Showing papers in "Canadian Journal of Political Science in 1970"

The “Operational Code” Approach to the Study of Political Leaders: John Foster Dulles' Philosophical and Instrumental Beliefs*

Abstract: On admet que les comportements sont largement tributaires de la perception du milieu physique et social ambiant. Celle-ci, en retour, est conditionnee par un ensemble de croyances sur ce qui a ete, ce qui est, ce qui sera et ce qui devrait etre. De la sorte, les croyances fournissent un « code » plus ou moins coherent, qui nous sert a comprendre et a interpreter les signaux captes par nos sens dans l'environnement. Si nous postulons une telle relation « code-comportement », les croyances touchant a la nature de l'histoire et de la politique s'averent etre un fonds particulierement significatif, pour comprendre la conduite des acteurs politiques.Nathan Leites, dans ses etudes sur le « code operationnel » bolchevique, poursuivit une telle voie d'approche des croyances politiques. Afin de rendre plus systematiques certains aspects des travaux de Leites, Alexander George proposa dix questions – cinq d'ordre philosophique et cinq d'ordre instrumental – qui, posees a un acteur donne, permettent de saisir l'essentiel de ses croyances politiques dans ses reponses. Cet article constitue une etude des croyances de John Foster Dulles a partir de ces dix questions.Nos donnees proviennent d'abord des nombreux ecrits de Dulles – il est d'ailleurs rare de trouver un materiel aussi considerable dans le cas d'un personnage politique contemporain, car nous n'avons qu'un acces limite aux documents d'Etat et meme prives en un tel cas. Des memoires du temps de l'administration Eisenhower, de meme que des monographies, des questionnaires et des lettres echangees avec les collegues de Dulles nous permirent de completer ce materiel de base. Nous avons aussi tente d'examiner de facon critique ses politiques, la ou c'etait possible, afin de deceler les points de coherence et de contradiction entre ses attitudes affirmees d'une part, et ses actes politiques concrets d'autre part. A l'exception des croyances de Dulles relatives a l'Union Sovietique, qui ont deja fait l'objet d'une etude quantitative, nous utiliserons ici des methodes qualitatives d'analyse.Nous presenterons les donnees recueillies par cette analyse sous forme d'une serie de quelque quarante croyances touchant a l'histoire et a la politique. Par exemple,CROYANCE 3. La presence d'ennemis a l'exterieur assure la cohesion de la societe.CROYANCE 7. La guerre froide est un jeu dont les operations se neutralisent mutuellement.CROYANCE 16. L'evolution ultime de l'histoire tend vers un ordre naiurel fonde sur la loi morale.CROYANCE 23. L'interet du monde libre tend a coīncider avec la loi morale.CROYANCE 25. La pire menace a la paix vient d'une possibilite de guerre due a une erreur de calcul.CROYANCE 30. Les leaders politiques auront davantage et un meilleur appui du public s'ils s'adressent a son sens moral, plutot qu'a ses interets.CROYANCE 33. Une fois qu'on a defini ses interets, la credibilite exige qu'on les defende tous.En conclusion, nous chercherons les origines de ces croyances chez Dulles: par exemple, dans son temperament personnel, dans ses roles et statuts, ou encore dans la configuration societale de son milieu; puis nous discuterons de l'utilite du concept de « code operationnel » comme instrument d'analyse.

Political Participation in Canada: The 1965 Election

Abstract: La litterature relative a la participation politique a fourni a l'auteur le cadre theorique de son etude sur le sujet au Canada Conformement aux suggestions de Dahl et Milbrath, l'auteur asume que les citoyens disposent d'un certain nombre de possibilites qu'ils peuvent consacrer a la participation politique et que le type des activites politiques dans lesquelles ils vont accepter de s'engager sera defini d'apres la concordance de leurs possibilites avec les exigences specifiques de ces activites; exigences qui component diverses « dimensions » Ces concepts et cadre d'analyse ont ete utilises par l'auteur dans son etude de la participation des Canadiens a la campagne electorale de 1965On a trouve que le statut socio-economique, de meme que les ecarts dans le revenu et l'education, constituaient des variables virtuellement universelles pour tous les types d'activite electorate et que, en consequence, de larges secteurs de la population canadienne ne contribuent pas a la vie du systeme politique du Canada De meme, on a remarque que les dimensions (ou caracteristiques) d'une activite electorate determinent le degre de correlation qui peut etre observe entre cette activite et la classe socialeCertaines variables politiques sont importantes pour determiner la participation probable d'un citoyen Les Canadiens qui s'identifient avec un parti en particulier sont plus actifs que les non-partisans ; les membres des partis NDP et Credit social le sont davantage que ceux des partis plus anciensC'est l'attitude d'une personne a l'egard du systeme politique qui rend le mieux compte de sa participation Si le sens de l'efficacite a de l'importance, il est paradoxal par contre d'observer que plus une personne est active moins cet objectif est, pour elle, determinant C'est le niveau de l'interet qu'une personne porte a la politique qui s'est avere la variable la plus importante quant a la probabilite de la participationCe dernier point, de concert avec les autres resultats de cette recherche, suggerent que la culture politique des canadiens en est une de « spectateur-participant » Il est a craindre, si les « leaders » politiques ignorent ce fait et n'y ajustent pas leur action, que la vie politique du Canada ne se « depolitise »; une telle conjoncture, couplee avec les exigences croissantes des classes sociales moins favorisees, pourrait engendrer une situation politique hautement instable

