictions. Instead, he proposed a fundamentally reformist political strategy in which the state guides the distribution of economic resources in a form that would prevent the class polarization envisioned by Marx. While von Stein is little known by contemporary social scientists in the English literature, he has been recognized in Europe beyond his time as a theorist and as a governmental consultant whose ideas became materialized in social reforms, offering a 'political realism' that was designed to prevent the consequences seen by hIarx in the development of capitalism, as well as to avoid the fallacies of the liberal belief in free and unregulated pursuit of individual self-interests.
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors developed a conceptualization of social power and a formula for predicting the enactment of power between social collectivities, defined as the ratio of either party's relative resources to its relative position uis-auis contended issues.
Abstract: By integrating some of the more persuasive elements of the major current approaches, this article develops a conceptualization of social power and a formula for predicting the enactment of power between social collectivities. The predictor measure is defined as the ratio of either party's relative resources (including specifically those pertaining to social collectivities) to its relative position uis-auis contended issues. Data from shop committees and managements of sixteen organizations in Israel support the main contention that the extent of balance or imbalance in the resources/position ratio can predict the intended enactment of potential power better than either resources or position separately.
TL;DR: In a recent issue of the Aconomic History Review Youssef as mentioned in this paper provided a measure of the assimilation of bankers to the British aristocracy before 1914 and concluded that the analysis of education, social life and marriages gives clear evidence of the early integration of bankers into aristocratic circles.
Abstract: In a recent issue ofthe Aconomic History Review Youssef(Cassis set out to provide a measure of the assimilation of bankers to the British aristocracy before 1914 and concluded that 'the analysis of education, social life and marriages gives clear evidence of the early integration of bankers to aristocratic circles'. His explanation is that 'Bankers' distinguished semi-amateur status allowed them to lead an aristocratic way of life and helps to explain their social closeness with landowners'. This thesis harmonizes with two articles by Michael Lisle-Williams in the 1984 issues of the British Journal of Sociology. The techniques used are similar, though Lisle-Williams covers the inter-war and early post-war period as well as the nineteenth century, and concentrates on merchant bankers rather than bankers at large. He believes that 'all successful merchant bankers' families could be included in the broadly defined upper stratum [of society], and had much in common, culturally and structurally, with the smaller group of families who were most closely identified with the aristocracy'.' The notion of an aristocratic banking elite has evidently caught on so quickly that in the recent Hobsbawmfestschrift we findJose Harris and Pat Thane surmising that 'In Britain by the end of the nineteenth century the most successful merchant bankers were totally integrated with the indigenous landholding aristocracy'.2 This research has doubtless derived its initial inspiration from Marxist ideas about the concentration of capital, more particularly Rudolf Hilferding's Finance Capital ( 1910) . However Hilferding himself, while stressing that the support of large landed proprietors assured finance capital of government support, did not perceive the coalescense of aristocracy and bankers into one class, much less his energetic finance capitalists adopting the lethargic lifestyle of the upper class. It has been left to more recent left-wing writers, though with very scant historical evidence, to support it. In one of the more considered accounts we read that the 'model of leadership' in the City was 'aristocratic, amateur and "normatively" agrarian'.3 Certainly it is not difficult to examine the pedigrees of a string of celebrated City names and be impressed by the number that went to a