Showing papers in "Canadian Ethnic Studies in 2015"

After the Live-In Caregiver Program: Filipina Caregivers' Experiences of Graduated and Uneven Citizenship

Abstract: This article assesses the economic precariousness faced by Filipina live-in caregivers during and after the Live-in Caregiver Program (LCP). Using survey data and focus group interviews, we argue that live-in caregivers’ unique pathway to immigration lead them to face economic challenges that are distinct from other immigrants. Not only do live-in caregivers face onerous employment conditions under the LCP, they have difficulties transitioning into the Canadian labour market because they face the following challenges: being stigmatized when entering the Canadian labour market, having to take costly educational upgrading courses while simultaneously working in ‘survival’ jobs, and having to be their families’ sole breadwinners. Despite these structural barriers, however, the live-in caregivers in our study strove to transition into Canadian society through their resilience and hard work. Regardless of the economic challenges that they themselves faced during and after the LCP, most saw their future in Canada and felt that coming to the country was “worth it.” Resume: Cet article evalue la precarite economique que connait les aides familiaux residants philippines pendant et apres le Programme des aides familiaux residants (PAFR). En utilisant les donnees d'enquete et des entrevues de groupes de discussion, nous soutenons que la voie particuliere reservee aux aidants a l'immigration comporte des defis economiques qui sont distincts de ceux des autres immigrants. Non seulement les aides familiaux residants sont-elles confrontees a des conditions d'emploi rigoureux sous le PAFR, mais leur transition vers le marche du travail canadien est difficile a plusieurs egards: elles sont stigmatises en entrant dans le marche du travail canadien, elles doivent prendre des cours couteux de perfectionnement tout en travaillant dans des emplois «de survie», et elles sont souvent seuls soutiens de leurs familles. En depit de ces obstacles structurels, les aides familiaux residants dans notre etude se sont efforces de faire la transition a la societe canadienne grâce a leur resilience et le travail acharne. Quels que soient les defis economiques qu'elles rencontrent pendant et apres le PAFR, la plupart d'entre elles voient leur avenir au Canada et estiment que venir au pays « en a valu la peine. »

'I Fit the Description': Experiences of Social and Spatial Exclusion among Ghanaian Immigrant Youth in the Jane and Finch Neighbourhood of Toronto

Abstract: Public interest in the influence of neighbourhoods on immigrant integration in Canadian society has been growing in recent years; yet, there are few studies that explain the effect of neighbourhoods on immigrant experiences of exclusion in Canada. Drawing on in-depth interviews (12 males and 13 females) and a focus group discussion (five females and three males) conducted with Ghanaian immigrant youth between the ages of 18 to 30 from the Ghanaian community in the Jane and Finch neighbourhood of Toronto in May to June, 2011, this paper discusses the experiences of social and spatial exclusion among Ghanaian immigrant youth. Drawing on socio-spatial dialectics, the findings suggest that Ghanaian immigrant youth experiences of socio-spatial exclusion are intertwined in a dialectical process involving the Jane and Finch neighbourhood and the general public. In particular, the youth negotiate access to employment opportunities, shopping malls and counter exclusion through reformulation of resumes, and masking of their actual neighbourhoods. This paper fills an important gap in our knowledge of the lived experiences of African immigrant youth and contributes to our understanding of the dynamics of neighbourhood stigmatization and its impact on residents' integration into the larger society. Resume Au moment ou le public s'interesse davantage a l'impact des quartiers de residence sur l'integration des immigrants a la societe canadienne, peu d'etudes explorent l'influence qua le voisinage sur les experiences d'inclusion et d'exclusion des immigrants au Canada. Pour cette raison, cet article traite des experiences d'exclusion spatiale et sociale chez des jeunes immigrants Ghaneens ages de 18 a 30 qui habitent le quartier de Jane et Finch a Toronto. Nous basant sur des entrevues semi-dirigees approfondies menees aupres de 12 hommes et 13 femmes ainsi que un groupe de discussion organise avec trois hommes et cinq femmes, nous montrons que l'exclusion sociospatiale que ces jeunes subissent est situee dans un processus dialectique qui englobe a la fois les jeunes et le public. La dialectique socio-spatiale nous permet egalement a conclure que les jeunes resistent a l'exclusion en question et negocient leur acces a l'emploi et aux centres commerciaux par le biais de la reformulation du CV et le masquage du nom de quartier. De cette facon, cet article cet article comble les lacunes en matiere de vecu des jeunes immigrants africains et nous permet de mieux comprendre les dynamiques de la stigmatisation basee sur le lieu de residence et l'impact que celle-ci a sur l'integration des immigrants au sein de la societe canadienne. INTRODUCTION Over the years, neighbourhood effects literature has reported on the influence of educational achievement, social exclusion of visible minorities, health, transition rates from welfare to work, school drop outs and deviant behaviour (Ellen and Turner 1997; Galster 2002) on immigrants. Scholarship has also shown that living in a deprived neighbourhood has negative effects on residents' life chances beyond the impacts of their individual characteristic (Bauder 2002). The study of neighbourhood effects has been driven by Wilson's (1987) work The Truly Disadvantaged: The Inner city, the Underclass and Public Policy. Wilson's (1987) ethnographic research revealed that the effects of living in concentrations of poverty in Chicago cannot be explained from a single perspective, leading him to conclude that the "local conditions and the social practices of residents of poor areas cannot be understood independently of the macro social and economic forces which shape them" (van Ham and Manley 2010, 3). One fundamental question neighbourhood effects studies seek to answer relate to the causal effects of the neighbourhood in which residents live (Bauder 2002). There is, therefore, limited knowledge of how neighbourhood exclusions feed into the processes of everyday lived experiences, the manifestations of everyday exclusions, and why they occur. …

Transnationalizing Home in Winnipeg: Refugees' Stories of the Places Between the "Here-and-There"

Abstract: This article asks how refugees narrate home. Based on extensive interviews (oral histories) with refugees in Winnipeg, Manitoba, who arrived from Europe after the Second World War, from Central America during the 1980s, and from Afghanistan during the 2000s, this article argues that refugees are continually engaged in the process of making home, not only in the sending and receiving countries, but also in countries along their often complex and long migration routes. Listening closely to their stories forces researchers to move beyond "methodological nationalism" and a dichotomous "here-or-there" conceptualization of home, toward a transnationalizing of home. Resume Dans cet article je parle au sujet de comment les refugies racontent ce qui est, pour eux, leur maison. La recherche est basee sur les entrevues (histoire orale) avec des refugies a Winnipeg, Manitoba. Ceux-ci sont arrives de l'Europe apres la deuxieme guerre mondiale, ainsi que de l'Amerique Centrale pendant les annees 80, et d'Afghanistan pendant les annees 2000. Je parle du processus de s'etablir un domicile, dans lequel les refugies se sont continuellement engages, pas seulement dans leur pays d'origine et d'accueil, mais aussi dans les pays tout au long de leurs voies de migration, souvent complexes et longues. L'ecoute attentive de leurs histoires fait en sorte que les chercheurs se deplacent au-dela du > et de l'idee des poles opposes representee par >, pour aller chercher les innombrables connections entre les differents pays, ainsi qu'une transnationalisation des maisons. INTRODUCTION This article examines refugees' stories of home. It asks how refugees talk about home in the context of extensive oral history interviews. It argues that refugees, having experienced multiple attempts to make home in diverse locations, transnationalize notions of home when recounting lived experiences in oral history interviews. In their narratives, they transcend the national perspectives that have traditionally shaped the writing of history (nation-centred historical master-narratives) and even immigration historiography, which until recently frequently construed "home" as one-time accomplishments in the country of origin ("lost home") and the country of settlement ("new home"). After briefly reviewing the problems involved in positioning migrants and refugees in nation-centred historical narratives, the article describes three refugees' stories of home and analyses how they integrate their manifold and diverse experiences of making home in different places into an account of their lives. The oral histories on which this article is based were conducted for a larger research project on the history of refugees in Winnipeg, Manitoba between 1945 and 2010. The full analysis and interpretation of these oral histories is still ongoing, thus this article presents only one component of the analysis of these oral histories by focussing on stories of home. In this article, I describe how three narrators who were forcibly displaced from their homelands talk about their original homes, their attempts to re-make home in different locations, and their understanding of home in Canada. I focus in particular on the stories of making home on the long journey between initial displacement and (preliminarily) final settlement in Winnipeg. Migration historians have increasingly examined migrants' experiences in both the country of origin and the country of final settlement, pointing out that we need to look at the primary socialization in order to better understand their integration (second socialization) in their countries of settlement (Hoerder 1996). This focus on making home along the journey allows us to go beyond the traditional focus on the national "there" or "here" (Danso 2002). It also allows us to avoid the reduction of the often long period of "in-betweenness" as a vacuum in which migrants feel "lost. …