The Liberal Party in Contemporary Ontario Politics

Abstract: La faiblesse du Parti liberal ontarien, aux elections provinciales, est plus evidente quand on la compare au succes que connait le Parti liberal du Canada dans cette province, lors des elections federales. Les Conservateurs dirigent l'Ontario depuis 1943 tandis que, depuis lors, les Liberaux l'ont presque toujours emporte aux elections federales. On a accoutume d'expliquer ce phenomene par le desir suppose aux electeurs ontariens d'opposer un contrepoids au pouvoir federal en installant un parti adverse a Queen's Park (siege de l'Assemblee legislative ontarienne).Une agregation differente des donnees disponibles permet aux auteurs de montrer que l'abstention des Liberaux federaux aux elections provinciales explique en bonne partie la faiblesse du parti provincial et qu'une relation existe entre le changement d'allegence des voteurs, selon qu'il s'agit d'une election federale ou d'une election provinciale, et le statut social des voteurs liberaux lors d'une election federale. L'analyse d'un sondage fait en 1968 indique, chez les sympathisants de toutes les formations politiques federales, une tendance a s'abstenir de participer aux elections provinciales; toutefois, cette tendance s'avere plus nefaste aux Liberaux par suite du support accorde au Parti conservateur provincial par un grand nombre de leurs sympathisants sur la scene federale, et qui appartiennent aux classes moyennes. En outre, le comportement electoral des personnes interrogees n'etait pas en accord avec leur disposition a la prise du pouvoir par un meme parti a Ottawa et a Toronto.Par consequent les auteurs rejettent la « theorie du contrepoids » pour expliquer la place que detient le Parti liberal sur la scene politique ontarienne. Ils en expliquent plutot la faiblesse par son inaptitude a traduire les besoins du corps electoral ontarien dans la societe industrielle et par le fait que le succes du Parti liberal du Canada prive le parti provincial du personnel politique qui lui permettrait de faire sa trouee sur la scene provinciale.

Politics and Religion in Haiti

Abstract: L'article etudie le role de la religion dans la politique de l'Haiti contemporaine, en regard de la croissance du nationalisme pendant la periode de l'occupation americaine de l'ile (1915–34). L'auteur y soutient que les rapports entre la politique et la religion instaures par l'ere Duvalier ne sauraient s'expliquer sans cet arriere-plan. Deux aspects du nationalisme haitien lui semblent particulierement significatifs: l'hostilite des ecrivains nationalistes a l'egard d'une eglise dominee par l'etranger, d'une part, ce qui a fait souhaiter l'emergence d'une eglise nationale a hierarchie autochtone et provoque la denonciation du role de l'Eglise en matiere d'education; la presentation du Voodoo, d'autre part, comme veritable religion des masses haitiennes par beaucoup de jeunes intellectuels de cette epoque, dont Duvalier.La deuxieme partie de l'article scrute la crise de 1960–6 entre l'Eglise et l'Etat. Duvalier voyait evidemment l'Eglise catholique comme un des centres virtuels d'opposition a son regime: la plus grande partie du clerge et tous les eveques diocesains etaient etrangers, lew sympathie allant generalement aux adversaires de Duvalier. De fait, ils tendaient a se meler a l'elite mulâtre et a refleter les vues politiques de ce groupe. Duvalier vit egalement une menace dans le developpement rapide d'une gauche catholique, au sein des syndicats et parmi les etudiants. Une lutte ouverte entre l'Eglise et l'Etat finit par se declarer, au bout de laquelle l'archeveque de Portau-Prince fut expulse, le President excommunie et le Nonce rappele. La crise devait se resorber en 1966 par la signature d'un accord entre Duvalier et le Vatican portant sur l'institution d'une hierarchie catholique d'origine haitienne.L'article expose egalement la politique de Duvalier a l'egard du culte Voodoo et des diverses congregations protestantes.

