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Showing papers in "Canadian Journal of Political Science in 1972"


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors introduce the notion of a reseau de relations patron-client, a relation duale, caracterisee par l'inegalite des statuts, the reciprocite and l'interaction de face a face.
Abstract: Cet article veut montrer que des notions comme celles de patron-client et de faction sont essentielles a la comprehension de plusieurs situations de conflit en Afrique. La notion de patron-client, qui est preferee aux notions voisines de « patronage » et de « machine politique », peut etre definie comme une relation duale, caracterisee par l'inegalite des statuts, la reciprocite et l'interaction de face a face. Un reseau de relations patron-client est fait d'une serie de relations de ce type, formant une structure pyramidale dont les liaisons aboutissent en un centre, et ce parfois grâce a plusieurs patrons intermediaires. Quant a la faction, on peut la definir comme le segment de ce reseau qui est apte a entrer en competition pour obtenir de la richesse, du pouvoir et du statut a l'interieur d'une organisation ou d'un territoire donne. L'importance en Afrique des divisions entre factions se laisse voir par les insuffisances meme de deux modeles conceptuels qui sont souvent utilisees dans l'analyse des situations de conflit: le modele qui se fonde sur les clivages ethniques ou « tribaux », et le modele qui se fonde sur les conflits de classe. C'est seulement en introduisant des concepts comme ceux de patron-client et de faction qu'on peut rendre compte des anomalies observees en ces deux modeles. En conclusion, on s'interroge sur les conditions sociales, economiques et politiques ainsi que sur les consequences de la « politique de clientele ». Une premiere conclusion provisoire veut que l'existence des factions a l'interieur des armees, des partis, des organismes gouvernementaux, des syndicats, des cooperatives et des associations tribales est a la fois une consequence et une cause de leur faible degre d'institutionnalisation. Une seconde conclusion souligne la contradiction entre les appels publics qui demandent de se sacrifier dans l'interet de la nation a construire, et la pratique privee fort repandue qui consiste a etablir, a la facon des mercenaires, des relations de client a patron. On note enfin que la politique de clientele peut, dans certaines circonstances, contribuer a l'integration politique, en jetant des ponts entre leaders de differents groupes ethniques et de differentes strates socio-economiques.

72 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors present deux theses opposees sur les clivages sociaux entre clienteles partisanes in Canada, arguing that l'appartenance a une classe sociale tendrait a devenir le facteur principal des choix partisans.
Abstract: Cet article presente deux theses opposees sur les clivages sociaux entre clienteles partisanes au Canada. La premiere de ces theses, inspiree des etudes comparatives, predit que l'importance des clivages territoriaux dans l'appui donne aux partis est appelee a diminuer avec le developpement economique du pays, la croissance industrielle, l'urbanisation et les communications d'une region a l'autre. Ces changements economiques auraient pour effet de reduire les differences regionales, qu'elles se fondent sur des differences religieuses ou ethniques, ou sur des differences economiques. De facon concomitante a ce declin des differences regionales, l'appartenance a une classe sociale tendrait a devenir le facteur principal des choix partisans.La these contraire insiste sur le peu de preuves qu'on a de l'importance du vote de classe au Canada, sur les differences regionales qui persistent, ainsi que sur l'importance de l'action politique et economique des gouvernements provinciaux, importance qui continue d'ailleurs d'augmenter.Dans le but de mesurer les phenomenes regionaux, on a construit des modeles de regression multiple qui mettent en relation l'appui donne aux liberaux et aux progressistes conservateurs, avec les caracteristiques socio-economiques du corps electoral. On a retenu pour cela plusieurs elections federates de 1908 a 1965, analysees au niveau des circonscriptions. Les deux principaux traits du regionalisme au Canada ont ete inclus dans le modele, soit le lien privilegie entre certains partis et certaines regions, et les variations d'une region a l'autre dans l'appui que certains groupes donnent aux partis. Si les hypotheses qui decoulent de la premiere these sont exactes, on doit s'attendre a observer un declin dans le temps de la force d'explication du facteur regional.Les resultats de la recherche montrent que l'impact du regionalisme, mesure de cette facon, n'a pas diminue de facon sensible, mais que la relation entre l'appui donne aux partis et les phenomenes de classe est peut-etre sujette a des variations regionales moins grandes que d'autres caracteristiques sociales.

