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Showing papers in "Canadian Journal of Political Science in 1980"


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors evaluate quantitativement the importance of regionalism and des classes sociales for expliquer the culture politique canadienne. But their analysis is limited to four regions of Canada: Québec, Ontario, Quebec, Atlantic Canada, and New Brunswick.
Abstract: Nous cherchons a evaluer quantitativement l'importance relative du regionalisme et des classes sociales pour expliquer la culture politique canadienne. Notre analyse repose sur un sondage national fait en 1977 aupres de quelque 3,300 personnes. Les recherches jusqu'a maintenant demontrent que les differences regionales sont plus importantes que les differences de classe. Une telle conclusion repose, selon nous, sur une base empirique insuffisante. La plupart de ces recherches utilise une definition inappropriee des classes sociales et a recours a une conception trop etroite de la culture politique, celle-ci est, en effet, reduite au comportement electoral, au sentiment de competence, a la confiance et a la participation. Cette conception de la culture politique ne tient pas compte, par exemple, des attitudes relatives aux mesures sociales, aux syndicats et a la repartition des revenus. Au surplus la nation quebecoise est traitee tout simplement comme l'une des cinq regions du Canada.Notre recherche repose et sur les « indices » traditionnels des classes sociales (profession, instruction et revenu), et sur une typologie marxiste tiree de l'ouvrage de Wright. Elle analyse plusieurs aspects de la culture politique dont l'orientation partisane et les attitudes a l'egard des institutions politiques. Nos donnees nous apportent trois conclusions: (a) les differences entre les classes sociales sont plus grandes que les differences regionales quant au sentiment de competence, quant a la participation et quant aux attitudes face a une serie de mesures politiques; (b) par ailleurs le regionalisme marque l'orientation partisane et l'attachement au regime; (c) la culture politique quebecoise est differente de la culture politique canadienne. Nous pensons donc qu'il y a lieu de reevaluer le role des classes sociales et du regionalisme dans l'analyse de la culture politique canadienne.

40 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Aucune des etudes recentes toutefois ne depasse l'ouvrage de base of Hannah Arendt who demeure toujours l'un des plus fouilles, des plus complets and des plus critiques as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: Le totalitarisme a ete l'objet de beaucoup d'attention au cours des dernieres annees. Aucune des etudes recentes toutefois ne depasse l'ouvrage de base de Hannah Arendt qui demeure toujours l'un des plus fouilles, des plus complets et des plus critiques. En effet pour Hannah Arendt le totalitarisme suppose a la fois plus que l'inhumanite et plus que l'immoralite. Selon celle-ci, il represente l'echec dramatique du politique et il implique une attaque deliberee contre le concept de l'humain si cher a la tradition humaniste occidentale. Nous etudions donc le lien qu'il y a dans le traite de Hannah Arendt entre le politique et l'humain. Nous pensons que sa these repose sure un point de vue essentiellement ethnocentrique.

22 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
Steven Stack1
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors analyse le modele de l'economie mondiale et la theorie d'Andreski, mais elle infirme the theorie du developpement economique.
Abstract: Les theories sociologiques sur l'inegalite des revenus nl'ont repose jusqul'ici que sur un ou deux modeles. Dans cet article nous integrons et nous verifions certains aspects de quatre theories de la stratification des revenus. A l'aide de donnees sur le partage des revenus dans 37 pays nous demontrons que le niveau de democratic est la variable la plus importante parmi celles reliees a une faible inegalite des revenus. Au surplus, notre analyse confirme le modele de l'economie mondiale et la theorie d'Andreski, mais elle infirme la theorie du developpement economique.

17 citations



Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The assumption that legislators' images of their jobs are products of both pre-incumbency and incumbency experiences is widely shared by students of legislative behaviour as discussed by the authors. But despite its pervasiveness, surprisingly few studies have been made regarding how legislators initially develop orientations toward their positions, or conditions under which job images formed prior to incumbency change as a result of incumbency experience.
Abstract: The above quotation articulates the assumption that legislators' images of their jobs are products of both pre-incumbency and incumbency experiences-a belief which is widely shared by students of legislative behaviour. Despite its pervasiveness, however, surprisingly few studies have been made regarding how legislators initially develop orientations toward their positions, or conditions under which job images formed prior to incumbency change as a result of incumbency experiences.' To