On Analysing the Impact of the Electoral System on the Party System in Canada

Abstract: De l'analyse de I'influence du systeme electoral sur le regime des partis politiques au CanadaL'article est une critique de la recente etude publiee par A. C. Cairns sur le meme sujet et ou on tentait de preciser I'influence du systeme electoral federal quant au succes des partis politiques federaux comme agents d'integration nationale. Cairns estime que le regime canadien de representation (un representant par circonscription electorale elu a la pluralite des voix) a structure le marche politique et regionalise la representation partisane au parlement de telle manieare que les politiques et les attitudes qui y prevalent se sont averees plus territorialisees que nationales et ont tendu plus a diviser le pays qu'a I'unifier; cet auteur notait egalement que, depuis 1921, le systeme electoral n'a pas, contrairement a I'avantage qu'on lui prete, favorise I'efficacite du gouvernement parlementaire.Le present article, tout en reconnaissant la valeur des travaux de Cairns, met en doute plusieurs de ses conclusions. II se demande si la preuve est bien faite que les partis federaux du Canada ont poursuivi des objectifs politiques regionalement distincts; il avance diverses raisons amenant a douter que la composition regionalisee des partis presents au parlement (ce qui, en soi, n'est que partiellement redevable au systeme electoral) puisse constituer la principale explication dans la discrimination des politiques regionales les unes a I'egard des autres; il souligne, enfin, que nous sommes loin de savoir I'impact reel du systeme electoral quant a la formulation des themes electoraux retenus par les partis.L'article endosse la position de Cairns voulant que le systeme electoral affecte la distribution des sieges entre les partis mais il avance plusieurs raisons a I'effet qu'il faille considirer plus favorablement que ne le fait Cairns I'influence du systeme electoral sur le nombre et I'evolution des sieges detenus par un parti. Bref, l'article soutient que les conclusions de Cairns sont trop peu fondees et que, a premiere vue, elles ont tendance a exagerer la signification du systeme electoral sur la politique des partis, a magnifier ses consequences au plan national et a minimiser sa contribution effective au fonctionnement du gouvernement de type parlementaire.

Party Leader Images in the 1968 Federal Election

Abstract: The literature on electoral behaviour specifies that, in addition to his party identification, the voter's perception of and his affect towards party candidates and leaders are important in determining voting behaviour.1 In Canada the importance of the party leader's image has been noted by several writers. For example, Mallory speaks of the importance of a party's being in tune with the national mood, which is primarily a function of the leader's personality.2 Dawson states that "their personalities and qualities often become more decisive factors in the election than the issues themselves."3 Others such as Beck and Dooley mention the electioneering tactic occasionally employed by Canadian parties of basing the campaign solely on the image of a popular leader.4 Party backbenchers in the Canadian Parliament have little voice in determining governmental policies and limited exposure in the mass media, so only occasionally is a politician able to build up an independent base of electoral support. Consequently, it is assumed that the party leader constitutes a focal point in any federal election.5 This would be even more true for elections where parties are led by charismatic personalities. The literature is rather barren of systematic studies of how Canadian voters perceive party leaders, and how these perceptions relate to background and social characteristics of the electorate. This is a serious omission, since the effect of personality on electoral behaviour is an important question in Canadian politics. In elections where a magnetic personality leads one of the parties, does traditional party voting weaken as a force in determining a person's vote? Are religion, class, and ethnicity still

Turnover and Tenure in the Canadian House of Commons, 1867–1968 *

Abstract: This article presents a theoretical analysis of the turnover and tenure of the members of the Canadian House of Commons from 1867 through 1968. Previous studies of such turnover and tenure have been quantitative, but not theoretical, yielding precise measurements but no pattern. A statistical resume is no substitute for a mathematical model. Both may be accurate, parsimonious, and elegant; but a mathematical theory is distinguished by its generality and its explanatory or predictive power. With the present model, for example, the members’ median and mean continuous service can be logically derived from the mathematical theory; but the converse is not true, that is, the mathematical theory cannot be deduced from the median and/or mean continuous service. Specifically, the theory implies that the median continuous service is approximately 0.693 times the mean continuous service. Despite a plethora of quantitative studies of legislative turnover and tenure, this equation (so far as we know) has not previously been discovered. The process to be modeled can be abstractly characterized as follows: Consider the members of the House of Commons after some particular (zero) general election. These legislators are called the original members , for expository convenience. With the occurrence of deaths, resignations, political defeats, etc., only some of the original members will continue to be members of the House of Commons after the next (first) general election. These survivors are called the re-elected members.