The Production of Irregular Migration in Canada

Abstract: Irregular migration Is a growing, global issue that Is still undertheorized in the Canadian context. While economic globalization and capitalist expansion displace growing numbers of migrants, advanced nations including Canada are tightening their borders and increasing their immigration laws. With fewer legal migration channels available, a growing number of migrants are choosing irregular ways of life, whereby they reside, work, and raise their families underground. This paper critically assesses how irregular migration is produced and perpetuated in Canada. Following other critical migration scholars (Andrijasevic 2009; De Genova 2002; Goldring et al. 2009), I begin from the premise that not only laws, but nation-state rulers and agents, employers, and a diversity of social actors who may appear unconnected to the government engage in practices that contribute to the production of irregular migration. From this view, irregularity is seen less as a legal status and more as a sociopolitical condition generated and maintained by a range of structural and psychosocial determinants. Flenceforth, I discuss several key geopolitical, juridicial, and sociopsychological determinants of irregularity in Canada. Further, I highlight the challenging conditions that constitute irregular life in the Canadian context in order to make imperative the need for social change as well as propose some directions for political action. Resume La migration irreguliere est un phenomene global qui s'accroit, mais qui n'a pas encore ete aborde dans le contexte canadien. Pendant que la globalisation economique et l'expansion du capitalisme deplacent un certain nombre d'immigrants, les pays developpes, y compris le Canada resserrent leurs frontieres et renforcent leurs lois d'immigrations. Avec quelques canaux de migration legaux disponibles, un nombre croissant d'immigrants choisissent les voies irregulieres de la vie, au moyen desquelles ils vivent, travaillent et elevent leurs familles. Ce papier evalue de maniere critique la facon dont la migration irreguliere se produit et se perpetue au Canada. Faisant suite a d'autres specialistes critiques de la migration (Andrijasevic 2009; De Genova 2002; Goldring et al. 2009), je pars du principe que, non seulement les lois, mais aussi les dirigeants, les agents de l'Etatnation, les employeurs, les acteurs de la diversite sociale, qui peuvent paraitre deconnectes du gouvernement s'engagent dans des pratiques qui contribuent a la production de la migration irreguliere. De ce point de vue, l'irregularite est consideree moins comme un statut legal ou encore une condition sociopolitique generee et maintenue par une gamme de determinants structuraux et psychosociaux. Desormais, j'analyse quelques determinants geographiques, juridiques et sociopsychologiques importants de l'irregularite au Canada. Ensuite, je mets l'accent sur les conditions difficiles qui constituent la vie irreguliere dans le contexte canadien dans le but, non seulement de montrer le besoin imperatif du changement mais aussi de proposer des orientations pour l'action politique. ********** At the start of the 21st century, irregular migration has become an issue of international relevance. Both governmental and non-governmental actors are increasingly concerned with the substantial and growing numbers of irregular migrants worldwide (Castles and Miller 2009). In 2004, the International Labour Organization estimated that between 10 to 15 percent of international migrants were living in an 'irregular situation' (International Labour Organization 2004), which would today amount to about 20-30 million persons (Koser 2010). Irregular migrants have been also regarded as the fastest growing form of international migration, with the majority of migrants comprising non-status workers (Papademetriou 2005). This paper addresses irregular migration in Canada. Broadly, irregular migrants include those who live and/or work in Canada without the required permissions or documents that would establish their right to do so. …

Contextualizing the Quebec Charter of Values: Belonging without Citizenship in Quebec

Abstract: Did the introduction of the Charter of Quebec Values in September 2013 signal a repudiation of Quebec's longstanding consensus on liberal-pluralism in its dominant integration model? While the Charter died as a result of the election defeat of the minority Parti Quebecols government In May, 2014, its salience and impact continues to be felt, in that it has moved the normative benchmarks around ethnocultural and ethno-religious diversity and represents a qualitatively new framework for regulating the terms of belonging in Quebec. This paper, however, contends that such a reading of the legacy of the Charter misses a significant part of the story. A broader contextual overview reveals that recent events in Quebec are conditioned by variables associated with the unfinished nature of a constitutive project for national integration. Regardless of whether or not the proposed Charter signaled a permanent normative turn in Quebec, or merely an intensification and greater polarization of an interminable argument, this paper will attempt to provide some context with which to interpret this 'trial balloon' of the minority Parti Quebecois government in power from 2012-2014. I argue that this short-lived incursion into more exclusionary politics are the direct result of a variety of factors that go beyond standard normative principles usually attributed to citizenship and actually reflect structural difficulties associated with Quebec's status as an unrecognized minority nation. The article will proceed to highlight the primary Identity-forging Initiatives undertaken by Quebec in lieu of citizenship, and conclude with some reflections on some distortions that may be attributable to a protracted, frustrated and unfinished constitutive journey. Resume L'introduction de la Charte des Valeurs du Quebec en Septembre 2013 aurait-elle signifie le renoncement d'un consensus de longue date du Quebec au pluralisme liberal dans son modele d'integration dominante? Bien que l'arret de la Charte alt eu pour resultat la defaite du Parti quebecois devenu minoritaire au gouvernement pendant les electlons de mai 2014, son importance et son impact continuent de se faire sentir, dans le sens ou elle a deplace les reperes normatifs autour de la diversite ethnoculturelle et ethno--religieuse; et represente une structure qui reglementer qualitativement les conditions d'appartenance au Quebec. Toutefois, cet article tente de s'opposer a une telle lecture de l'heritage de la Charte qui semble avoir omis une importante partie de l'histoire. Une approche contextuelle plus large revele que les evenements recents au Quebec ont ete conditionnes par les variables associees a la nature inachevee du projet constitute de l'integration nationale. Peu importe si oui ou non le projet de Charte a marque un tournant normatif permanent au Quebec, ou simplement une intensification et une plus grande polarisation d'un argument interminable, cet article va tenter de fournir un contexte avec lequel interpreter ce > de la minorite du Parti quebecois au pouvoir dans le gouvernement de 2012-2014. Je postule que cette incursion de courte duree dans la politique d'exclusion sont plus le resultat direct d'une variete de facteurs qui vont au-dela des principes normatifs standards generalement attribues a la citoyennete et fait reflechir a des difficultes structurelles liees au statut du Quebec comme une nation minoritaire non reconnue. L'article va proceder a mettre l'accent sur les initiatives de renforcement d'identites primaires forgees, entrepris par le Quebec en lieu et place de la citoyennete, et de conclure avec quelques reflexions sur certaines distorsions qul pourraient etre attribuables a un periple constitutif prolonge, frustrant et inacheve. INTRODUCTION From French-Canadian survivance to Quebecois national integration, the road to citizenship in Quebec has been a fascinating study in collective introspection. …

The Volunteering Dogma and Canadian Work Experience: Do Recent Immigrants Volunteer Voluntarily?

Abstract: This article deconstructs the now common practice of immigrant volunteering for the purpose of upgrading or practicing job-related skills in Canada. The analysis draws on the findings of two separate qualitative studies related to the integration of immigrant adults in Southern Ontario. The first study (Wilson-Forsberg) focused on the settlement and adaptation experiences of immigrants (both men and women) from Latin America and the second study (Sethi) examined the impact of employment on the health and well-being of immigrant and refugee women from the visible minority population. Having re-analyzed our interview data to highlight the motivations behind participants' volunteering and their perceptions of the experience, the findings suggest that immigrants volunteer to gain Canadian experience, to maintain remnants of professional identity, and to overcome loneliness and boredom. Intersectionality analysis of participants' multiple intersecting identities reveals that immigrant volunteering is more complex than merely volunteering for upgrading human and/or social capital skills. The article concludes that, while volunteering can be beneficial to foster the social integration of immigrants, it appears to do little to enhance their economic integration. Resume Cet article deconstruit la pratique maintenant courante des immigrants de faire du volontariat a fin d'ameliorer ou de pratiquer leurs competences liees a l'emploi au Canada. L'analyse repose sur les resultats de deux etudes qualitatives independantes reliees a l'integration d'immigrants adultes dans le sud de l'Ontario. La premiere etude (auteur 1) a porte sur l'experience d'etablissement et d'adaptation d'immigrants (hommes et femmes) d'Amerique Latine et la deuxieme etude (auteur 2) a examine l'impact de l'emploi sur la sante et le bien-etre de femmes immigrantes et refugiees provenant de la population de minorites visibles. Apres avoir revise notre analyse des donnees ramassees lors des entrevues pour souligner les motivations qui poussent les participants a faire du volontariat et leurs perceptions de l'experience, il apparait que les immigrants font du volontariat pour gagner de l'experience canadienne, pour maintenir un semblant d'identite professionnelle, et pour surmonter la solitude et l'ennui. L'analyse intersectionnelle des croisements multiples d'identites des participants revele que le volontariat immigrant est plus complexe que le simple fait d'ameliorer le capital d'habiletes humaines et/ou sociales. L'article conclut que bien que le volontariat soit benefique pour favoriser l'integration sociale des immigrants, il ne semble pas rehausser leur integration economique. INTRODUCTION Research has shown that when immigrants to Canada are unable to find appropriate paid work, they often volunteer their skills, time, and energy in the hope of gaining the Canadian experience that will eventually lead to paid employment (Aycan and Berry 1996; Bauder 2003; Sakamoto, Chin, and Young 2010). The underlying claim is that volunteering will help immigrants' careers by assisting them to "regain social and human capital lost in the migration process" (Handy and Greenspan 2009, 95). The Government of Canada explicitly encourages new immigrants to volunteer, suggesting that this unpaid service can help them gain Canadian work experience, practice English or French, build a social network, establish a suitable reference for employment, and demonstrate to prospective employers that they are "willing to work hard" (Citizenship and Immigration Canada [CIC] 2012a, 47; see also Hackl, Halla, and Pruckner 2007; Prouteau and Wolff 2006). And yet, volunteering in this context may also provide employers with skilled and educated individuals who ideally should receive a salary for their labour, but instead end up providing the labour for free (Bauder 2003; Guo 2009). In this article we combine the findings of two separate qualitative studies related to the integration of immigrant adults in Southern Ontario to deconstruct the now common practice of immigrant volunteering for the purpose of upgrading or practicing job-related skills in Canada. …

Historical Consciousness and Being Québécois: Exploring Young English-Speaking Students' Interactions with Quebec's Master Historical Narrative