15 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors compare the philosophy of John Locke with the philosophy de Edmund Burke and conclude that the former is a simplifie, rationaliste, and rationalise.
Abstract: Nous pensons que l'hypothese de Samuel Beer selon laquelle une partie du conservatisme moderne s'oppose radicalement a certains principes de l'ancien est fausse. Nous pensons au surplus que la Grande-Bretagne et non les Etats-Unis est la societe-fragment liberate d'origine et par consequent les conclusions de Louis Hartz et de ses disciples au sujet des ideologies americaine et canadienne nous semblent reposer sur un faux postulat. Le conservatisme anglophone ne decoule pas du feodalisme mais de la critique du liberalisme classique. Nous comparons la philosophie politique de John Locke, qui selon Hartz a donne l'elan a l'ideologie americaine a celle d' Edmund Burke, qui selon Hartz est l'antithese de la premiere et nous trouvons d'importants points de ressemblance entre les deux en depit des differences de detail et d'accentuation. Nous nous penchons sur la reaction medievale du XIXe siecle britannique contre l'optimisme victorien de meme que sur le renouvellement medieval americain de la meme epoque et nous croyons que la premiere s'oppose a la tradition conservatrice britannique anterieure. Nous estimons en conclusion que Locke a l'americaine est un Locke simplifie, rationaliste et rationalise. C'est Locke sans la tradition, c'est Locke sans trace de la mystique du gouvernement. La Grande-Bretagne et le Canada par contre ont herite du Locke veritable, complexe et liberal classique. Les traditions liberates britannique et canadienne portent la marque d'un passe pre-liberal, le liberalisme americain (mais pas toujours sa politique) est une variante de cette doctrine.

13 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors discuss the relations entre les trois principaux partis au Parlement canadien de l'election du 30 octobre 1972 a louverture de la vingt-neuvieme legislature le 4 janvier 1973.
Abstract: Nous etudions les relations entre les trois principaux partis au Parlement canadien de l'election du 30 octobre 1972 a l'ouverture de la vingt-neuvieme legislature le 4 janvier 1973. A l'aide des theories des coalitions et des normes politiques canadiennes, nous montrons les raisons qui ont pousse le Nouveau parti democratique a appuyer le gouvernement liberal. Les deux partis ont conclu une alliance pour satisfaire leurs aspirations: des considerations ideologiques pour les neo-democrates et des preoccupations gouvernementales pour les liberaux. Il y avait au surplus des raisons moins imperieuses qui les incitaient a s'entendre. Par ailleurs la collaboration des progressistes-conservateurs et des liberaux ou des progressistes-conservateurs et des neo-democrates etait beaucoup plus difficile. Les progressistes-conservateurs ont insiste sur les divergences qu'il y avait entre eux et les deux autres parties plutot que de montrer les points communs. La theorie des coalitions est certes utile mais ses postulats sur les motifs et la rationalite des hommes politiques ne sont pasfondes. A u surplus, la theorie des coalitions fait abstraction des regies politiques et notre etude montre qu'elles etaient importantes. Nous nous interrogeons donc sur l'utilite de ces modeles comprehensifs qui s'appliquent a une foule de phenomenes, car l'alliance que nous avons retenue ne peut s'expliquer que dans et par le contexte canadien.

12 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: This paper examined the way in which newspapers across Canada reported on events affecting political integration in the country during 1976, concluding that what had been a cause for concern had now become a cause of alarm; a situation had become a crisis.
Abstract: This note examines the way in which newspapers across Canada reported on events affecting political integration in the country during 1976. The year 1976 was significant with respect to Canada's political integration. While there were crises such as the “strike” of air traffic controllers over the introduction of French as a language of air traffic control in the province of Quebec (the incident which prompted us to undertake the study), it was of course the victory of the Parti Quebecois in the November 15 election which provided the most direct challenge of all to the future of Canadian political integration. That event meant that what had been a cause for concern had now become a cause for alarm; a “situation” had become a “crisis.” A unique characteristic of this study is, therefore, that it begins in a “noncrisis” atmosphere and runs through the period of initial popular realization that the threat to “national unity” is both real and immediate.