Status Inconsistency and Party Choice in Canada: An Attempt to Replicate

Abstract: a high correlation among the various dimensions of the stratification system. That is, a person who is of high status on one dimension will tend to be of high status on others, and vice versa. Since traditional societies also tend to be characterized by ascriptive stratification systems, individuals pass their relative advantages or disadvantages on to their children, and the class structure remains more or less stationary. With the rationalization of economic

The Fishermen's Vote in Newfoundland *

Abstract: Le vote des pecheurs a Terre-Neuve Nous tenterons de voir ici comment le pouvoir politique du premier ministre de Terre-Neuve, J. R. Smallwood, se trouva raffermi, de facon capitale, par le vote collectif et massif des pecheurs en sa faveur. Monsieur Smallwood semble avoir reussid a mobiliser ainsi ce groupe d'electeurs pour lui, grâce aux facteurs suivants qu'il a su utiliser habilement: l'importance numerique des pecheurs; leur mode de distribution geographique; leur etat de dependance economique; et leur manque d'autonomie et de cohesion politiques. L'analyse montre l'affaiblissement des modes traditionnels de vote a Terre-Neuve. Ceux-ci dependaient largement de divisions religieuses et regionales, lesquelles semblent devoir s'estomper devant un nouvel ordre industriel et occupationnel. Cette nouvelle structure est liee a l'ambivalence de l'economie, ou la peche cotiere traditionnelle se trouve coupee des secteurs industriels modernes. M. Smallwood a d'apparence dirige sa strategic vers une consolidation du pouvoir: en s'assurant, d'une part, le soutien politique du secteur traditionnel de la peche; tout en poursuivant, d'autre part, des objectifs de croissance economique en s'appuyant sur les secteurs industriels modernes. Le vote des pecheurs fut acquis a grands frais: on dissipa les ressources economiques en depenses visant a apaiser cette population a court terme, mais sans qu'elles rendent leur industrie viable, de facon sensible, a long terme. Les ameliorations prevues s'etant soldees par un echec, la confiance des pecheurs risque maintenant de se briser. En meme temps, le gouvernement federal exige des reformes economiques profondes, avant d'accorder toute aide financiere supplementaire a cette industrie. Ces reformes vont entrainer l'abandon de certaines techniques traditionnelles, une baisse de l'emploi et une concentration geographique plus poussee des populations de pecheurs. Toutes ces mesures tendent a detruire le pouvoir electoral de ce groupe social, en tant que tel.

Factors in Voter Turnout and Party Preference in a Saskatchewan Town

Abstract: In 1960 and 1962 an intensive study was conducted of voluntary organizations and social participation in the town of Biggar, Saskatchewan. While the research was primarily focused upon the structure and characteristics of local voluntary groups, their leadership and their participants, it also delved into the related subjects of voter turnout (on the local, provincial, and federal election levels) and political party preference (on the provincial and federal levels). It is the purpose of this paper to present, and examine the implications of, these latter data. Following a brief description of the research site, and the sample chosen for study, the data are first examined in terms of the apparent relationship between voter turnout and party preference in a community where party switching (that is, voting for one party on the provincial level, another on the federal) is not an uncommon phenomenon. This analysis suggests the probability that a relatively small number of “switch voters” may be the key to party success in many Canadian communities, and examines the question of whether party popularity or keenness of a local competition plays a greater role in stimulating voter turnout. A series of eight social factors are then considered, independently, in terms of their relationships to turnout and party preference. A number of significant findings emerge, some of which support, others of which question, expectations based upon previous research in Canada and elsewhere.

Quantitative Comparison of Party Ideology

Abstract: L'analyse quantitative comparee des ideologies des partis politiquesDivers chercheurs ont propose toute une variete de schemas d'analyse des partis politiques. Ces typologies tiennent compte de variables certes essentielles, telles l'organisation, les fonctions, la structure du membership, le support social, le centre de l'interet qu'on trouve dans le parti… selon des combinaisons et des echelles variables, mais l'ideologie du parti est toujours absente de ces modales; si on en tient parfois compte, elle est traitee de facon plutot impressionniste.Nous considerons ici l'ideologie comme une variable importante de comparaison. Sur cette base, nous tenterons de developper une methodologieplus systematique pour differencier les partis politiques. Cette methode se fonde empiriquement sur une analyse de contenu des programmes d'action politique (soit, en notre exemple, les programmes des partis provinciaux en lutte lors de l'election generale de 1966 au Quebec).Plusieurs facteurs peuvent certes determiner l'ideologie d'un parti politique. Neanmoins, nous posons ici en postulat que la perception des objectifs sociaux, l'engagement et la position consecutive du parti, face aux principales questions debattues, sont definis de la facon la plus complete par son programme d'action politique.Cette methode permet de mesurer precisement les differences et les similitudes entre ces ideologies. On pourra ainsi s'en servir comme base pour verifier plusieurs de nos postulats traditionnels sur la parente ideologique des partis, en divers systemes politiques.