38 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors investigate l'instabilite politique dans les nouvelles nations par des facteurs de pluralisme culturel and de modernisation.
Abstract: Cet article resume les essais de theorisation qui ont cherche a expliquer l'instabilite politique dans les nouvelles nations par des facteurs de pluralisme culturel et de modernisation. Il met ces explications a l'epreuve de donnees quantitatives portant sur trente pays d'Afrique, situes au sud du Sahara. Le probleme theorique est pose a savoir si oui ou non un degre eleve de pluralisme culturel et de modernisation rend compte des differents types d'instabilite politique. On se demande aussi si l'interaction entre le pluralisme culturel et la modernisation rend compte de ces differences. L'analyse empirique comprend la classification des diverses unites culturelles dans les pays d'Afrique, la mesure des taux de changement dans de nombreux indices de modernisation, et la recension des cas de violence politique ou des elites opposees et des groupes locaux ont ete impliques. A l'examen des resultats positifs et convergents qui sont atteints par voie d'une operationnalisation diverse des trois concepts centraux, on arrive a la conclusion que la variation dans le pluralisme culturel est une source importante d'instabilite politique dans les pays d'Afrique, et que la modernisation de ces pays, contrairement a une opinion repandue, a des effets restrictifs sur la probabilite que l'instabilite politique se produise.

30 citations






Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The controversy over economic growth versus pollution abatement will obviously occupy knowledgeable observers for some time to come as discussed by the authors, and what may be more important for public policy is the prevailing attitudes towards growth and pollution in the general population, and the policy-makers' perceptions of these attitudes.
Abstract: Good government requires the capacity to make hard choices. Nowhere is this dictum more evident than in the area of environmental policy. Government officials today are pressed by the public to reduce environmental pollution. At the same time they are also expected to maintain high growth rates and to increase employment opportunities. Too often these demands are simply inconsistent. How much economic growth is antithetical to pollution abatement is a matter of conjecture. Experts do not agree on the subject. Spokesmen from industry contend that pollution is a technical problem which will be reduced when sufficient attention and resources are committed.' Undoubtedly there are instances where this advice is correct. However, others counter by saying that pollution is endemic in modern industrial life, and that to maintain present growth levels is certain to cause further deterioration of our environment.2 This position has been taken by some economists who question the value of increasing gross national products,3 or who propose thinking of the economy as a closed rather than an open system.4 The controversy over economic growth versus pollution abatement will obviously occupy knowledgeable observers for some time to come. Meanwhile what may be more important for public policy is the prevailing attitudes towards growth and pollution in the general population, and the policy-makers' perceptions of these attitudes. Public attitudes are seldom the principle component of public policy, yet they are a factor which is weighed in the decisions of popularly elected leaders. This is particularly true on questions such as growth or pollution which involve considerations of "public taste." This point is corroborated by

7 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, a distinction analytique is made between a contexte de decouverte and a converse of justification, and the critique methodologique du behaviorisme peut etre reformulee et neanmoins maintenue, tout en annulant plusieurs aspects importants of the critique « post-behavioriste ».
Abstract: On veut montrer dans cet article qu'une grande partie du debat actuel entre les « behavioristes » et les « post-behavioristes » porte a faux, en ce qu'il repose sur une fausse conception de la science, partagee par les uns et les autres. La question posee est donc : comment ces deux groupes concoivent-ils la science ? Il est montre que l'image de la science que se font les « post-behavioristes » decoule de celle qui est proposee par les principaux tenants du behaviorisme. Or cette image est fausse en ce qu'elle insiste trop sur la construction theorique par voie inductive. L'examen, a la lumiere de la philosophie des sciences, des notions d'observation, de conceptualisation et de construction theorique montre cette faussete. Si on fait une distinction analytique entre un contexte de decouverte et un contexte de justification, la critique methodologique du behaviorisme peut etre reformulee et neanmoins maintenue, tout en annulant plusieurs aspects importants de la critique « post-behavioriste ». Tant qu'on ne reformulera pas ainsi la conception de la science partagee par les deux groupes, le debat entre eux demeurera faux. Si on veut le poursuivre et le resoudre de facon feconde, il devra etre tranche a partir de la connaissance du monde politique qui est fournie par les deux groupes, et non pas a partir des accusations dramatiques qu'ils echangent entre eux.