12 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The 1911 federal election was a huge election and on it turned issues of the most tremendous importance, such as whether or not Mariposa should become part of the United States, and whether the flag that had waved over the school house at Tecumseh township for ten centuries, should be trampled under the hoof of an alien invader.
Abstract: I only know that it was a huge election and that on it turned issues of the most tremendous importance, such as whether or not Mariposa should become part of the United States, and whether the flag that had waved over the school house at Tecumseh township for ten centuries, should be trampled under the hoof of an alien invader, and whether Britons should be slaves, and whether Canadians should be Britons, and whether the farming class would prove themselves Canadians, and tremendous questions of that kind.1 What really decided the 1911 federal election? Was it calculations of economic self-interest, pitting a majority of expected losers from Reciprocity against a minority of expected winners? Was Reciprocity itself not really what divided the electorate, but only one of a number of issues dividing (at least in English Canada) imperialists from anti-imperialists, an ideological or sociological division more than an economic one? Or was a sclerotic Liberal party doomed anyway, with Reciprocity or Imperial relations affecting only the rate of decay? Each of these interpretations finds support in commentary on the election. The three are not, of course, mutually exclusive; the question may only be one of emphasis. But why even ask such questions? First, the importance of the 1911 election can hardly be overstated. The election had a profound effect on economic policy in averting a major reorientation of Canadian-American trade relations. Further, it brought to an end one of the most successful ministries in Canadian history. In doing so, the election signalled more than a simple alternation in an otherwise stable two-party system. Instead, the return of the Conservatives prefigured the shocks of the decade to come. The election ensured that Canada would enter World War One with a government unsympathetic to French-Canadian and Roman Catholic feelings about the conflict. Had the 1911 election not turned out as it did, the history of conscription 1 Stephen Leacock, "The Great Election in Missinaba Country," in his Sunshine

10 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In a system characterized by complete executive control, this distinction has little meaning: decisions regarding appointments are made by the parliamentary party leadership-usually the prime minister, the House leader and the government whips-and little or no consultation occurs with members of caucus or with the opposition.
Abstract: Executive-legislative relations in parliamentary systems are normally described in terms of power and influence.' However, it has always been difficult to achieve agreement on the meanings of these terms or on the relative power or influence of the legislature, the executive and their components. One means of estimating influence in a parliamentary system such as Canada's is to examine the control exercised by the executive over the wide range of noncabinet appointments that are bestowed upon ordinary members of Parliament, usually government supporters. These positions can be divided generally into two categories: executive and legislative. The occupants of executive positions are responsible for providing assistance to cabinet. Junior ministers and parliamentary secretaries represent the clearest examples. Officers of Parliament, such as the speaker and chairmen of standing or select committees, occupy legislative positions. Formally, at least, their primary responsibility is to the legislature. In a system characterized by complete executive control, this distinction has little meaning: decisions regarding appointments are made by the parliamentary party leadership-usually the prime minister, the House leader and the government whips-and little or no consultation occurs with members of caucus or with the opposition. In a system of complete legislative autonomy, only decisions regarding executive positions are the prerogative of the party leadership. The legislature, with little or no direction from the executive, exercises effective control over appointments to legislative positions. This article examines the degree to which appointments to one set of legislative positions in the Canadian House of Commons-chairmanships and

7 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In his study of the Algerian war of liberation, Alistair Hore wrote of encountering difficulty in obtaining detailed information from Algerian participants and attributed the reticence of his potential informants to the essential fatalism of religious teaching as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: In his study of the Algerian war of liberation, Alistair Hore wrote of encountering difficulty in obtaining detailed information from Algerian participants. He attributed the reticence of his potential informants to the "essential fatalism of religious teaching." It was fatalism, he surmised, which heightened a "natural instinct for secretiveness," and this in turn rendered obscure "the most elementary precisions...." He concluded that Algerians are possessed of a "tendency to write off the past, relegating its events-whether they occurred yesterday or in A.D. 600-to the same vast limbo."1 Mr. Home's line of reasoning was that Algerians are withdrawn, suspicious, secretive, indifferent to precision and the past, and that the underlying cause of these traits is a pervasive resignation engendered by the teachings and culture of Islam. One is struck by the ease with which authors toss off such cast conclusions, not simply about the supposedly anti-rational impact of Islam, but also about the supposed mentality of Arab and Islamic peoples, and the dilll prospects for the implementation of reforms. Joel Carmichael, for example, writes of "the magnetic effect on Arabs of appearances for their own sake."2 Karl Deutsch posits the existence of a "counter-industrial cultural tradition" which is the root cause of all

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors used data based on Quebec municipalities with more than 20,000 inhabitants to test the hypothesis that the conjunction of economic conditions and labour unrest contributed significantly to the defeat of the Liberal party in the 1976 Quebec election.
Abstract: Using data based on Quebec municipalities with more than 20,000 inhabitants, this article tests the hypothesis that the conjunction of economic conditions and labour unrest contributed significantly to the defeat of the Liberal party in the 1976 Quebec election. This hypothesis, suggested by the results of the election polls, follows from the conceptual framework furnished by political economy models. These models and the controversies they have given rise to are discussed first from a theoretical perspective. This discussion is followed by a brief review of empirical studies which could shed light on these controversies. Much of the theoretical discussion and most of the empirical results suggest that economic conditions generally have a significant influence on election results. In the second part of the article, after a methodological discussion, we present the results of empirical tests conducted to examine our hypothesis about the influence of economic conditions on the November 1976 general election in Quebec. These results show that increased “fiscal pressure” between 1975 and 1976, union unrest, and the unemployment rate in 1976 had significant negative effects on the Liberal vote. We conclude by raising questions about the effect economic factors could have on the results of the referendum on sovereignty-association.