Abstract: In revisiting a dataset of secondary school students' historical narratives on Quebec's past, this article's exploratory study examines five English-speaking youths' historical consciousness as members of a French-speaking society. Given their community's simplistic portrayal in the province's school history program, the study attempts to understand the impact of transmitting a Franco-centric collective historical identity that differentiates and distances Anglophones on these students' structuring of group boundaries and negotiations of national belonging. A repertory of ideal-type tendencies of historical consciousness is operationalized as an open-ended interpretation key for reading students' interactions with Quebec's master narrative. In relying on pre-given significations of the past, the only Traditional-leaning student seeks a hybrid sort of national identity and thereby structures boundaries softly. In contradicting pre-given significations, the remaining Critical-leaning ones seek fuller understandings of being Quebecois and structure boundaries more rigidly, either seeking to overcome important narrative gaps or amend the proffered storyline's perceived shortsightedness. As these five students can think the nation in its intended terms, their affective appropriation of Quebec's narrative varies. Despite preserving boundaries, they betray a desire for inclusion and acceptance. Further research is, however, called for to verify these findings' generalizability and to expand on their other potential variations. Resume En revisitant une base de donnees des recits estudiantins sur l'histoire du Quebec, cet article examine la conscience historique de cinq jeunes de langue anglaise vivant dans une societe majoritairement francophone. Vu la representation simpliste de leur communaute dans le programme d'histoire quebecois, cet article essaie de mieux comprendre l'impact de la transmission d'une identite collective historique, qui confine les anglophones dans une categorie d'alterite, sur leurs structurations des frontieres groupales et leurs negociations d'appartenance nationale. Un repertoire des ideaux-types de la conscience historique sert comme grille de lecture ouverte pour interpreter les interactions de ces etudiants avec le recit national. En se basant sur des significations preetablies du passe, un de ces etudiants de tendance traditionnelle cherche une identite nationale hybride et structure ses frontieres souplement. En contredisant ces significations, ceux de tendance critique visent des comprehensions du Quebec plus completes et structurent leurs frontieres rigidement, soit pour surmonter des lacunes dans le recit ou pour amender sa vision etroite. Les cinq peuvent penser la nation selon la trame collective, mais leur connexion emotive envers elle varie. Malgre le maintien des frontieres, ils cherchent a etre inclus et accepte. D'autres recherches sont toutefois necessaires pour verifier et elaborer ces donnees. INTRODUCTION This article addresses the complexity of history teaching and the construction of national identity among English-speaking youth in Quebec. (1) It attempts to grasp the impact of the province's national history program on Anglophone students' sense of inclusion and identification as representative members of an historic minority community. Currently, English-speaking youth are offered the Francophone majority's collective historical experiences as the main guiding narrative framework for integrating into society. Their language group's diverse realities are largely absent from the program's national storyline, and their community is portrayed rather conventionally as the general antagonist to Quebec's survival and nationhood (Commins 2009; McAndrew 2010; Jedwab and Perrone 2012). Seeking to comprehend the consequences of transmitting a Franco-centric historical identity, this article aims to examine how English-speaking students interact with aspects of the Francophone collective narrative that simplify understandings of their language community. …

Immigrants' Narratives of Inclusion and Belonging in the Transborder City of Ottawa-Gatineau, Canada's National Capital Region

Abstract: The role of international borders in the formation of national identities and processes of inclusion is well established. The aim of this paper is to examine immigrants' narratives of their everyday experiences in Ottawa-Gatineau, paying particular attention to relations between place, culture and identity in order to reflect, on processes of inclusion and belonging in a subnational border context. Canada's National Capital Region is unique in that it is located on the most politically and symbolically charged interprovincial border within the country: between Ontario and Quebec. Although this border has little impact on individuals' everyday lives, major differences in culture, language, service provision, and policies shape residents' experiences and sense of place. Immigrants' narratives of their representations of and daily interactions with the two dominant groups--Anglophones in Ottawa (ON) and Francophones in Gatineau (QC)--reveal contrasting, asymmetrical processes of inclusion across the border. These different experiences suggest that distinct dynamics animate the relationship between place, culture, belonging and identity formation in Ottawa compared to Gatineau. These differences are examined through a comparative analysis of the narratives of two immigrant groups--Spanish-speaking Latin American and French-speaking sub-Saharan African immigrants--which serve to highlight the role of language/ linguistic affinity and ethnicity/race in these processes. The paper contributes to recent research and debates on (1) processes of belonging and identity formation in transborder contexts, and (2) immigrant experiences of inclusion, belonging and identity formation in Canadian society and in relation to Canada's two dominant groups. Resume Le role des frontieres internationales dans la formation des identites nationales et dans les processus d'inclusion a la nation est bien etabli. Le but de cet article est de reflechir sur les processus d'inclusion et d'appartenance dans un contexte transfrontalier a l'echelle sub-nationale en examinant les recits de personnes immigrantes sur leurs experiences quotidiennes a Ottawa-Gatineau et en accordant une attention particuliere aux relations entre le lieu, la culture et l'identite. La region de la capitale nationale du Canada est unique en ce qu'elle se trouve a la frontiere avec la plus forte charge politique et symbolique au le pays: entre l'Ontario et le Quebec. Bien que cette frontiere ait peu d'impact sur la vie quotidienne des individus, d'importantes differences dans la culture, la langue, les politiques et la prestation de services influencent les experiences et les sentiments d'appartenance des residents. Les recits des immigrants au sujet de leurs representations et de leurs interactions quotidiennes avec les deux groupes dominants--les anglophones a Ottawa (ON) et les francophones a Gatineau (QC)--revelent des processus d'inclusion contrastes et asymetriques de part et d'autre de la frontiere. Ces experiences distinctes indiquent l'existence de dynamiques particulieres animant la relation entre le lieu, la culture, l'appartenance et la formation identitaire a Ottawa et a Gatineau. Nous examinons ces differences a travers une analyse comparative des recits de deux groupes d'immigrants--des hispanophones d'Amerique latine et des francophones d'Afrique sub-saharienne--qui serf a mettre en lumiere le role de la langue/de l'affinite linguistique et de l'ethnicite/de la race dans ces processus. L'article contribue a avancer la recherche et les debats sur (1) les processus d'appartenance et de formation identitaire dans les contextes transfrontaliers et (2) les experiences d'inclusion, d'appartenance et de formation identitaire des immigrants dans la societe canadienne et par rapport aux deux groupes dominants au Canada. Introduction The role of international borders in the formation of national identities and processes of inclusion is well established (Mountz 2009; Prokkola 2009). …

Black Families and Socio-economic Inequality in Canada

Abstract: There have been virtually no recent census-based studies on the familial characteristics of black Canadians. The present study is a partial replication and extension of a study on black families published two decades ago by Christensen and Weinfeld (1993) and based on the 1986 Canadian census. The present paper utilizes the 2006 census in order to examine the current conditions of black families in Canada and assess what has changed since 1986 in the composition, marital status, and income of these families. Findings indicate that black families are more culturally heterogeneous than ever. Despite this, racial disparities in family formation and household income have only accentuated since 1986, bearing unique consequences for native and foreign-born black men and women. On the whole, relatively more black Canadians 25–44 years of age were single and never married, divorced, or separated in 2006 than in 1986. Between 1986 and 2006, the disparities in income between black families with young children and the general population have grown larger, both for single and dual parent families. The consequences of higher family instability, lone-parent families, economic insecurity and poverty for black families can only be detrimental for the welfare of children, particularly in a context of racial inequality. These issues deserve to be further investigated. Resume: Il n’existe aucune etude recente sur les caracteristiques des familles noires au Canada qui se base sur les donnees du recensement. En plus de presenter de nouvelles analyses sur les familles noires, cette etude reprend en partie celles effectuees il y a 20 ans par Christensen et Weinfeld (1993) a l’aide des donnees du recensement de 1986. Les objectifs sont, d’une part, d’examiner les circonstances des familles noires selon la composition du menage, le statut conjugal et le revenu familial par le biais du recensement de 2006 et, d’autre part, de comparer ces resultats avec les donnees de 1986. L’heterogeneite culturelle des familles noires va grandissante. Les resultats demontrent que les disparites raciales ont augmente au sein de la population noire depuis 1986 quant a la formation des familles et le revenu des menages, et imposent des consequences uniques pour les femmes et hommes noirs nes au Canada ou a l’exterieur. Entre 1986 et 2006, les disparites de revenu ont augmente entre les menages comprenant des enfants noirs et la population generale. Ces disparites sont presentes autant chez les familles monoparentales que biparentales. L’instabilite conjugale, vivre dans une famille monoparentale, l’insecurite economique et la pauvrete peuvent avoir des effets nefastes pour le bien-etre des enfants issus de familles de la minorite noire et ce, particulierement dans un contexte d’inegalites raciales. Ces questions meritent d’etre approfondies.

The Paradoxical Situation of Blood Donation in the Haitian-Quebec Community

Abstract: Blood donation involves precise regulations aiming to protect donors and recipients. At the beginning of the 1980’s, thousands of Canadians were infected with HIV and Hepatitis C. To prevent the contamination of blood products, health authorities asked Haitians, among other groups, to voluntarily refrain from giving blood. Witness testimonies at the Royal Commission of Inquiry on the Blood System in Canada (Krever Commission) show how profoundly affected Haitians were by these events. Today, we know that it is preferable to use phenotyped blood from the same community as the donor in the case of certain diseases. Increasing blood donation from the Black community is believed to be the best way to find donors who will be compatible with patients suffering from sickle-cell disease. Blood supply agencies such as Hema-Quebec are seeking to convince Haitians to give blood in greater numbers. However, this task represents a great challenge, since, less than one generation ago, authorities asked that Haitians voluntarily abstain from donating blood. This paradoxical situation inspired the present analysis. Through the conceptual lens of a constructivist approach to ethnicity, this case study draws on a number of sources. By retracing the history of this community and the major events that have affected it over the decades, we are brought to a better understanding of the perceptions and realities of the Haitian community in Montreal with regard to blood donation. Our analyses show that even if Haitian-Quebec leaders are positively disposed towards blood donation, our results also expose that past events of the 1980’s have not been forgotten. Even if many are now willing to give blood to meet specific medical needs, for some, this could also contradict the usual universalist and altruistic message of blood donation. This case study highlights the importance of examining what happens at the relational boundary between minority and majority groups: after all, these events also contribute to redefining them. Le don de sang au Quebec est encadre par des regles definies pour proteger les donneurs et ceux qui doivent subir une transfusion sanguine. Au debut des annees 1980, des milliers de Canadiens seront infectes par le VIH et l’Hepatite C. Pour prevenir la contamination des produits sanguins, les autorites sanitaires ont invite certains groupes, dont les Haitiens, a s’abstenir volontairement de donner du sang. Les temoignages a la Commission d’enquete sur l’approvisionnement en sang au Canada (Commission Krever) ont montre a quel point les Haitiens-Quebecois en ont ete affectes. Aujourd’hui, on sait qu’il est preferable d’utiliser le sang phenotype qui provient de la meme communaute que le donneur dans le cas de certaines maladies. Par exemple, l’augmentation de dons de sang de la communaute noire serait la meilleure facon de trouver des donneurs compatibles avec les patients atteints d’anemie falciforme. Convaincre les Haitiens de donner du sang en plus grand nombre semble pourtant un veritable defi du fait qu’il y a a peine une generation, les autorites responsables ne voulaient pas de leur sang. C’est cette situation paradoxale qui a inspire la presente analyse. A partir d’une approche constructiviste de l’ethnicite, cette etude de cas fait appel a de nombreuses sources afin de faire le point sur le rapport de la communaute haitienne du Quebec au don de sang, en reprenant le fil de l’histoire de cette communaute. Meme si les leaders de la communaute haitienne quebecoise sont maintenant plutot favorables au don de sang et qu’Hema-Quebec a fait de nombreux efforts pour recruter des donneurs au sein de cette communaute, nos analyses montrent que la memoire des evenements difficiles vecus dans les annees 1980 n’a pas completement ete effacee. De plus, meme si plusieurs peuvent etre motives a donner du sang pour repondre aux besoins medicaux de la communaute, pour certains, ceci peut aussi aller a l’encontre du message universaliste du don de sang. Cette etude de cas montre l’importance de s’interesser aux evenements qui affectent ce qui se passe a la frontiere des relations entre minorites et majorite et contribuent ainsi a les redefinir.