7 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Alker and Russett as mentioned in this paper, after comparing different measures of inequality, concluded that the Gini index was an attractive way of summarizing the important parts of an accurate cumulative distribution and that it was sensitive to
Abstract: the provinces deviate?' If redistribution were based only on the population in the provinces, one would need a measure which would indicate the degree of inequality. There are several measures available. Hayward R. Alker, Jr., and Bruce N. Russett,2 after comparing different measures of inequality, concluded that the Gini index was an attractive way of summarizing the important parts of an accurate cumulative distribution and that it was sensitive to

6 citations



Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors discuss the role of the coalition of the Chretiens Democrates and the Sociaux Democrates (SPD) in the formation of the German parliament.
Abstract: Cet article se fonde sur une etude poussee de la Grande Coalition, survenue entre les Chretiens Democrates (CDU) et les Sociaux Democrates (SPD) de 1966 a 1969. La source des donnees reside dans des interviews avec (1) un echantillon representatif des representants au Bundestag de chacun des partis allies, (2) un echantillon non-aleatoire de fonctionnaires et de membres actifs de ces partis dans trois regions de l'Allemagne de l'Ouest, et (3) dans des questions incluses dans une des enquetes nationales de l'Institut infas. Toutes ces donnees furent recueillies pendant la duree de la coalition.Les perceptions dont il est question dans l'article ont trait a la nature et a la possibilite de maintien de la Grande Coalition, au degre selon lequel on l'a accepte et a l'evaluation des politiques qu'elle a produites. Elles ont trait aussi a l'evaluation des vues voulant que la coalition ait favorise un rapprochement entre les deux allies, longtemps adversaires l'un de l'autre, et qu'elle ait aide le sempiternel parti d'opposition, le Parti Social Democrate, a se hisser sur un pied d'egalite avec l'autre dans le gouvernement du pays.Tandis que les vues sur la nature de la coalition sont diverses et souvent obscures, il apparait evident que le peuple, bien plus que les politiciens, desirait qu'elle se maintienne. Parmi les politiciens, c'etaient les parlementaires qui l'acceptaient le plus, et les membres actifs, en particulier ceux du SPD, qui l'acceptaient le moins. L'evaluation des politiques issues de la coalition etait tres favorable, en particulier chez les parlementaires. C'est du Parlement, et de facon generate dans les rangs des conservateurs des deux partis, que le sentiment d'un rapprochement entre les deux tendances etait le plus fort. Quant a l'opinion voulant que la competition entre les deux partis etait devenue plus egale, elle relevait avant tout d'une vue partisane, tout particulierement forte chez les membres actifs du SPD. Mais au total, l'idee d'une tendance a l'egalite dans la competition s'affermissait.La faveur dont a joui la coalition n'a pas empeche qu'elle prenne fin, et les politiques qu'elle a produites n'ont pas suffi a la rendre celebre. Il n'y a pas de doute que l'egalisation des chances dans la competition a encourage le SPD, en 1969, a former, sans avoir la pluralite des sieges, le premier gouvernement de coalition soumis a son leadership.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: For instance, the French family is perceived to be of critical importance for the development of authority relations, patterns of interpersonal communication, and social and political behaviour, and it is also perceived as unique, if not peculiar as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: The task of comparative political inquiry is to increase knowledge by structuring explanations in a manner which allows cross-national comparison. But the current language of comparative research is permeated with descriptions of behaviour which celebrate the uniqueness of particular systems. Nowhere is this more true, and the influence of the area specialist more pervasive, than in the study of French politics. Scholars such as Stanley Hoffmann, Michel Crozier,2 and Frangois Goguel3 have presented, with considerable elegance, theories which describe patterns of psychological style, authority relations, and political partisanship in France. Unfortunately, most of the explanations rely upon reference to phenomena which are considered to be uniquely French. One of the more frequent examples of this involves the French family. Not only is the family perceived to be of critical importance for the development of authority relations, patterns of interpersonal communication, and social and political behaviour, but it is also perceived to be unique, if not peculiar. As a result, whatever appears in French social and political life without a ready explanation is often accounted for by the peculiarities of French family life. Such explanations have not only suffered from a dearth of corroborating empirical evidence. They have, by relying on the unique attributes of France and by neglecting any explanatory variables which might be present in a variety of systems, failed to structure relationships in a truly comparative manner that is, one in which cross-national variations are attributed to the variation in certain common

