Showing papers in "Canadian Journal of Political Science in 1985"
184 citations
177 citations
TL;DR: This paper argued that any voting cleavage, however archaic, must be sustained by active partisan influence whose direction differs between the groups that define the cleavage and pointed out that the sharp difference in Canadian party choice between Catholics and Protestants is perplexing as it cannot be explained away by reference to other social characteristics, such as class or language.
Abstract: The sharp difference in Canadian party choice between Catholics and Protestants is perplexing as it finds no obvious parallel in policy and it cannot be explained away by reference to other social characteristics, such as class or language. A family socialization explanation for the cleavage which has gained wide currency proves defective on logical grounds. This article argues instead that any voting cleavage, however archaic, must be sustained by active partisan influence whose direction differs between the groups that define the cleavage.
45 citations
TL;DR: This paper explored contemporary political ideologies in English Canada, francophone Quebec and the United States using cross-national attitudinal survey data, focusing on three dimensions of political ideology: ideological polarization, issue content of the respective lefts and rights, and ideological coherence.
Abstract: This article explores contemporary political ideologies in English Canada, francophone Quebec and the United States using cross-national attitudinal survey data. Drawing central hypotheses from the qualitative Canadian-American political culture literature, the analysis focusses on three dimensions of political ideology—ideological polarization, the issue content of the respective lefts and rights, and ideological coherence. Evidence of distinctive national “lefts,” together with fundamental similarities in the English-Canadian and American ideological “rights” and important differences in the ideological structures of the three political cultures, call into question some conventional generalizations found in the nonquantitative literature.
31 citations
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors examine politicians' informal codes of conduct and reveal considerable disagreement in assessments of particular acts, notably those involving conflicts of interest and constituency service, and underline the need for a code of conduct to clarify and augment such unwritten rules.
Abstract: Do we need a code of conduct for politicians, or are the existing unwritten rules a sufficient safeguard against acts of political malfeasance? Based on interviews with 84 backbench MPs, this article examines politicians' informal codes of conduct. The study reveals considerable disagreement in assessments of particular acts, notably those involving conflicts of interest and constituency service. Differences among MPs are related to a number of factors including partisanship, political experience and spatial cleavages. Such divisions of opinion belie the presence of a single elite political culture of corruption and underline the need for a code of conduct to clarify and augment such unwritten rules as presently exist.
29 citations
TL;DR: In contrast to recent commentators on Quentin Skinner's Foundations of Modern Political Thought, the authors argued that Skinner's approach to the development of the modern theory of the state is strictly consistent with his earlier methodological proposals.
Abstract: In contrast to recent commentators on Quentin Skinner's Foundations of Modern Political Thought, this work argues that Skinner's approach to the development of the modern theory of the state is strictly consistent with his earlier methodological proposals. But it is also established that Skinner's consistency ultimately leaves him without a “genuinely historical” basis for a unified state-tradition within late medieval and early modern Europe. The article proposes an alternative historical methodology which allows for the explanation of persisting traditions of discourse (such as that of the state) within a coherent historical framework.
28 citations
TL;DR: The principle of guaranteed parliamentary representation for the Maori remains a contentious feature of New Zealand's political structure and despite intrinsic drawbacks within the present system, neither Maoris nor the major political parties have initiated fundamental reforms in the design of Maori seats for fear of tampering with the status quo as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: The principle of guaranteed parliamentary representation for the Maori remains a contentious feature of New Zealand's political structure. This concession originated in 1867 to solve the “Maori problem” by means consistent with the competing interests of government and Maori. But despite intrinsic drawbacks within the present system, neither Maoris nor the major political parties have initiated fundamental reforms in the design of Maori seats for fear of tampering with the status quo. Recently, with the resurgence of Maori assertiveness, developments have transpired aimed at redefining the status of separate representation. Whether or not this strategy for the political accommodation of minority groups can be transferred to other contexts—such as Canada—is open to debate.