"Teaching Somebody to Fish": Implications for Immigrant-Serving Organizations and Employment in Edmonton and Winnipeg

Abstract: Provincial governments increasingly develop strategies that attract immigrants to settle in the Prairie Provinces. Although considerable research examines the role of settlement services in larger cities such as Toronto, Montreal, and Vancouver, there is less information regarding mid-sized cities. Increasingly, newcomers are moving to Manitoba and Alberta due to real or perceived economic opportunities. Unfortunately, some immigrants experience difficulties during their settlement process, and their varied needs create challenges for immigrant-serving organizations as they develop programs. This study explores how philosophies of empowerment influence service providers and their programs for working with professional newcomers searching for meaningful employment. Semi-structured interviews with 21 service providers in Edmonton and Winnipeg illustrate how tensions between competing notions of empowerment and neoliberal ideologies interact to guide how service providers assist immigrants. Although empowerment is a goal of service provision, limited funding and resources may constrain the advocacy role of organizations. Resume Les gouvernements provinciaux developpent de plus en plus des strategies qui attirent les immigrants a s'installer dans les provinces des prairies. Bien que d'importantes recherches examinent le role des services d'etablissement dans metropoles comme Toronto, Montreal et Vancouver, il y a moins d'informations concernant les villes moyennes. De plus en plus, les nouveaux arrivants demenagent pour le Manitoba et l'Alberta en raison des opportunites economiques reelles et pergues. Malheureusement, certains immigrants rencontrent des difficultes au cours de leur processus d'integration, et leurs besoins divers constituent un veritable defi pour les organismes d'aide aux immigrants dans l'elaboration de leurs programmes. Cette etude vise a explorer comment les philosophies d'autonomisation influencent les pourvoyeurs de service ainsi que leurs programmes dans leur travail avec les nouveaux arrivants qualifies pour la recherche d'emplois significatifs. Les entrevues realisees aupres de 21 pourvoyeurs de services semi-structures a Edmonton et a Winnipeg illustrent les rivalites entre les notions d'autonomisation et les ideologies neoliberales qui interagissent pour orienter les pourvoyeurs de services afin qu'ils assistent mieux les immigrants. Bien que l'autonomisation soit l'objectif de ces prestations des services, les financements et ressources limites pourraient restreindre le role de plaidoyer des organismes. INTRODUCTION This study challenges the notion that the declining employment outcomes of immigrant professionals are individualistic problems, and rather, I argue that immigrant-serving organizations, newcomers, and governments must work together to address broader systemic barriers to meaningful employment. One approach to promote systemic change in the labour market could involve an advocacy role within service provision that empowers and promotes the political inclusion of clients and their communities. Advocacy in service provision is important because there are significant obstacles for many immigrants as they search for jobs related to their educational credentials or previous careers. Employment services are the primary focus of this research because insufficient financial stability compromises full participation and inclusion in Canadian society (Breton 2000; Danso 2002). I analyze interviews with representatives of immigrant-serving agencies in Edmonton, Alberta, and Winnipeg, Manitoba to determine how they are or are not contributing to the process of immigrants finding satisfactory employment. I conceptualize effective advocacy as a collaborative process where agencies and immigrants work together to navigate a labour market characterized by prevalent ethno-racial inequality. The turbulent history of Canadian immigration policy involved overtly racist preferences for immigrants of white racialized origins (Driedger and Haiti 1999; Isajiw 1999; Simich, Beiser, Stewart and Mwakarimba 2005). …

"Canadian-First": Mixed Race Self-Identification and Canadian Belonging

Abstract: Not being read or identified by others as "Canadian" was a common thread in semi-structured in-depth interviews I conducted with 19 young adults of mixed race in a Western Canadian urban context. In this paper, I address moments of (in)ability for people of mixed race to claim "Canadian." Mixed race people have a complex relationship with identifying and narrating their identities as "Canadian" through the operation of race and ethnicity in the Canadian context, and because of ambivalent and contradictory readings of their bodies. I found that they deploy the term in three ways: by expressing a sense of being "Canadian-first," by stating that there exists an understanding that "Canadian means white," and by strategically using the term "Canadian" in their interactions with others, signaling an active appropriation of the term. However, none of these deployments are mutually exclusive: they overlap and bleed into each other, playing off and impacting one another. This paper adds to nascent Canadian Critical Mixed Race studies and also redresses a gap in the literature on "Canadian identity" by examining how the ability to claim "Canadian" is racialized through a consideration of the experiences of mixed race people. Resume Le fait de ne pas etre lus ou identifies par d'autres comme "Canadiens" etait le denominateur commun dans les entrevues semi-structures que j'ai menees en profondeur avec 19 jeunes adultes de races mixtes dans un contexte urbain de I'Ouest Canadien. Dans cet article, je mets en exergue les moments d' (in)aptitude des personnes de races mixtes de se reclamer "Canadiens". Les gens de races mixtes ont une relation complexe avec I'identification et la narration de leurs identites en tant que "Canadiens", a cause des perceptions ambivalentes et contradictoires de leurs corps. J'ai trouve que ceux-ci deploient leur terme de trois fapons : en exprimant le sens d'etre "Canadien en premier", en affirmant qu'il existe une comprehension du "Canadien qui veut dire Blanc" et en usant strategiquement du terme "Canadien" dans leur interactions avec les autres, signalant une appropriation active du ce terme. Cependant, aucuns de ces deploiements ne s'excluent mutuellement : ils se chevauchent et s'empietent entre eux, jouant au large et s'impactant I'un de I'autre. Ce papier s'ajoute aux etudes critiques canadiennes naissantes sur les races mixtes et repare aussi une lacune dans la litterature des "identites canadiennes", en examinant comment I'aptitude de se reclamer "Canadien" est radicalisee a travers une consideration des experiences des personnes de races mixtes. INTRODUCTION You walk into a room full of strangers, and all they see is a brown person. And then they think that you're the exotic person, so they want to know all about your race and stuff. But then it's almost anti-climatic when you're saying 'well, I'm Canadian.' In this quote Ja, a research participant, explains how, in her daily interactions, people do not read her as "Canadian" because she is racialized as non-white, and that they in turn expect and demand an explanation of her difference from "mainstream" conceptions of who is "Canadian." Not being read or identified by others as "Canadian" was a common thread in semi-structured in-depth interviews I conducted with 19 young adults of mixed race in a Western Canadian urban location over the course of a year. In this paper, I address moments of (in)ability for people of mixed race to claim "Canadian." Mixed race people have a complex relationship with identifying and narrating their identities as "Canadian" through the operation of race and ethnicity in the Canadian context and because of ambivalent and contradictory readings of their bodies. Race discourse operates in complex ways. For the purpose of this project, while recognizing the complexity of defining "mixed race," I define "mixed race people" as people whose biological parents are from different racialized groups, meaning different "socially defined racial groups" (Streeter 1996, 316). …

A Typology of the Changing Narratives of Canadian Citizens Through Time

Abstract: This paper presents key results from a study that analyzed Canadian citizenship guides as an example of an official policy voice of the Canadian government about what it means to be a Canadian citizen and what is expected from a naturalized Canadian citizen. Six Canadian citizenship guides in the English language developed between 1947 and 2012 were analyzed by identifying the format and thematic components of the guides, and the most recurrent words and rhetorical strategies, within each contemporary historical context. Each guide constructed a narrative about what constitutes a naturalized Canadian citizen and these six individual and different narratives resulted in a historically constructed typology of naturalized Canadian citizenship: good character citizen, responsible citizen, wholesome citizen, politically active citizen, test-ready citizen, and loyal citizen. Resume: Cet article presente les principaux resultats d'une etude qui a analyse les guides de la citoyennete canadienne a titre d'exemple d'une voix de la politique officielle du gouvernement du Canada au sujet de ce qu'etre citoyen canadien signifie et ce qui est attendu d'un citoyen canadien naturalise. Six guides de citoyennete canadienne rediges en anglais entre 1947 et 2012 ont ete analyses en identifiant le format et les composantes thematiques des guides, et les mots les plus recurrents et les strategies rhetoriques, dans chaque contexte historique contemporain. Chaque guide a construit un recit sur ce qui constitue un citoyen canadien naturalise et ces six recits individuels et differents ont abouti a une typologie historiquement construite de la citoyennete canadienne naturalise: le citoyen de bon caractere , le citoyen responsable , le citoyen bien integre , le citoyen politiquement actif , le citoyen pret-a-tester , et le citoyen fidele .