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In the early 1970s, Czechoslovakia was heading towards enlarging the area of competitive politics to what, in my view, was optimally attainable under the circumstances.
Abstract: In choosing the title for this paper I had in mind an approximation to Ghita Ionescu's distinction between "opposition" and "political opposition."' "Opposition" refers to non-institutionalized forms of disagreement or contestation with existing political power holders.2 "Political opposition" refers to institutionalized forms of contestation, that is, to contestation recognized and legitimized by the constitution. In Western democracies it pertains specifically to electoral and parliamentary contestation between the majority party (or coalition of parties) forming the government and the minority party (or parties) forming the opposition. "Political opposition" commonly entails also some constitutional guarantees concerning the freedom of speech and the freedom of association. In Communist states "political opposition" is conspicuous by its absence. Czechoslovakia would have been the first Communist country to go a considerable distance towards its introduction. Although the creation of an official opposition at the parliamentary level was not on the cards, free electoral competition between candidates of diverse parties and organizations as well as constitutional guarantees safeguarding the freedoms of speech and association seemed real possibilities. Czechoslovakia was heading towards enlarging the area of competitive politics to what, in my view, was optimally attainable under the circumstances. Both traditional Communist attitudes to opposition and the non-Communist traditions in Czechoslovakia's political culture militated against the possibility of what Otto Kirchheimer has called "opposition in principle" or Robert A. Dahl has referred to as "structural opposition."3 In tracing the transition from non-institutionalized opposition to the emergence of proposals for its institutionalization, I shall focus on two things: Czechoslovakia's political traditions and the problem of a hegemonic party system. *This is a slightly revised version of a paper presented at a colloquium on New Forms of Opposition in Political Systems, sponsored jointly by the Canadian Political Science Association and La Soci6t6 canadienne de science politique, on October 16, 1971. I wish to record my gratitude to the Canada Council for the award of a Leave Fellowship in 1969-70 during which most of the material used here was gathered. 1The Politics of the European Communist States (New York, 1967), 2-3. 21 am employing the term "contestation" in the broad sense in which Robert Dahl (unlike Ionescu) has used it in his recent book, Polyarchy (New Haven, 1971), 9. Ionescu applies the term to fundamental or "structural" opposition to a regime or system, while Dahl gives it a more general meaning similar to that intended by Bertrand de Jouvenel in his article, "The Means of Contestation." "Contestation" there refers to a variety of forms of disagreements. For both Ionescu's and de Jouvenel's use of the term see Government and Opposition, I (1966), 240-50 and 155-74 respectively. 3See Otto Kirchheimer, "The Vanishing Opposition," Political Oppositions in Western Democracies, ed. Robert A. Dahl (New Haven, 1966), 237; and Robert A. Dahl, "Patterns of Opposition," Political Oppositions in Western Democracies, 342-3.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The cube law is equivalent to the hypothesis that the Xt1 party's proportion of the seats is X3/(X3 + Y3) and the Yth party's share of the shares is Y3/(x3 + y3) as mentioned in this paper, and the empirical regularity of this result has divided political scientists familiar with it into two groups.
Abstract: Given a plurality single-member district system of election and a legislative general election contested only by the same two political parties in each and every district, if the ratio of the parties' aggregate votes is X/Y, then the ratio of the parties seats is X3/Y3. (Since division by zero is not defined, X and Y are assumed to be non-zero.) This proposition is the well-known cube law. Given the cited conditions, it is equivalent to the hypothesis (for convenience, called the classic cube law) that the Xt1 party's proportion of the seats is X3/(X3 + Y3) and the Yth party's share of the seats is Y3/(X3 + Y3). The empirical regularity of this result has essentially divided political scientists familiar with it into two groups. One group considers the result to be intriguing but has been unable to account for its validity in many situations; the other dismisses it as a mere eccentricity a harmless, but irrelevant, juggling with figures. It would seem that the classic situation described in Alice's Adventures in Won-



Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The Canadian electoral system has been evolving since the earliest colonial days, and almost every re-examination of relevant legislation by Parliament produces interesting innovations still as discussed by the authors, and the current period is marked by real and potential alterations that are the most important.
Abstract: The Canadian electoral system has been evolving since the earliest colonial days, and almost every re-examination of the relevant legislation by Parliament produces interesting innovations still. Two periods of reform stand out as particularly significant: the 1870s, which laid the foundation of a national system for federal purposes, without the fragmentation of rights and practices found in the nearest model;' and the current period, which is marked by real and potential alterations that are the most important in a century. The 1870s, partly because of the Pacific Scandal of 1873, saw the first Liberal government under Alexander Mackenzie secure the passage of two major statutes, which severally transferred the electoral system from provincial to federal hands, and created a comprehensive procedure for dealing with corrupt practices on the part of candidates and their agents.2 The first established a single polling period for all but a few far-flung constituencies, to replace the staggered polling (which had run from August 7 to September 20 in 1867, and from July 20 to October 12 in 1872); reduced the actual voting from two days to one; and abolished two formerly open procedures by providing for nomination by petition, and voting by secret ballot. The second defined corrupt practices and suitable penalties and, building on a statute of 1873,3 effectively shifted the trial of controverted elections from House of Commons committees to the courts. The

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The main purpose of as discussed by the authors is to characterize nationalism in Quebec as a movement of new politics or of normal politics and assess the division of popular support between nationalist and non-nationalist options.
Abstract: The main purpose of this paper is to attempt to characterize nationalism in Quebec as a movement of new politics or of normal politics. Either conception seems plausible at first glance. Many historians have taken the view that nationalism constitutes a norm of French Canadian culture, a goal which has been pursued through one means or another by all French Canadians since the Conquest.1 The alternative point of view sees nationalism as a social movement which recurs episodically under particular social conditions and among particular social groups.2 It might seem that one could test between these models in a relatively straightforward way simply by assessing the division of popular support between nationalist and non-nationalist options. The normal option would be the one to which most people in the society subscribed. This may not be a completely adequate test, however, since social movements can achieve positions of dominance or neardominance in a society without, solely by virtue of that fact, losing their character as social movements.



Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors describe a situation in which the tutelle statale glisse par un lent proc6d6 des mains du pouvoir qui l'exergait.
Abstract: Autrefois, la gestion communale 6tait mince affaire. Ainsi l'interpr6tation trs il y a amalgamation administrative, et chaque fois les municipalit6s qui en 6mergent sont un peu plus fortes. Ii arrive que la tutelle statale glisse par un lent proc6d6 des mains du pouvoir qui l'exergait. Peu d'attention a 6t6 donn6e 'a ce desaisissement. Mais ce n'est pas tout. Plus ce desaisissement progresse, plus on avance vers un point de non retour parce que s'est exerc6 un changement qualitatif. L'Etat n'est soudain plus le meme. La grande ville l'6quilibre et le repousse. On aura chemin6 de l'administratif au politique. Ce sont ces deux ph6nomenes qui seront analys6s.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the central concept of powers is criticised by Wand, and the question is how he can pronounce with such assurance his “grave charges” that my thought is confused and misleading The answer I shall suggest is partly (a) that he has not paid attention to my definitions, and partly (b ) that he tried to fit my argument into a conceptual framework which he assumes has some absolute validity.
Abstract: I am grateful to Professor Wand for devoting so much space to my “conceptual apparatus” I should have been more grateful if he had got it more nearly right His criticism of my concepts, particularly of the central concept of powers, is so wide of the mark that one wonders about his concept of criticism The puzzle is how he can pronounce with such assurance his “grave charges” that my thought is confused and misleading The answer I shall suggest is partly ( a ) that he has not paid attention to my definitions, and partly ( b ) that he has tried to fit my argument into a conceptual framework – his own – which he assumes has some absolute validity Perhaps ( b ) accounts for ( a ): he was perhaps unable to read what I wrote because it does not fit his conceptual scheme Let me take in reverse order his criticisms of the three concepts he deals with

