Bulletin of The School of Oriental and African Studies-university of London
Cambridge University Press
About: Bulletin of The School of Oriental and African Studies-university of London is an academic journal. The journal publishes majorly in the area(s): Islam & Sanskrit. Over the lifetime, 2726 publications have been published receiving 18874 citations.
Papers published on a yearly basis
TL;DR: After Kanē, as the land continues on, there opens out another, very broad, gulf, stretching a considerable distance in depth, called Sakhalitēs, and the libanos-bearing land as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: I. ECONOMIC CONDITIONSTwo accounts of trade conditions in the 6th century show that there had been a great change since the ' Periplus Maris Erythaei' was written, about A.D. 50. The writer of that manual for merchant skippers was precise as to the location of the incense-bearing lands.After Kanē, as the land continues on, there opens out another, very broad, gulf, stretching a considerable distance in depth. It is called Sakhalitēs, and the ‘ libanos-bearing land ’. It is mountainous and bad for landing. The air is thick, dust-laden with the libanos blown down from the trees. These trees that bear libanos are of no great diameter, and are not tall. They produce the libanos in a solid form on the bark, just as some of our trees in Egypt weep gum. The libanos is handled by the royal slaves and by those sent for punishment. These places are dreadfully infectious and plague-ridden, even for those just sailing along the coast, but for those working there death is in the air, and they are downright destructive because of the insufficiency of food.1
TL;DR: In this paper, Vaudeville examines the Bijak and Adi granthavali versions of Kabir's sayings and discusses the critical editions of the text.
Abstract: demonstrates that up to the time of Priyadas at the beginning of the eighteenth century the fact that Kabir was born a Muslim was apparently not questioned. It is only in later commentaries and popular biographies composed by Kabirpanthis that Kabir is represented as the son of a Brahman virgin widow, born without a human father as a result of the blessing of the saint Ramanand, and later left exposed on a lake and picked up by a Muslim weaver and his wife. Kabir was popular among the Sufis also and the testimony of 'Abd al-Haqq Dihlavi in his Persian work Akhbar al-akhydr composed sometime during the period of Akbar, shows that Kabir's verses were already being read or quoted in §ufi circles in Delhi and Agra at the beginning of the sixteenth century. The third chapter ' The sayings of Kabir ' includes a study of Kabir's language and style and of the critical editions. Vaudeville examines the Bijak tradition, along with the verses which are found in the Adi granth and the Sarbdngi of Rajjab who was the foremost disciple of DadQ Dayal. The most important discussion herein concerns the critical editions of the text. Despite the objections that the late M. P. Gupta raised in his edition of Kabir granthavali (Allahabad, 1969), which closely adheres to the NPS edition of 1928, she adopts the text and readings of P. N. Tivari (PraySg, 1961): ' if TivSri's critical edition of Kabir Granthavali cannot really be considered as a valid \" reconstruction \" of the original Kabirbanis, as its editor had hoped, it nevertheless brings into a new light the Bajasthani tradition of Kabir verse, the most diversified of all but also the richest\"} at the same time as giving the Gurugranth and Bijak variants whenever they are available. This edition has allowed us to take a great step towards an objective comparison of the three traditions ' (p. 77).
TL;DR: The early Arabic literary tradition does not specifically date this event: it simply maintains, first, that Muammad was born in the Year of the Elephant, and second, that he was summoned to act as God's Prophet at the age of forty.
Abstract: In has long been known that the chronological scheme commonly transmitted by the early Arabic sources for events of the latter half of the sixth century A.D. poses a number of major problems. These are sufficiently important to raise serious doubts about the reliability of the traditional chronological framework for the last years of the Jāhilīya in general. A key problem is that of the date for 'Ām al-fīl, the ‘Year of the Elephant’, so called after the expedition of Abraha into the Hijāz in that year. The early Arabic literary tradition does not specifically date this event: it simply maintains, first, that Muammad was born in the Year of the Elephant, and second, that he was summoned to act as God's Prophet at the age of forty. Considered together, the many reports to this effect imply―based on the prevailing view that the mab'ath is to be dated to approximately A.D. 610―that both the expedition of Abraha and the birth of Muhammad occurred in about A.D. 570.
TL;DR: The generalization that it was during the Mamlūk period that the Copts were reduced to a small minority in Egypt is a familiar one which has been frequently repeated since Gaston Wiet broached it some 50 years ago.
Abstract: The generalization that it was during the Mamlūk period that the Copts were reduced to a small minority in Egypt is a familiar one which has been frequently repeated since Gaston Wiet broached it some 50 years ago. Using this generalization as a point of departure, I intend to review the evidence in the Arabic sources which touches upon the actual process of conversion which occurred during the period 692–755/1293–1354, attempting to discover, if possible, the extent of conversion during those years and the causes which lay behind it. The dates that I have chosen are not altogether arbitrary since they correspond, as we shall see, to certain demarcations in the history of conversion noted by Mamlūk historians themselves; furthermore, I have deliberately excluded the period of the Crusades from consideration in the belief that this period should be studied separately in order to determine whether the Mamlūks' involvement in the Crusades affected their policy toward the indigenous Christians of Egypt to any appreciable extent. Although my findings in this article tend to support Wiet's generalization, I hope to offer richer, more detailed documentation for it than has been offered heretofore and, in so doing, to contribute to our understanding of Mamlūk social history.
TL;DR: The Sogdian "Ancient Letters" have been attributed to the middle of the second century of our era on the strength of archaeological evidence (Serindia, ii, 671 sqq). But their editor, H. Reichelt, expressed a mild doubt as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: The Sogdian “Ancient Letters”, no doubt one of the most important of Sir Aurel Steins many finds, have been attributed to the middle of the second century of our era, on the strength of archaeological evidence (Serindia, ii, 671 sqq.). Their editor, H. Reichelt, expressed a mild doubt (Die Soghdischen Handschriftenreste des Britischen Museums, ii, p. 6), and so did Pelliot in his review of Reichelts edition (Toung Pao, xxviii, 1931, 457–463). If the date originally proposed by Sir Aurel Stein (between A.D. 105 and 137, or in 153) could be substantiated, the Letters, which are on paper, would have to be regarded as the oldest paper documents in existence.
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