Health differences between Black and White Canadians: Revisiting Lebrun and LaVeist (2011, 2013)

Abstract: In an article previously published in Canadian Ethnic Studies , Lebrun and LaVeist (2013) analyzed pooled data from four cycles of the Canadian Community Health Survey (CCHS) to find that native-born Black Canadians tend to report comparable or better health outcomes than native-born White Canadians We suggest that several problematical modelling decisions led to a misrepresentation of Black-White health inequalities among native-born Canadians Attending to these issues in an expanded dataset comprised of eight cycles of the CCHS, we find that, in comparison with native-born White Canadians, native-born Black Canadians are less likely to report being a current or former smoker but more likely to be overweight or obese and to report fair or poor self-rated health, hypertension and diabetes We do not find statistically significant differences between native-born Black and White Canadians in self-reported asthma, heart disease and cancer We also find that socioeconomic status plays a role in explaining Black-White inequalities in self-rated health and diabetes in particular In summary, our analysis indicates that, prior to controlling for potential explanatory factors, native-born Black Canadians tend to report comparable or worse health outcomes than native-born White Canadians Resume: Dans un article publie precedemment dans Canadian Ethnic Studies ( Etudes ethniques au Canada ), Lebrun et LaVeist (2013) ont analyse des donnees collectees de quatre cycles de l’Enquete sur la sante dans les collectivites canadiennes (ESCC) pour etablir que les Canadiens noirs de souche tendent a presenter des resultats cliniques comparables ou meilleurs que les Canadiens blancs de souche Nous etablissons que plusieurs decisions de modelisation problematiques ont conduit a une mauvaise representation des inegalites cliniques entre les Noirs et les Blancs parmi les Canadiens de souche En nous penchant sur ces questions dans un ensemble de donnees elargi comprenant huit cycles de l’ESCC, nous nous rendons compte que, comparativement aux Canadiens blancs de souche, les Canadiens noirs de souche sont moins susceptibles de se declarer comme des fumeurs actuels ou anciens Cependant, ils sont plus susceptibles d’etre en surpoids ou obeses et de presenter un bon ou mauvais etat de sante auto-evalue, l’hypertension et le diabete Nous ne trouvons pas d’importantes differences au plan statistique entre les Canadiens noirs et les Canadiens blancs de souche en ce qui concerne l’asthme auto-evalue, les maladies cardiaques et le cancer Nous nous rendons egalement compte que le statut socioe-conomique joue un role dans l’explication des inegalites entre les Noirs et les Blancs en ce qui concerne la sante auto-evaluee et le diabete en particulier En resume, notre analyse indique qu’avant le controle des facteurs explicatifs potentiels, les Canadiens noirs de souche tendent a presenter des resultats cliniques comparables ou pires comparativement aux Canadiens blancs de souche

Transforming Citizenship: Power, Policy and Identity

Abstract: Canada is the essence of not being. Not English, not American, it is the mathematic of not being. And a subtle flavour--we're more like celery as a flavour. --Mike Myers, Canadian Actor and Screenwriter If Mike Myers is correct that Canada is as 'subtle' as celery, it might seem an academic conference focused on the theme of Canadian citizenship would be a gathering around the bland. In actuality, the 23rd conference of the Canadian Ethnic Studies Association (CESA), and the fourth one sponsored jointly with the Association for Canadian Studies (ACS), demonstrated otherwise. Held at the University of Alberta in Edmonton from October 24-26, 2013, the conference was devoted to the theme of "Transforming Citizenship: Ethnicity, Transnationalism and Belonging in Canada." The papers, formal presentations, and informal discussions (some continuing long after the conference ended) reflected on the dynamism of Canada and Canadian citizenship in the twenty-first century. They also reflected on the riveting questions that can arise from a consideration of migration, belonging and political community "across the pond," "north of the 49th parallel," in none other than Canada. This special issue of Canadian Ethnic Studies contains articles originally presented as papers at the 2013 joint ACS-CESA conference. As a package these articles underscore the many ways in which "transforming citizenship" in Canada cuts into longstanding issues, as well as contemporary discussions of citizenship in relation to power, policy, and identity. Each issue will be discussed in turn. POWER That a focus on Canadian citizenship is far from subtle when it comes to social power should not be surprising. By merely replacing one word in one stanza of the English version of the national anthem, Indigenous activists have powerfully reminded settlers that Canada is not merely a "home and native land," but a "home on native land." These different phrasings point to the history of Canada's foundation and evolution as a settler-colony and by extension, the complex and shifting power relations which result from contestations over power, as well as discussions of 'home' and belonging in Canada. Since the foundation of the modern state in 1867, social relations of power in Canada include a division between indigenous peoples and settlers; a division between two (unequal) European groups (articulated sometimes as the hegemony of 'English' over 'French'); a racialized division between 'whiteness' and 'non-whiteness'; a division between the foreign-born and the native-born; and a division between those who hold legal citizenship and those who do not (Abu-Laban 2014a). Important inequities relating to institutional and cultural power as well as socioeconomic status continue to shape Indigenous struggles for land and rights (Coulthard 2014), the marginalized labour market position and discrimination experienced by recent immigrants as well as racialized minorities (Galabuzi 2011), the precarity of growing numbers of non-citizens entering the country as temporary foreign workers (Goldring and Landolt 2013) along with lingering uncertainties regarding the political status of the province of Quebec, and inequalities experienced by francophones--especially francophone immigrants outside of Quebec (Noel 2010; Abu-Laban and Couture 2010). POLICY The country's reliance on successive waves of immigrants and refugees, as well as shifting admission criteria have been regulated by immigration and citizenship policies. Historically, legislation at municipal, provincial and federal levels, such as that relating to the franchise, worked to deny Canadian citizenship to specific collectivities already in the country--including women, those without property and indigenous people (Strong-Boag 2002, 40-41). For example, owing to The Indian Act of 1876, until 1960 one could not simultaneously maintain state recognition of 'Indian' status and citizen status with voting rights in national elections. …

Only if She Shows Her Face: Canadian Media Portrayals of the Niqab Ban during Citizenship Ceremonies

Abstract: On 12 December 2011, the Canadian government banned the niqab in citizenship ceremonies. Now women who wear full-face veils are required to remove them while they swear their citizenship oath to Canada. This paper examines the veiling debate in the media during the weeks following the Canadian ban of the niqab during citizenship ceremonies. Using Critical Discourse Analysis, I assess the dominant perspectives contained in 80 Canadian newspaper articles and governmental news releases focused upon the December announcement of the ban. I argue that banning the niqab during citizenship ceremonies is detrimental to Muslim women because those who wear the full-face veil may now be reluctant to obtain citizenship. Moreover, based upon the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms , this event illustrates how Canada only incorporates cultural practices perceived as congruent with mainstream expectations of minority and immigrant integration. Resume: Le 12 decembre 2011, le gouvernement canadien a interdit le port du nigab pendant les ceremonies de citoyennete. Actuellement, les femmes qui se voilent integralement le visage sont tenues de les enlever afin de preter leur serment de citoyennete au Canada. Ce papier examine les debats sur le port du voile dans les medias au cours des semaines qui ont suivi l’interdiction du nigab pendant les ceremonies de citoyennete. En utilisant l’analyse critique du discours, j’evalue les perspectives dominantes contenues dans 80 articles de journaux canadiens et les communiques de presses gouvernementales, axes sur l’annonce de l’interdiction de decembre. Je postule que l’interdiction du nigab lors des ceremonies de citoyennete est prejudiciable aux femmes musulmanes, parce que celles qui portent le voile integral pourraient devenir reticentes a l’obtention de la citoyennete. En plus, selon la Charte canadienne des droits et libertes , cet evenement illustre comment le Canada n’incorpore que les cultures percues comment en harmonie avec les attentes courantes de la minorite et l’integration des immigrants.

Ethnicity, Religion, and Socialism in Canada: The Twenties through the War

Abstract: This article articulates the idiosyncratic socialist affinities of ethnic and religious groups in Canada between the 1920s and the end of the Second World War by surveying a multitude of diverse secondary sources about the groups. Specific ethno-cultural groups accounted for the differences in support for the most prominent socialist parties, an unwieldy mixture of largely labour parties and the Co-operative Commonwealth Federation (CCF), and the Communist Party (CP). The study points to the uneven immigrant settlement patterns in Canada’s regions at the turn of the twentieth century to account for the uneven regional strength of the parties. As acculturation, intermarriage, integration, and assimilation proceeded, domestic issues increasingly informed the politics of subsequent generations to the benefit of the CCF at the expense of the CP. Resume: Cet article expose les affinites socialistes idiosyncrasiques des groupes ethniques et religieux au Canada entre les annees 1920 et la fin de la deuxieme guerre mondiale a travers un sondage aupres d’une multitude de sources secondaires sur divers groupes. Les groupes ethnoculturels specifiques participent aux differentes formes de soutien pour les partis socialistes les plus en vue, un melange complique de partis pratiquement ouvriers et la Federation Cooperative de Commonwealth (FCC) et le Parti Communiste (PC). L’etude met en parallele les modeles d’etablissement cahoteux des immigrants dans les regions du Canada au tournant du vingt-et-unieme siecle qui contribuent au renforcement irregulier des partis. Comme procedes d’acculturation, d’endogamie, d’integration et d’assimilation, les questions nationales informent graduellement les politiques sur les generations a venir au profit de la FCC et au detriment du PC.