Les Québécois, la guerre et la paix, 1945–60

Abstract: The purpose of this study is to describe and to interpret the opinions of the French-speaking residents of Quebec on the questions of war and peace during the years 1945–60. The principal sources used in the study are the editorials of the French-language press, the results of the Gallup poll, and the speeches of Quebec members of Parliament at Ottawa. In the press, few traces of outright isolationism were found, but there were sharp divisions on the questions of relations with the countries of the communist bloc and with those of the non-aligned “third world.” The general public seems to have accepted in principle the main external commitments of Canada during this period, but to have remained against participation of a military sort in practice. If foreign policy was not the specialty of Quebec members of Parliament, there were always individuals or groups to make known points of view current in Quebec, especially when these were at variance with government policy. The year 1960 appears in hindsight to have been a turning point for French-Canadian opinion because of the appearance of a new government in Quebec but also because of the foreign policy of President de Gaulle and the appearance, that year, of a large new bloc of French-speaking states, independent and members of the United Nations.

Dieu – à droite ou à gauche?

Abstract: In his study of the spatial symbolism of primitive societies, Robert Hertz noted that the left was the side associated with weakness and evil, the right being on the contrary linked to purity, strength, and religion. The works of I. Wile and V. Fritsch, among others, have confirmed this privileged – though not universal – association of right with the positive side of the dichotomies which together with left-right form symbolic constellations used to interpret the social as well as the physical environment.These studies – based on the comparison of religious rituals, social customs, and languages – have not considered or considered only incidentally the use made of the left-right classification for the ordering of one's political landscape. This article is a partial attempt to do so from the answers of American, French, French-Canadian, and English-Canadian respondents to a questionnaire administered in 1967–8. The respondents were asked to locate selected religious and profane concepts in an extreme left to extreme right visual scale.The hypothesis that the students interviewed, like the primitives studied by Hertz, would see religion on the right was verified for the concepts God, religion, and clergyman but not for Jesus Christ which tended to be located on the left. The deviance of Jesus Christ, rather than taken as ground for rejecting the hypothesis, is explained by the non-religious, the man-like rather than God-like qualities associated with that concept.

Values and the Methodology of Political Science

Abstract: Toutes les sciences sociales et particulierement la science politique ont pour objet l'etude de phenomenes qui mettent en cause les valeurs conscientes ou inconscientes du chercheur. Le role primordial des valeurs en matiere de recherche et d'analyse a conduit certains a penser qu'une science politique libre de valeurs implique line philo-sophie nihiliste et entraine une propension a des structures politiques autoritaires. D'autres croient que les valeurs biaisent nos perceptions et nos jugements scientifiques a portee sociale. Ce genre de critique se meprend sur la nature de la recherche scientifique de l'objet social; elle ne peut fournir d'hypothese verifiable dans le cadre de la theorie deductive. Certes, toute theorie est deductive et il importe de distinguer les deductions empiriques pertinentes du processus de deduction lui-meme, lequel peut etre verifie par reference au critere de la pure coherence logique. Les theoriciens des techniques du controle des valeurs proposent les methodes suivantes: (1) l'explicitation prealable des valeurs du chercheur; (2) l'admission des observations reapparaissant au cours d'une recherche ulterieure; (3) limitation de la recherche a l'aspect instrumental, dans un systeme d'hypotheses proposant des moyens orientes a une fin; (4) neutralisation des valeurs du chercheur par son immersion dans les problemes de la recherche, via l'observation participee. Aucune de ces techniques n'est satisfaisante en pure logique, ainsi que le fait voir l'examen de lews implications theoriques et de leur application pratique aux problemes de la recherche. Ces techniques laissent en outre deviner que le probleme du controle des valeurs a plus ete pose en rapport avec les circonstances de leur decouverte qu'avec de celles de leur justification. Actuellement, nous controlons les valeurs dans la mesure ou nos deductions sont verifiables en regard de phenomenes empiriques. Toutefois, la complexite des phenomenes etudies par les sciences sociales conduit frequemment a une theorisation qui n'est pas susceptible de verification immediate par l'utilisation de variables decelables (structures, comportements, etc.). L'article propose divers types de deductions empiriques pertinentes d'apres les categories de Merton (theories globales, de portee moyenne, ou specifiques).