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, a critical examination of this model shows that it is no longer suitable and that a preferable model is one which we can call "community co-responsibility" (CCR).
Abstract: Improvement of services is one of the principal objectives of reforms introduced into local governments, although this objective does not always guide the formulation of the contents of these reforms. A more rigorous analysis of the implications of service improvement should concentrate on local public goods, on their nature and, above all, on their supply and production—aspects hitherto only slightly developed. To start, one can try to infer certain local institutional characteristics which would be the most suitable for the purpose of service improvement. Certain authors who adopt this course anticipate a quasi-market model for local government services. A critical examination of this model shows that it is no longer suitable and that a preferable model is one which we can call “community co-responsibility.”

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The debates regarding the Decentralization of Local Centres of Community Services in Quebec (C.L.S.C.) illustrate these theoretical propositions as mentioned in this paper, as if there were a logical order between the stakes of controls, and as if in the struggle for controls the actors sought to establish power structures which would maintain or augment their original position.
Abstract: In a systemic and structural analysis of centralization and de-centralization, these phenomena appear as different means of regulating social systems. The types of controls which the Centre maintains or concedes identify centralization and de-centralization. Seven types of stakes can be involved in the struggle over controls: objectives, positions occupied by actors, the organization and internal functioning of these posts, personalities, goods, information and the controls themselves. The first two stakes are more important than the others. In the “game” of centralization and de-centralization, one structural law of politics seems at least in part to determine the behaviour of the protagonists. Whether an actor is in a superior, equal, or inferior position in a structure characterized by control relations, the actor will seek to establish a “political” environment which maintains or augments his or her position. The debates regarding The Decentralization of Local Centres of Community Services in Quebec (C.L.S.C.) illustrate these theoretical propositions. Events unfolded as if there were a logical order between the stakes of controls, and as if in the struggle for controls the actors sought to establish power structures which would maintain or augment their original position.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, a discussion of the political background to legal change and civil rights in China can be found, in addition to a brief discussion on the practical implications of current party policy.
Abstract: The March 1978 and June 1979 sessions of the Fifth National People's Congress of the People's Republic of China have strongly affirmed the need to strengthen proletarian democracy and socialist legality in China. These emphases must be placed in the context of recent polemics of the Chinese Communist Party concerning the Gang of Four and should be regarded as important elements of the developing pattern of post-Cultural Revolution political integration. The following discussion, in addition to providing brief notes on the political background to legal change and civil rights, will attempt to outline the practical implications of current party policy. There has been considerable, but perhaps unnecessary confusion in the Western media as to the intentions of the new leadership in Peking with regard to the development of criminal law and civil rights. Indeed, some skeptical journalists subscribed to a trap theory, whereby the Party had cynically baited a trap for dissidents at the Hsi-tan Democracy Wall with cheese-flavoured democracy. One might readily recall Mao's disparaging comments of 1957 when he scathingly referred to dissenting intellectuals in the democratic parties and universities as the "scum of the earth," "the ants who came out of their holes."' Mao then spoke of the tactical necessity of luring dissident intellectuals out into the open, for he claimed that "only when poisonous weeds were allowed to sprout from the soil can they be uprooted."' 2 The present leadership, however, has been fairly explicit in its policy intentions. The concept of "democracy" is explicitly defined in terms of the Maoist dialectic of freedom and discipline. In accordance