The Construction of Migrant Work and Workers by Alberta Legislators, 2000-2011

Abstract: This paper uses narrative analysis to explore how Alberta government Members of the Legislative Assembly (MLAs) "constructed" migrant work and migrant workers in legislature and media statements between 2000 and 2011. Government MLAs asserted that migrant work (1) was economically necessary and (2) posed no threat to Canadian workers. Government MLAs also asserted that international migrant workers (3) had questionable occupational, linguistic or cultural skills and (4) caused negative social and economic impacts in Canada. Taken individually, these narratives appear contradictory, casting migrant work as good but migrant workers as bad. Viewed together, these narratives comprise an effort to dehumanize temporary and permanent international migrant workers. This (sometimes racialized) "othering" of migrant workers justifies migrant workers' partial citizenship and suppresses criticism of their poor treatment. Resume Cet article utilise l'analyse narrative pour explorer comment les membres du gouvernement de l'Assemblee legislative de l'Alberta (deputes) ont > le travail des migrants et des travailleurs migrants avec leur declarations dans la legislature et les medias entre 2000 et 2011. Les deputes du gouvernement ont affirme que le travail migrant (1) etait necessaire economiquement et (2) ne representait aucune menace pour les travailleurs canadlens. Les deputes du gouvernement ont egalement affirme que les travailleurs migrants internationaux (3) avaient des competences professionnelles, linguistiques ou culturelles douteuse et (4) avaient des impacts negatifs sociaux et economiques au Canada. Pris individuellement, ces recits semblent contradictoires, decrivant le travail migrant comme bon, mais les travailleurs migrants comme mauvais. Prises ensemble, ces recits constituent un effort pour deshumaniser les travailleurs migrants internationaux temporaires et permanents. Cette > (parfois racialise) des travailleurs migrants justifie la citoyennete partielle des travailleurs migrants et supprime la critique de leur mauvais traitement. INTRODUCTION Like many jurisdictions, the Canadian province of Alberta saw significant growth in its population of international migrant workers--as well as rampant mistreatment of these workers--between 2000 and 2011. Provincial government legislators belonging to the ruling Conservative party frequently made demonstrably false statements justifying this growth and discounting this mistreatment (Barnetson and Foster 2014). The Alberta discourse around temporary and permanent international migrant workers hinted at a seeming contradiction: government members of the Legislative Assembly (MLAs) of Alberta often seemed bullish on migrant work, but critical of migrant workers. Through narrative analysis of MLA statements in the legislature and in the media, this study seeks to fully identify, develop and analyze this seeming contradiction in how MLAs "constructed" migrant work and migrant workers. Ultimately, four narratives are explicated for the period 2000-2011. MLAs were supportive of migrant work, asserting it (1) was economically necessary and (2) did not pose a threat to Canadian workers. By contrast, MLAs were critical of international migrant workers, asserting they (3) had questionable occupational, linguistic or cultural skills and (4) caused negative social and economic impacts in Canada. These apparently contradictory narratives can be reconciled when theorized as part of a broader legitimation project. MIGRANT WORKERS AND LABOUR MARKETS Canada is a relative newcomer to large-scale migrant labour programs. In comparison with Europe and the U.S., Canada has traditionally brought in relatively few international migrant workers (Castles and Miller 2009), amounting to under one percent of the work force. Presently, the Seasonal Agricultural Worker Program (SAWP) brings approximately 18,000 farm workers from Mexico, Caribbean and Central America to Canada each year (Preibisch 2010). …

The Ukrainian Cultural Landscape in Canada and Brazil: A Century of Change and Divergence

Abstract: Between 1891 and 1914 thousands of Ukrainian peasants left their ancestral homeland in Western Ukraine to seek land on the agricultural frontiers of Western Canada and southern Brazil. Often these emigrants who left for radically different frontiers originated from the same districts and villages; some even came from the same families. The new landscapes created in Canada and Brazil by these Ukrainian pioneers reflected environmental differences between the Old World and the New. The Ukrainian landscape in Brazil showed the most immediate response to environmental change, but the isolation of the Brazilian communities meant that evidence of traditional folkways and aspects of material culture survived far longer in Ukrainian Brazilian areas than in Ukrainian Canadian communities. At the same time as these landscapes in the Ukrainian diaspora were evolving, the landscapes of the hearth area were also experiencing change. This paper is thus an attempt to consider the role of time, environmental change, and culture in three areas that are geographically widely separated, but retain certain cultural commonalities in radically different physical and political environments. Resume: De 1891 a 1914 des milliers de paysans ukrainiens ont quitte leur patrie ancestrale en Ukraine de l’Ouest pour des terres aux frontieres agricoles de l’Ouest canadien et du Bresil du sud. Ces emigrants qui partaient pour des contrees radicalement dissemblables, provenaient souvent des memes districts et villages, si ce n’est des memes familles. La maniere dont ces pionniers ukrainiens ont reamenage ces territoires, refletait les differences environnementales du vieux et du nouveau monde. Au Bresil, ils se sont immediatement adaptes au changement geographique, mais l’isolement de leurs communautes a permis aux formes de vie traditionnelles populaires et aux caracteres culturels architecturaux de leurs villages de survivre beaucoup plus longtemps que chez les Canadiens ukrainiens. Parallelement aux transformations des paysages de la diaspora ukrainienne, d’autres mutations se faisaient aussi dans son foyer ancestral. Cet article tente donc de considerer le role du temps, du changement environnemental et de la culture dans les trois regions qui retiennent certains points culturels communs malgre leur grand eloignement geographique aux unes et aux autres et des terrains physiques et politiques radicalement differents.

Marrying 'the Other': Trends and Determinants of Culturally Mixed Marriages in Québec, 1880–1940

Abstract: This paper examines the determinants of ethno-religious intermarriage in Quebec over a century as an indication of integration in a province where minority/majority relations are distinct from the rest of Canada. Drawing on previous work by Kalmijn and others outside of Canada, we distinguish between cultural preferences and structural factors and continue a long tradition of such studies within Canada by using the manuscript censuses. We use data from 1881 (entire census), 1911 and 1941 censuses (newly available CCRI samples), to examine ethno-religious intermarriage among couples who were married at the time of the census for three successive generations thirty years apart. Using multilevel analysis we try to distinguish between the role of individual level determinants such as the ethno-religious identity, knowledge of French and English, level of education and immigrant status as well as characteristics of the areas in which these couples lived, such as type of milieu (rural and urban), sex ratio and degree of cultural diversity, separately for men and women. We confirm the importance of contextual variables both on their own and in addition to spouses’ characteristics. The models are relatively stable over the entire period and point to the importance of structural factors as well as the ethnic diversity of the area at the contextual level; cultural preferences also play a role, most especially among the Jewish. British Catholics (mostly Irish) show a particularly high propensity to marry across language and religious lines, reflecting their special position in Quebec society. Resume: Nous analysons dans cet article les determinants des unions mixtes au Quebec durant un siecle ou l’immigration a donne lieu a diverses modalites d’integration, dans une province ou les rapports minorite/majorite different de ceux du reste du Canada. S’appuyant notamment sur les travaux de Kalmijn, ce texte explore les determinants structurels et culturels des mariages mixtes au moyen des micro-donnees detaillees des recensements et s’inscrit dans la foulee d’etudes realisees au Canada a partir de donnees semblables. Les donnees des recensements de 1881 (dans son entierete), de 1911 et de 1941 (echantillons recemment constitues par l’IRCS) sont mises a profit pour analyser les comportements de trois generations de couples maries sur des intervalles de trente ans. Utilisant une approche multiniveau, nous cherchons a mettre en evidence l’impact de facteurs individuels tels que l’appartenance ethno-religieuse, la connaissance du francais et de l’anglais, le niveau de scolarite ou le statut d’immigrant, et celui de facteurs contextuels tels que le milieu (urbain ou rural), le desequilibre entre les sexes et le degre de diversite culturelle, sur la propension des hommes et des femmes a faire partie d’un couple mixte. Nos resultats confirment l’importance des variables contextuelles, separement et une fois combinees aux variables individuelles. Les modeles demeurent stables au cours des trois periodes etudiees et font ressortir l’importance des facteurs structurels dans la propension a appartenir a un couple mixte, meme si les facteurs culturels jouent egalement un role, particulierement chez les Juifs. Les catholiques d’origine britannique, surtout des Irlandais, affichent la plus grande propension a la mixite, consequence de leur positionnement unique dans la societe quebecoise.

Racial Variations in Ethnic Identity among the Children of Immigrants in Canada

Abstract: Using data from the Ethnic Diversity Survey, we study the impact of parental human capital, family socialization, co-ethnic friendship, and experience of discrimination on ethnic identity formation among the children of immigrants from diverse ethnic backgrounds. In addition, we examine the extent to which these factors account for racial variations in ethnic identity attainment. The results show that racial minority children of immigrants are more likely to attain ethnic identity than their white counterparts. We also find racial variation is explained by parental human capital, family socialization, co-ethnic friendship, and past experience of discrimination. We discuss implications of our findings for Canada’s multiculturalism policy, which promotes the formation and maintenance of ethnic identity. Resume: Dans cette etude, nous utilisons les donnees de l’Enquete sur la diversite ethnique pour examiner l’impact du capital humain des parents, la socialisation familiale, les rapports entre amis de differentes ethnies, et l’experience de la discrimination sur la formation de l’identite ethnique des enfants d’immigrants de diverses origines ethniques. Nous cherchons aussi a voir si ces facteurs expliquent les variations raciales dans la construction de l’identite ethnique. Les resultats montrent que les enfants d’immigrants de minorite raciale sont plus susceptibles de se forger une identite ethnique que leurs homologues blancs. De plus, les quatre facteurs expliquent la variation raciale. Nous discutons des implications de nos resultats pour la politique canadienne du multiculturalisme.