Anti-séparatisme et messianisme au Québec depuis 1960

Abstract: Anti-separatism and messianism in Quebec since 1960Confronted by a political debate now omnipresent in Quebec society, observers have naturally focused their attention – academic or not – on the content and proponents of the “separatiste” solution to the current Canadian dilemma. Our contention is that it takes two sides to have a debate and that some light could be thrown on the intellectual history of French Canada by reversing the perspective and focusing instead on those who oppose independence for Quebec: the anti-separatists.Although widely diversified as to the specifics of their opposition and as to their own solution to the problem, anti-separatists nevertheless share certain ideological traits in their portrait of the French-Canadian Homus and in the characteristics and roles which they assigned to the French-Canadian collectivity. Individually, French Canadians are judged to be weak, unstable, verbose, and un-democratic; as a collectivity they are perceived as fulfilling all the requirements of a “chosen” people whose mission it is to reconquer Canada through the strength of their intellect and to show the world an example of binational co-operation.This schizophrenic vision of French Canada is hypothesized to be a secularized version of the traditional nationalist vision first enunciated by Garneau and Parent and later developed by Groulx, Barbeau, and others. The persistence of this messianic orientation in the intellectual history of French Canada is tentatively explained through the contributions of the sociology of utopia (French Canada as an aborted utopia) and of the sociology of colonial development (French Canada as a colonial society).

Le jeu de la communication politique

Abstract: As Levi-Strauss puts it, social facts are primarily communication facts. From this point of view political communication is not characterized by the objects it bears upon, but by its praxeologicial character; it is concerned with the effectiveness of communication, and more precisely with power relations and with strategies. So, political communication is to be analysed as a game structure, and not as a network structure or a code structure. It is shown by an example that political communication really presents a game structure, after which some distinctions are made between mastery and control, and then between material, informational, symbolic, and juridical means of power. Like the other structures, game structures are characterized by the laws which govern them. Three of them are specified: the law of equilibration, the law of connectedness, and the law of communal closure. Finally, after reviewing briefly the different orders (practical, institutional, and ideological) where a structure can be seen in operation, three positive aspects of such a game analysis are noted: it is concerned with the inner part of human action, it is well-suited to overcome the limits of functional and systems analysis, and it has the virtue of isolating a truly political dimension in human action.

Protest, Resistance, and Political Obligation

Abstract: Lorsque l'on s'interroge sur la justification morale de la contestation et de la resistance politiques illegales (sur la justification de la desobeissance civile en somme), on pose generalement ces questions en termes d'engagement politique. Selon la these que nous exposerons ici, une telle perspective est erronee, du moins si on comprend le concept d'engagement politique dans l'un de ses sens les plus coutumiers. D'une facon plus precise, nous dirons que tous les elements pouvant servir a justifier moralement la desobeissance civile ne sauraient etre compris dans l'extension du concept d'engagement politique, les nombreuses fois ou celui-ci est defini de facon restrictive; seule une definition tres comprehensive du concept en fonderait l'utilisation en ce contexte.L'article est un essai de philosophie politique. Son propos n'est donc pas de decrire ou d'expliquer des gestes ou des mouvements de desobeissance civile, ni de predire le caractere et la frequence des actes de contestation et de resistance politiques encore a venir; il ne vise pas davantage a determiner la probabilite du triomphe de telles ou telles perspectives sur la justification morale de la desobeissance civile et de leurs effets sur la qualite de nos vies. Cet essai, cherche plutot a preciser quand et comment se trouve moralement justifiee la desobeissance civile. Sans une rigoureuse attention aux faits politiques reels et possibles, nous ne croyons pas que l'on puisse repondre adequatement a de telles questions. Toutefois et a l'inverse, nous croyons aussi que ces questions en entrainent d'autres plus generales qui, par cette generalite meme, precedent logiquement l'etude detaillee des cas particuliers.Notre argumentation se divise en quatre parties. Dans la premiere, nous distinguons l' « engagement politique « au sens large et au sens strict. Cette distinction nous permet ensuite de presenter l'ensemble de notre these: au sens strict, le concept d'engagement politique ne saurait fonder, de facon complete et logique, aucune voie de justification morale a la desobeissance civile; seule l'utilisation du concept au sens large permet de proposer une perspective satisfaisante.En seconde partie, nous voyons pourtant que certaines perspectives courantes, dans le sens d'une telle justification, ne se fondent que sur le concept defini strictement. La troisieme partie constitue une analyse critique de ces perspectives. En conclusion, nous proposons la courte esquisse d'une perspective de justification morale de la desobeissance civile, en regard d'une comprehension large de l'engagement politique. Nous esperons montrer comment une telle approche corrige les defauts des precedentes (decrites et critiquees en seconde partie).