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The psychologie is a contribution importante aux etudes politiques and des travaux de grande portee ont ete realises dans les domaines de la personnalite et des attitudes, dans celui de la perception qu'ont les enfants de la politique, din les affaires internationales, les besoins humains and le leadership.
Abstract: Jusqu'a recemment, l'aspect le plus neglige de la science politique a ete la psychologie. Malgre les emprunts que les politicologues ont fait a d'autres disciplines telles laphilosophie, le droit, l'histoire et la sociologie, ils n'ont tenu aucun compte de la psychologie jusqu'apres la deuxieme guerre mondiale. Depuis tors, les politicologues americains ont aborde le domaine avec enthousiasme mais les canadiens trainent toujours loin derriere. Aux Etats-Unis, la psychanalyse a apporte une contribution importante aux etudes politiques et des travaux de grande portee ont ete realises dans les domaines de la personnalite et des attitudes, dans celui de la perception qu'ont les enfants de la politique, dans les affaires internationales, les besoins humains et le leadership. L'etude du leadership peut egalement etre coiffe du titre d'« hegetologie ». Aux Etats-Unis, c'est devenu un sous-champ de la science politique couvrant une variete de sujets. Au Canada, le travail est a peine amorce. Malgre que l'hegetologie soil un domaine legitime d'etude politique, cen'est pas encore une science. Les preuves empiriques sont de qualite inegale et dispersee et il est bien difficile de faire des predictions justes. L'avenir le plus prometteur de la recherche en hegetologie repose sur la cooperation interdisciplinaire.






Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The notion that development of a society's communications system should contribute to a breakdown of political localism has a prominent place in theories of political development and national integration is probably the best known example.
Abstract: The notion that development of a society's communications system should contribute to a breakdown of political localism has a prominent place in theories of political development and national integration. Karl Deutsch's model of social mobilization is probably the best known example. It predicts that a constellation of developments including advances in education standards and literacy, urbanization, expansion of communications infrastructure, and increased mass media exposure, will set in motion "the process in which major clusters of old social, economic and psychological commitments are eroded or broken and people become available for new patterns of socialization and behavior."' Other students of modernization argue that communications changes facilitate the growth of political parties capable of playing important roles in the process of national integration. Rokkan, for example, notes that "development of cross-local contacts," and "entry into a wider market of information exchange within the nation" are among the indicators of economic and social mobilization of the kind "required to trigger processes of within-community polarization and cross-local party development."2 Variations on these ideas have been advanced by theorists such as Lerner and Huntington.3 All consider the role communications

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, les specialistes de la politique etrangere canadienne ont longtemps pense que la relation entre le Canada and les Elats-Unis etait unique.
Abstract: Les specialistes de la politique etrangere canadienne ont longtemps pense que la relation entre le Canada et les Elats-Unis etait unique. La theorie des relations internationales commence a remettre en cause cette conception. Nous resumons l'evolution de la theorie des relations internationales et nous examinons dans quelle mesure elle se retrouve dans les travaux recents sur les relations canado-americaines. Nous mettons en lumiere deux courants de cette theorie: l'un decoulant du modele « integration-transnationalite-interdependance » et l'autre decoulant du modele « systeme-economie mondiale-dependance ». Nous nous demandons dans quelle mesure ces deux courants, l'un appele vertical, l'autre horizontal, contribuent a l'etude des relations canado-americaines. Nous analysons plusieurs volumes et plusieurs articles publies recemment sur les relations canado-americaines et nous nous demandons dans quelle mesure les deux courants different au point de vue des postulats, des variables independantes et dependantes, des methodes et des conclusions. Nous presentons en conclusion quelques suggestions sur la portee theorique de l'etude des relations canado-americaines.




Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors investigate whether a relatively modernized and professionalized legislative environment encourages backbenchers to adopt a different style in the discharge of policy-making responsibilities than they might in a legislature without these attributes.
Abstract: The primary objective of this paper is to shed light on the importance of a legislature's rules, resources and traditions for the attitudes and behaviour of private members in a parliamentary setting. The paper seeks to determine whether a relatively modernized and professionalized legislative environment encourages backbenchers to adopt a different style in the discharge of policy-making responsibilities than they might in a legislature without these attributes. Such an analysis requires, first, an elaboration of policy styles; second, a comparative research design; and third, a series of arguments which link differences in legislative environments to differences in policy styles. Of the many roles played by backbenchers in parliamentary systems, the policy role is one of the least understood and most underemphasized. Since parties are the main actors on the parliamentary stage, the contributions of individuals are often lost in the din of party battle, creating the impression that private members are either unable or unwilling to contribute to policy matters that have no direct bearing on their constituencies. Case studies of the development of legislation have helped to dispel this impression,l but these normally reveal more about the case at hand than the legislature as an institution. There are three primary orientations that private members in parliamentary systems may adopt in pursuing policy objectives: the initiator orientation, the critic orientation, and the facilitator orientation. None of these presupposes passivity or disinterest on the part of backbenchers, but this typology does suggest that private members differ in how they interpret their policy role and in what they consider to be the most appropriate manner in which to discharge their responsibilities.