Did Your Mother Go To Bimbo School?: Naming Schools, Power, and Politics in Canada's Prairie West

Abstract: Naming converts space to place Place names are often the manifestation of military and political power The victors write history and embed their culture and power in the landscape by naming and renaming places In Canada’s Prairie West, after 1870, Aboriginal place names were submerged beneath a tide of British imperial nomenclature bestowed by major corporations Agricultural immigrants from Europe found it difficult to mark their presence in the landscape by naming settlements, but school names were generally assigned locally By naming schools, otherwise powerless groups from Eastern Europe marked their presence in the rural landscape Naming or renaming them reflected the strength of community power, the community’s weltanschaaung , and fluctuations in the influence of the Anglophone elite Resume: L’acte de nommer convertit l’espace en un lieu Le nom des lieux (toponyme) sont souvent la manifestation du pouvoir politique et militaire Les vainqueurs ecrivent l’histoire et integrent leur culture et pouvoir dans le paysage en nommant et en renommant des lieux Apres 1870, dans la region des Prairies de l’Ouest du Canada, les toponymes autochtones ont ete submerges sous une maree de nomenclature imperiale Britannique conferee par les grandes entreprises commerciales Les immigrants agricoles en provenance d’Europe ont trouve difficile de marquer leur presence dans le paysage en nommant des villages Toutefois, cela n’etait pas le cas pour le nom des ecoles qui etait generalement attribue localement L’acte de nommer leurs ecoles a permis a des groupes d’Europe de l’Est de marquer leur presence dans le paysage rural Ainsi, nommer ou renommer les ecoles reflete le pouvoir de la communaute, l’weltanschauung de la communaute, et les fluctuations de l’influence de l’elite anglophone

Australian Muslim Jobseekers and Social Capital

Abstract: This article uses the concept of social capital to analyse data about Muslim jobseekers attempting to enter the Australian labour market. They often relied on their own social networks to find work rather than maximize the support of employment service providers. The study demonstrated the range of Muslim jobseekers and their social networks in an atmosphere of fear and intolerance. Three categories of Muslim jobseekers--from advantaged to disadvantaged--were identified. It is concluded that the most disadvantaged Muslim jobseekers can benefit greatly from increased support offered by employment service providers. Resume Cet article presente une analyse des gens de confession musulmane qui cherchent a entrer sur le marche du travail en Australie. Nous avons observe que ces gens comptaient souvent sur leurs propres reseaux sociaux pour chercher un emploi et que quelquefois ils ne voulaient pas utiliser les services d'aide. Nos recherches decrivent en detail les experiences de ces demandeurs d'emploi. Il semble qu'il y ait un climat de peur et d'intolerance dans la societe australienne qui pousse ces personnes a compter sur leurs propres ressources et reseaux, qui sont necessairement limites. Nous avons identifie trois categories de demandeurs d'emploi musulmans : les demandeurs les plus favorises, les demandeurs avec quelques avantages, et les demandeurs les plus defavorises. Nos recherches indiquent que les musulmans qui ne reussissent pas a trouver un emploi sont ceux qui sont les plus defavorises dans la societe. Ces derniers devraient obtenir un meilleur soutien des services d'aide a la recherche d'un emploi quand ils cherchent a entrer sur le marche du travail en Australie. INTRODUCTION Below we consider the concept of social capital in relation to Muslim jobseekers entering the Australian labour market, using data from a major research project, Australian Muslim Jobseekers: Labour Market Experience, Job Readiness, and the Relative Effectiveness of Employment Support Services (DIAC 2011). Interviews with Muslim jobseekers identified reliance on their own social networks in trying to find work as a major strategy, one that was arguably more effective in some instances than reliance on employment service providers. Jobseekers of Muslim faith in Australia come from diverse backgrounds. Not only do they belong to many different ethnic groups but they vary widely in terms of length of time in Australia, English language fluency, educational attainment and labour market experience. They might be refugees, but might as easily be first, second and third generation immigrants. It was therefore a research challenge to study Muslim jobseekers as a group, even though this was the brief given by the project funding body itself: an Australian Government department, and we could not depart from it. Yet, in spite of the diversity of our informants, we found significant points of similarity in the Muslim jobseekers' accounts of their difficulties in entering the labour market, difficulties which were not inherent in ethnicity or any of the characteristics listed above. Rather, the participants in this study were judged, and felt judged first as Muslims, especially women who wore the headscarf and those who favoured pious practices. For example, one woman said, "[It's] not my accent but my appearance. So many times when I get a job over the phone and they ask me for interview. I could see the reaction when they see me wearing this scarf. They slam the door in my face" (R3, 30s, F, Malaysian migrant). A male informant told us, "For me I try my best to dress up nicely and shave my beard almost everyday as I do not want anybody to think I am a complicated Muslim, could go to pray five times a day" (A3, 43, M, Arab-Iraqi refugee). We have already reported on our findings of the experience of Islamophobia for Muslim jobseekers elsewhere (see Lovat, Nilan, Hosseini, Samarayi, Mansfield and Alexander 2013a, 2013b; Nilan 2011, 2012; Nilan, Samarayi and Lovat 2012). …

Remembering Monarchy, Forgetting Coloniality: The Elision of Race in Canadian Monarchy Abolition Debates

Abstract: In recent years, calls to abolish the Canadian monarchy have resurged. Its defenders argue that the monarchy is important for parliamentary function, symbolism and Canadian identity. While critics challenge these claims, the mainstream debate on both sides is devoid of diverse perspectives. The author argues that both of these narratives, though ostensibly opposed, accomplish a silencing, or perpetually re-inscribed forgetting, of Canadians of colour. To the extent that this mainstream debate considers historical and cultural contexts, it is limited to the experiences of "white" Canada. With the exception of the Quebecois, the meaning of the monarchy to "minorities" is ignored. What does the monarchy represent for Aboriginals? Black Canadians? Canadians of colour in general? These issues are absent from the dominant discourse. Far beyond the monarchy's anti-meritocratic and archaic character, considering the concerns of Canadians of colour involves remembering the monarchy's role in the trans-Atlantic slave trade and its continued role in British, Canadian, and US-American coloniality. The monarchy's involvement in crimes against humanity are downplayed in mainstream discourse but well documented, from Queen Elizabeth I's first slave ship in 1592 to Queen Elizabeth M's Orders-in-Council overruling the British High Court's right-of-return ruling in favour of the dispossessed Chagos Islanders in 2004. The above are great reasons for abolishing the monarchy, yet doing so without reference to these realities escapes confrontation with the nation's problematic past and present. Thus abolition on the terms of the mainstream meritocrats provides the palimpsest for a new inscription of a coloniality-free Canada. Resume Au cours des dernieres annees, l'appel a l'abolition de la monarchie canadienne a resurgi. Ses tenants soutiennent que la monarchie est importante pour la fonction parlementaire, symbolisme de l'identite canadienne. Bien que les critiques remettent en question ces reclamations, le debat dominant est depourvu de perspectives diverses de deux cotes. L'auteur postule que les deux recits, si ostensiblement opposes, accomplissent en silence, ou reinscrivent perpetuellement les Canadiens de couleur oublies. Dans la mesure oU ce debat dominant considere les contextes historiques et culturels, il est limite a l'experience du Canada "Blanc". A l'exception des Quebecois, le sens de la monarchie pour les "minorites" est ignore. Que represente la monarchie pour les aborigenes ? Noirs Canadiens ? Canadiens de couleur en general ? Ces questions sont absentes dans le discours dominant. Bien au-dela du caractere anti-meritocratique et archaique de la monarchie, considerant le fait que les Canadien de couleur sont impliques a la commemoration du role de la monarchie dans l'esclavage transatlantique et son role indefectible dans la colonialite britannique, canadienne et des Etats-Unis d'Amerique. La participation de la monarchie dans les crimes contre l'humanite a minimise l'importance du discours dominant pourtant bien documente, du premier convoi d'esclave envoye en 1592 par la Reine Elizabeth I aux decrets en Conseil de la Reine Elizabeth II rejetant la decision de la Haute Cour Britannique en faveur des Cargos insulaires desherites en 2004. Ce sont la de bonnes raison pour l'abolition de la monarchie, qui se fait deja sans prendre en compte les realites qui s'echappent de la confrontation avec les problemes des nations dans le passe et le present. Ainsi l'abolition selon les meritocrates dominants fournit le palimpseste d'une nouvelle inscription d'un Canada libre de la colonialite. ********** With the turn of the 21st century, calls to abolish the Canadian monarchy have resurged and various polls indicate that a majority of Canadians would prefer a Canadian head of state (Spicer 2007; Hepburn 2012; Conacher 2013). Monarchy advocates argue for its continued relevance in parliamentary function and as a symbol of Canadian identity and values. …

Ukrainian Ethnicity and Language Interactions in Saskatchewan

Abstract: This paper explores the reported ethnic self-identity of Saskatchewan residents with Ukrainian ancestry, the role of the Ukrainian language in this identity, and the correlation between the factors of ethnic identity, Ukrainian language proficiency, age, gender, and generation. The results show that most participants (Saskatchewan residents with Ukrainian ancestry) identify themselves as “Ukrainian Canadians,” about a quarter of respondents identify themselves as “Ukrainian,” and about 15% as “Canadian.” The results confirm the importance of language in the construction of ethnicity. Most individuals with self-identified “Ukrainian” and “Ukrainian Canadian” ethnicities had Ukrainian as their sole mother tongue in childhood, whereas individuals who self-identify as “Canadian” did not. The use and knowledge of Ukrainian, as well as the level of comfort with the language, are the highest in the “Ukrainian” ethnic group, followed by the “Ukrainian Canadian” group, and are the lowest in the “Canadian” and “Other” groups. The study shows that the immigrant generation, gender, and experience with bilingual schools are also contributing social factors in perceived ethnic self-identity. The results suggest that the opportunities to take Ukrainian language courses in Saskatchewan could be improved. The study helps to establish the components of Ukrainian Canadian ethnicity and explore its diversity and complexity, particularly in relationship to the maintenance of the Ukrainian language. Resume: Dans cet article, nous explorons l’identite ethnique auto-declaree des residents de la Saskatchewan d’origine ukrainienne, le role de la langue maternelle dans cette identification et la correlation entre ces divers facteurs : identite ethnique, maitrise de l’ukrainien, âge, genre et generation. Il ressort de notre etude que les participants, (les residents ci-dessus) s’identifient pour la plupart aux “Ukrainiens Canadiens”, un quart d’entre aux comme “Ukrainiens” et environ 15% aux “Canadiens”. Ces resultats confirment l’importance de la langue dans la construction identitaire : la plupart des personnes qui se voient ethniquement comme “Ukrainiens” ou “Canadiens ukrainiens” ne parlaient que la leur dans leur enfance, alors que celles qui se percoivent comme “Canadiens” ne le faisaient pas. Ainsi, le degre auquel les participants ont recours a leur langue maternelle, la connaissent et la parlent avec aisance est le plus eleve dans le groupe ethnique “ukrainien”, suivi par celui des “Canadiens ukrainiens”, et il est le plus bas chez les “Canadiens” et groupes “autres”. D’apres cette etude, les facteurs sociaux que sont la generation de ces immigrants, leur genre et leur experience dans des ecoles d’immersion ukrainiennes ont aussi contribue a renforcer ce qui est a leurs yeux leur identite ethnique. Les resultats donnent a penser qu’on pourrait accroitre les occasions de suivre des cours d’ukrainien en Saskatchewan. Cette etude aide a etablir les composantes de l’ethnicite canadienne ukrainienne et permet de sonder sa diversite et sa complexite, particulierement en relation avec le maintien de la langue maternelle.