Pressure Group Demands and the Struggle for Organizational Status: The Case of Organized Labour in Canada

Abstract: Students of interest group activity have traditionally concerned themselves with the process by which demands are brought to the attention of the political decision-makers, the manner in which the demands are articulated, and the extent to which government activity is influenced by the demands. That is, attention has been directed to the demands made by interest groups on the implicit assumption that the demands most deserving of attention are those which reflect the needs and aspirations of the group's membership. It has been assumed that the more important any particular demand is in terms of the needs of the group's membership, then the more deserving is that demand of the attention of students of interest group activity.' There have been exceptions. V. O. Key, Jr., in his Politics, Parties and Pressure Groups2 has noted the vigour with which the leadership of the American Legion and that of the American Farm Bureau Federation have pursued objectives other than those related to the needs or aspirations of their respective constituencies. These other objectives usually involved the elimination or discrediting of competing groups which claimed to speak on behalf of the veteran or farmer constituencies. As Key notes: "At least a color of truth pervades the cynical observation that the [American Farm Bureau] Federation fights for the Iowa corn grower and speaks for the southern cotton planter, but most of all it looks out for the American Farm Bureau Federation."3 Key found that in

Work and Freedom in Marcuse and Marx

Abstract: Herbert Marcuse's writings constitute a modification of Marxian socialism, a reinterpretation of the teachings of Karl Marx which attempts to account more fully for social changes since Marx's time. However, this modification of Marxian theory involves a complete revision of various conceptions which are fundamental to Marx's thought. It is the purpose of this article to indicate the source of a major theoretical difference between Marx and Marcuse and to suggest various currents which flow from this source. Marcuse, it shall be shown, is caught within a system of thought which he calls \"technological rationality.\" This mode of thought arises from the view that the \"telos\" or end of history is the domination of nature. Nature is to be dominated or controlled by men because all human desires cannot be satisfied from her fruits. Thus nature appears as a stern and incomprehensible taskmaster. Further, she is such a poor and mean provider that she forces her children to rise up against her. Nature is to be tortured until she delivers her secrets to men; these hitherto unknown forces (the secret store of nature's power) are to be ferreted out and brought under the conscious control of men (as history). Human desires are increasingly fulfilled through the concrete application of these secrets as productive techniques. Historical advance is seen as progression in technology. The harnessing and exploitation of all natural and human resources for the purpose of dominating nature and alleviating the scarcity of nature is the historical project. All human endeavours are to be integrated towards this end. The plurality of human aims are \"rational\" only to the extent that they contribute to the domination of nature. Politics becomes reducible to economics; ethics, to the techniques for rendering conscious the unconscious forces in man and nature. Technological development is the concrete embodiment of reason in history. Human liberation is the work of reason, of technological rationality; men are free to the extent that they subjugate nature. Automation is the condition for total liberation. Also automation, the complete domination of nature by man, undercuts the grounds of the domination of man by man. The existence of classes, and the conflict between them, is due to scarcity. This condition obtains with the reign of nature whose sovereignty is ever eroded by technical advances. Technology will conquer scarcity and simultaneously class conflict. Class war is secondary to the war of man and nature. The transcendence of class conflict, \"the end of history,\" will spring from the complete victory of man over nature, and in turn will allow the full control and planning of social development. It is often thought that Marx was, as Marcuse is, an adherent of \"technological rationality.\" Indeed there are various strands in Marx's writing which accord with this system of thought. But Marx was not an adherent of this mode

Success in Foreign Policy: The British in Cyprus, 1878–1960

Abstract: This article is about success in foreign policy. Its chief example is British policy towards Cyprus from 1878 to 1959, from the British Occupation to the London Agreements for an independent Republic of Cyprus. This is not an obvious case of praiseworthy foreign policy. After eighty years of possession including five years of resistance to guerrilla warfare, Britain withdrew to two small base areas.1 Within five years of independence the island was the scene of intercommunal warfare that nearly became international and led to the installation of a United Nations peacekeeping force that is still in residence.2 Today, ten years after the initialling of the agreements meant to arrange the affairs of Cyprus, the island is an armed camp and all negotiations are stalemated. The objective observer would not be hopeful about the chances for permanent peace on Cyprus; he would be unlikely to consider its condition creditable to the former imperial owner. Underlying the notion of success in foreign policy, in fact, are certain important assumptions about the nature of power and of decision-making in foreign policy. Everyday assessments of foreign policy and more technical judgments share these assumptions. They also share certain resulting confusions that make it extremely difficult to either explain or predict success in foreign policy. Cyprus policy, and its very unexpected success, will be used here to make a little clearer just what