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Hockin and Van Loon as discussed by the authors pointed out that the most remarkable feature of modern parliamentary government does remain in the prime minister's exclusive power to dissolve the legislature, thus deciding himself the time of the subsequent general election.
Abstract: Modestly impressive by its lack of mention both in a recent examination of the political leadership of the prime minister and the more traditional texts of the Canadian political process, is serious notice of environmental limitations on the prime ministerial prerogative in dissolving the Legislative Assembly and announcing a general election.' Perhaps the most remarkable feature of modern parliamentary government does remain in the prime minister's exclusive power to dissolve the legislature, thus deciding himself the time of the subsequent general election. The exercise of this prerogative clearly forms a powerful weapon in the electoral arsenal of the governing party. In this sense the decision of the cabinet on the calling of elections, except in the extraordinary circumstances surrounding want of confidence in the House, is likely to be significant to the extent that it has been based on their general appraisal of the constellation of favourable influences within the public arena.2 The apparent evolution of a functioning three-party system in Canada raises the prospect, despite the irregularities and inequities built into the electoral system, of a return to minority government, and its possible eventual acceptance as the normal course of events. This being the case, if the system is not to be confronted with a perplexing series of elections as the government seeks an elusive "majority mandate," some curbs must reasonably be expected on the prime minister's powers of dissolution.3 Even if the avoidance of repeated costly elections were not reason enough, the oft-discarded concept of political fair play might suggest that the electoral system should not also add the timer's gun to the usual political advantages enjoyed by incumbent authorities. Hence, serious discussion of reform in the Canadian electoral system ought to include informed consideration of the possible regulation by statute of the announcement of elections. Such a move would naturally deviate radically from "classical" parliamentary practice, but similar major reforms of other aspects of the electoral system in Canada have been explicitly argued by K.Z. Paltiel and the Barbeau Committee in relation to election expenses,4 and implicitly suggested by Alan Cairns with respect to the representational translation of votes.5 IThus, see Thomas Hockin, ed., Apex of Power: The Prime Minister and Political Leadership in Canada (Scarborough, 1971). Of the more traditional text approach, note R.M. Dawson, The Government of Canada, revised by Norman Ward (5th ed., Toronto, 1970), 205, 331-4; J.R. Mallory, The Structure of Canadian Government (Toronto, 1971), 85-6; M. Whittington and R.J. Van Loon, The Canadian Political System (Toronto, 1971), 287-8.


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: A notre 6poque, les grandes soci6t6s industrielles ont presque autant d'importance que l'Etat et on comprend qu'au Canada il s'y pose autant que dans les pouvoirs publics le probleme du bilinguisme and du biculturalisme.
Abstract: A notre 6poque, les grandes soci6t6s industrielles ont presque autant d'importance que l'Etat et on comprend qu'au Canada il s'y pose autant que dans les pouvoirs publics le probleme du bilinguisme et du biculturalisme. D'oh l'6tude de Robert N. Morrison, Corporate Adaptability to Bilingualism and Biculturalism'. Le document a 6t6 pr6par6 par des 6quipes de l'Universit6 de Montreal et de l'Ecole des Hautes 6tudes de Montr6al. I1 est bas6 sur des renseignements recueillis en 1964 et en 1965. Dans l'introduction, le sujet g6n6ral de l'6tude est bien pr6cis6 : x to investigate the problem of bilingualism and biculturalism as it affects Canadian business >. Cet