The Gathering Storm: The Mainstream Canadian Press Coverage of the Soviet Union in the Lead-up to Ukraine's Great Famine-Holodomor

Abstract: Although far removed from the Soviet Union geographically and by no means a major international power, Canada closely followed events in "Red Russia" from its very inception. This is clear from even a cursory examination of Canadian press coverage of the U.S.S.R., which was both extensive and quite detailed, especially when it came to reporting on Soviet agriculture in the first decade and a half of Communist rule. This paper discusses accounts about the Soviet Union published in the mainstream Canadian press between 1924 and the end of 1930, when Joseph Stalin came to power and inaugurated the first Five-Year Plan with the objective of radically and fundamentally reshaping the economic, political, social, and cultural fabric of the former Russian empire. It pays particular attention to events in Ukraine that contribute to a fuller understanding of the 1932-33 Great Famine (the Holodomor). It further analyzes the news stories from Ukraine in the context of broader historical developments. Resume Bien qu'ayant ete longtemps retire geographiquement de l'Union sovietique et sans etre consideree comme une grande puissance internationale, le Canada a suivi de pres les evenements en "Russie Rouge" depuis ses tout debuts. Cela vient clairement d'un examen superficiel de la couverture de presse canadienne de l'URSS, qui etait a la fois etendue et tres detaillee, surtout quand il s'agissait de rendre compte de I'agriculture sovietique dans la premiere decennie et la moitie du regne communiste. Cet article revele des faits au sujet I'union Sovietique publies dans la presse traditionnelle canadienne entre 1924 et la fin de 1930, lorsque Joseph Staline est arrive au pouvoir et a inaugure le premier plan quinquennal avec pour objectif de reorganiser radicalement et fondamentalement la vie economique, politique, sociale, et la structure culturelle de l'ancien empire Russe. Il accorde une attention particuliere aux evenements en Ukraine qui contribue a une meilleure comprehension de la Grande Famine de 1932 a 1933 (L'Holodomor). Il analyse en outre les informations sur l'Ukraine dans un contexte des developpements historiques plus etendus. INTRODUCTION Ukraine's famine of 1932-33 is a subject that has been long relegated to the margins of historical enquiry, having been studiously ignored, covered up, or flatly denied by generations of Soviet scholars in keeping with the Communist Party line on the horrific consequences of the first Five-Year Plan and its forced collectivization drive. At the same time, the famine was dismissed or downplayed by many Western Sovietologists, who characterized it as a contentious event that was subsequently "exaggerated" and "politicized" by post-Second World War emigres who had an axe to grind with the U.S.S.R. Although together with the Holocaust, the Great Famine easily qualifies as one of the worst crimes against humanity committed by any state in the twentieth century, for many it remains a challenging subject that continues to be dogged by controversy. Some of the debates can be attributed to efforts by old-school Marxists and neo-Soviet apologists seeking to discredit claims that the artificially-created famine, known as the Holodomor, had a distinctly genocidal character in Ukraine and in the heavily Ukrainian Kuban region of southern Russia. This paper will discuss the nature of the coverage given to the Soviet Union in the mainstream, English-language Canadian press in several critical years preceding the famine, when the Communist dictator, Joseph Stalin, set the U.S.S.R. on a course that would lead to the politically motivated extermination of millions of Ukrainians and other Soviet citizens. It will focus primarily on developments that are important in understanding how the Great Famine impacted Ukrainians, for even though serious hunger affected peasants outside of Ukraine as well, in Soviet Ukraine the mass starvation had several unique features that form part of the basis of why the Holodomor has increasingly come to be regarded as having targeted the Ukrainian peasantry with particular malice. …

"Citizens of the World": Law, Deportation and the Homo Sacer, 1932–1934

Abstract: The post-9/11 era of state-sponsored deportations of suspected terrorists has brought new life to the topic of deportation. This work aims to break new ground in the study of deportation in Canada by blending the social history of the human targets of deportation, with a focus on the laws and state actors responsible for deportation policies as well as introducing new inter-disciplinary theoretical approaches from scholars such as Giorgio Agamben and Nicholas De Genova, thus pushing the boundaries of historical inquiry. The article builds on recent research to explain how deportation, as a "nation-building" policy, could occur in a democracy like Canada as well as explaining why transnational activists were susceptible to it. The article focuses on the case of the "Halifax 10," a group of ten Communist Party of Canada (CPC) members who were rounded up by the RCMP during secret night-time raids and slotted for deportation during Canada's Great Depression. The deportations were made possible because of the state's ability to normalize exceptional wartime powers and use them during peacetime to combat radicalism. Their case also reveals that what made the deportation of transnational activists possible was their occupation of an exceptional space in Canadian society which denied them the legal protections granted to citizens. The article pays particular attention to the jarring effects of deportation on the "bare life" of these transnational activists by drawing on German, Finnish, Polish, Croatian, and Ukrainian sources, thus putting a human face on state deportation policy. For these activists, Canada was viewed as one of many fronts in their international struggle. Resume Les deportations des presumes terroristes de la periode d'apres le 11 septembre financees par l'Etat a apporte une nouvelle perception au sujet de la deportation. Ce travail vise a instaurer une nouvelle etude de la question de deportation au Canada en fusionnant l'histoire sociale des cibles humaines de deportation, avec un accent sur les lois et les acteurs charges de la politiques ainsi que l'introduction de nouvelles approches theoriques interdisciplinaires des erudits tels que Giorgio Abamben et Nicholas De Genova qui poussent ainsi les investigations historiques au-dela des frontieres. L'article se fonde sur les recherches recentes pour expliquer comment la deportation, en tant que politique de >, pourrait s'operer dans une democratie comme le Canada en expliquant aussi pourquoi les militants transnationaux ont ete predisposes a cela. L'article se concentre sur le cas de >, un groupe de dix partis communistes de Canada (PCC), membres qui ont ete rafles par la GRC au cours des nuits d'incursions secretes et inseres dans la deportation pendant la Grande Depression du Canada. Les deportations ont ete rendues possibles grace a la capacite de l'Etat a normaliser les pouvoirs exceptionnels de guerre et de les utiliser en temps de paix pour lutter contre le radicalisme. Leur cas revele egalement que ce qui rend la deportation des militants transnationaux possible etait leur occupation d'un espace exceptionnel dans la societe canadienne, qui leur a refuse les protections juridiques accordees aux citoyens. L'article accorde une attention particuliere aux effets discordants d'expulsion sur la "vie depouillee" de ces militants transnationaux en incluant les Allemands de sources finlandaises, polonais, croates et ukrainiennes, mettant ainsi un visage humain sur la politique d'expulsion de l'Etat. Pour ces militants, le Canada etait considere comme l'un des nombreux fronts dans leur lutte internationale. INTRODUCTION In 1931 eight members of the Communist Party of Canada (CPC) were found guilty of violating Section 98 of the Criminal Code of Canada and the CPC was classified as an unlawful organization. Communism was outlawed across the country and the government engaged in one of the most widespread political deportation campaigns in Canadian history. …

"White Settler Guilt": Contemporary Ukrainian Canadian Prairie Literature

Abstract: Ukrainians have been in Canada for at least 120 years, and in the federal multiculturalism debates of the 1960s and 1970s, Ukrainian Canadian groups were one of the most vocal, pushing for a recognition of other ethnic identities alongside what was at that time the discourse of the day of “two founding nations.” Interestingly, one of the ways that this ethnic group was able to make ground in these federal debates—ultimately leading to the policy shift from Biculturalism and Bilingualism to Multiculturalism and Bilingualism—was by making an argument for “founding fathers” status across the unbroken prairie. While there was a genuine desire for other ethnic identities to be recognized at the federal legal and political levels, there developed a realization by Ukrainian Canadians (and others) of the ways in which the sleight of hand required to place ethnic Ukrainians (among others) as the “first” inhabitants of the prairie space removed the pre-existing Aboriginal presence on that landscape. Many writers grapple with their awkward sense of wanting to honour their forbearers who did, in fact, emigrate and suffer great hardships, while simultaneously recognizing the colonial project that they have been co-opted into. Using contemporary literature, this article theorizes the relationship between the homesteaders and their descen-dents vis-a-vis Aboriginal presences in the prairie provinces. This article articulates four different models that authors use in an attempt to make sense of the simultaneous early presence of Ukrainian settlers and Aboriginal peoples across the Canadian landscape. Les Ukrainiens sont au Canada depuis au moins 120 ans et, dans les debats des annees 1960 et 1970 sur le multiculturalisme federal, les groupes canadiens ukrainiens furent parmi ceux qui ont reclame le plus haut et fort la reconnaissance d’autres identites ethniques parallelement au discours de l’epoque sur “les deux peuples fondateurs”. Il est interessant que l’un des moyens de ce groupe ethnique est de faire avancer le debat federal - qui a ultimement conduit a un changement de politique du biculturalisme et du bilinguisme vers un multiculturalisme en gardant le bilinguisme - a ete de se servir d’un argument en faveur “des peres fondateurs” dans des Prairies vierges. Alors qu’il y avait un desir sincere des autres identites de se faire reconnaitre au niveau federal, legalement et politiquement, les Canadiens ukrainiens (et d’autres) ont commence a prendre conscience du tour de passe-passe qu’il fallait operer pour faire de leurs ancetres (parmi d’autres ethnies) les “premiers” habitants de l’espace des Prairies, et qu’il effacait la presence anterieure des autochtones. Bon nombre d’ecrivains se battent avec un certain embarras a vouloir honorer leurs ancetres qui ont, en fait, emigre et grandement souffert, tout en reconnaissant le projet colonial dans lequel ils ont ete embrigades. A partir de la litterature contemporaine, cet article porte sur la theorisation de la relation entre les pionniers et leurs descendants par rapport a la presence autochtone dans les provinces des Prairies. Il presente quatre modeles dont des auteurs se sont servis pour tenter de donner un sens a la presence initiale des colons ukrainiens et des peuples autochtones dans l’ensemble du territoire canadien.