The Education of a Political Scientist

Abstract: A presidential address customarily takes one of two forms. It may, like that of Professor Smiley in 1969, be a scholarly analysis of an important issue on which the president has been working for some time. Or it may, like mine, be one man's reflection on the state of the discipline. Last year we were fortunate enough to have both types of address. The president of this association discussed the Canadian Charter of Human Rights. Our guest speaker, the president of the American Political Science Association, David Easton, spoke on the postbehavioural revolution in political science. But though Professor Easton was and is a Canadian it is probably not unfair to say that he was referring in the main to American political science.' Mine is a non-American view. I hesitate to say "Canadian" because though this is my third year as a citizen and tenth as a landed immigrant I am informed by one of those who keep a body count of Canadians and non-Canadians in our universities that I really belong to the latter category. I do not altogether object: fully to know what it is to be a Canadian one must be born here. My view is non-American but not anti-American. Over the past seventeen years I have had many contacts with the United States. I have been a post-doctoral fellow at three American universities and visiting professor at two. Most of the graduate students I have taught, most of the papers I have read, and several of the books I have published have been in the United States. Having declined to become part of the behavioural persuasion when it was fashionable there I would prefer not to become part of an anti-American movement currently fashionable here. My non-American approach to political science is coloured, of course, by my British heritage. Much of my earlier adult life I spent teaching at the University of Liverpool, but I have studied at Oxford, written a book with the professor of political science at Cambridge, and been an external examiner at the London School of Economics. In addition I have taught for some time in one European country and carried out research in another, and so I know something about Teutonic scholarly rigour. Perhaps then I bring a comparative perspective to Canadian politics and political science.

Structure des « fonctionnalismes » en science politique

Abstract: Even if “functionalism” is a relative newcomer to the study of politics, its theoretical roots are in the classics of political science. Thus it is ironic to note that the political theorists who have reintroduced the notion of functionalism have relied upon models inspired by anthropological and sociological theory.Every functionalist approach is fundamentally holistic and system-oriented. Functionalist theorists may be in error when they deny their common origin, whether direct or metaphorical, in biology. If “the great curse of functionalism is its ‘ism,’ the least of its weaknesses is its plural.” There is more than one functionalism. With respect to political science alone, the author considers the contributions to functional theory of Ernst Haas, Karl Deutsch, David Easton, Gabriel Almond, and Amitai Etzioni.An outline of the author's own research is then presented in the light of the works considered. He argues for a more rigorous functionalism – a “functionalism of functions” which would be derived from specifically political behaviour, rather than cross-disciplinary borrowings from other sciences that are theoretically more fertile. The ideal would be the development of a polito-logique of the emergence of political from social phenomena which would depart from the core or nerve centre of political functioning: the interplay of the four essential functions of government, legislation, administration, and adjudication.Although they are usually differentiated, political and social systems overlap and are interdependent. It is useful to consider them as a single organism, responsive to internal as well as external exigencies. With the notions of function, level, perspective, and field of analysis, the author indicates how one can move from a model of the functions of the State (Fonctionnement de l'etat) to a dynamic conception of the state in operation (L'etat en fonctionnement). Finally, the author emphasizes the importance of not denying the political, but of remaining at the level of the political, in order to achieve the greatest theoretical success.

Decision-making and Stability in Federal Systems

Abstract: Pour tenter d'expliquer l'instabilite apparente des federations, nous avons fait porter cette etude sur deux aspects des systemes federaux: la nature du processus de decision et la dynamique qui leur sont specifiques. Ce faisant, nous nous sommes particulierement interesses aux effets qu'entrainent, pour de tels systemes, des inegalites de « dimensions” entre les elements qui les constituent.Nous considerons trois aspects du processus decisionnel: (a) l'intensite de son caractere federaliste; (b) la nature des inter-actions entre les deux niveaux du systeme; (c) compte-tenu de la densite demographique, des ressources et des revenus par unite de population, les consequences qu'entrainent dans le systeme les inegalites entre ses elements constitutifs.La dynamique propre au federalisme intervient dans ce processus d'une double maniere: dans les effets de l'integration economique; dans la tendance qu'ont les unites d'evoluer vers des normes nationales, par voie de competition, d'emulation et de persuasion.Nous analysons enfin l'influence de l'inegalite des parties constituantes sur la stabilite des systemes federaux: l'evolution de certaines federations contemporaines, de meme que de recentes experiences de type federal, nous permettent de verifier la validite de cette approche.D'une facon generale, cette demonstration nous permet de degager les propositions suivantes: dans les federations ou de grandes unites riches se trouvent confrontees a des unites pauvres et petites, le systeme federal peut se maintenir, mais il est probable qu'il evolue alors vers plus de centralisation, avec domination des plus grandes unites sur les autres; dans les cas extremes, ce federalisme peut etre resorbe en un etat unitaire; dans les federations ou de petites unites riches s'opposent a de grandes unites pauvres, il existe une forte tendance a la separation chez les petites unites.

Simulation in Teaching Comparative Politics: Playing French Games

Abstract: 393-434; and R. F. Badgley and S. Wolfe, Doctors' Strike: Medical Care and Conflict in Saskatchewan (Toronto, 1967), especially chap. 5. 28Party and Society, chaps. 5 and 9. 29See the supporting analysis of Saskatchewan voting in Silverstein, "Occupational Class and Voting Behavior: Electoral Support of a Left-Wing Protest Movement in a Period of Prosperity," in Lipset, Agrarian Socialism, 435-79. STEPHEN CLARKSON