27 citations
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors extended the authors' earlier work on incumbency by examining, riding by riding, results in 10 federal elections from 1926 to 1980, and found that incumbency generally had a significant impact, and between 1957 and 1980 incumbency was worth about four points for the Liberals, Conservatives and New Democrats, and significantly more for the Social Credit.
Abstract: This work extends the authors' earlier work on incumbency by examining, riding by riding, results in 10federal elections from 1926 to 1980. Regression results indicate that incumbency generally had a significant impact, and between 1957 and 1980 incumbency was worth about four points for the Liberals, Conservatives and New Democrats, and significantly more for the Social Credit. The results vary and seem to be smaller than those observed in Ontario provincial elections, but this may be due to the greater instability in federal politics, since general shifts in party allegiance seem to reduce incumbency effects.
26 citations
TL;DR: The authors argued that too few Canadian unions are explicitly advocating NDP support through affiliation, thus the transformation of the Co-operative Commonwealth Federation into the NDP was, in many respects, a non-event.
Abstract: In 1961, the Co-operative Commonwealth Federation collaborated with the Canadian Labour Congress to form the New Democratic party. The CLC urged its affiliates to affiliate with the new party; and assumed that widespread affiliation would lead to a more competitive party. Increased electoral support, however, was not forthcoming. This note argues that levels of union support forthe NDP(measured by rates of affiliation) are very low, and thus the transformation of the CCF into the NDP was, in many respects, a non-event. However, the study also argues that members of NDP-affiliated union locals are more likely to identify with the vote for the NDP than are members of unions not affiliated with the party. Thus, the problem forthe NDP is that too few Canadian unions are explicitly advocating NDP support through affiliation.
25 citations
TL;DR: In this paper, the sources of this provincialist constitutional doctrine can be found in the Confederation settlement itself and how the provincial rights movement subsequently used this doctrine to discredit one of the key centralizing devices of the Macdonald constitution, the veto power of disallowance.
Abstract: The rise of the provincial rights movement in the generation after Confederation forms an important chapter in Canadian constitutionalism. In their attempts to understand the provincial rights movement, however, historians and political scientists have paid insufficient attention to the precise constitutional doctrine that was developed to thwart the centralizing designs of Sir John A. Macdonald. This article shows that the sources of this provincialist constitutional doctrine can be found in the Confederation settlement itself. It further shows how the provincial rights movement subsequently was able to use this doctrine to discredit one of the key centralizing devices of the Macdonald constitution—the veto power of disallowance. And it concludes that the legacy of the provincial rights movement continues to inform the way Canadians think about federalism.
23 citations
TL;DR: Oakeshott's work is then thematically summarized with an eye to showing its artfulness and originality as a synthesis of modern European individualism, providing a theoretical account of civil association which combines, without logical contradiction, the Aristotelian idea of politics as the activity of attending to the arrangements of the whole, and the liberal (and Christian) idea of the individuality of value, mediated by the Roman idea of civil obligation to the form of authority as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: This article cautions against facilely casting Oakeshott's thought in the mold of either Kantian liberalism for its account of civil association as purely formal association to which rational individuals could consent, or Burkean liberalism for its emphasis on the continuity of general practices and traditions in diurnal politics. Oakeshott's work is then thematically summarized with an eye to showing its artfulness and originality as a synthesis of modern European individualism, providing a theoretical account of civil association which combines, without logical contradiction, the Aristotelian idea of politics as the activity of attending to the arrangements of the whole, and the liberal (and Christian) idea of the individuality of value, mediated (and made logically possible) by the Roman idea of civil obligation to the form of authority.
TL;DR: Oakeshott's contribution to political philosophy has been overshadowed by the widespread belief that the proper context for his writings is modern conservatism as mentioned in this paper, which is based on a misunderstanding of the way in which his view of politics as a specific and limited activity is derived from a more general, sceptical account of the relation between belief and conduct.
Abstract: Michael Oakeshott's contribution to political philosophy has been overshadowed by the widespread belief that the proper context for his writings is modern conservatism. The legend of Oakeshott's conservatism is shown to rest on a misunderstanding of the way in which his view of politics as a specific and limited activity is derived from a more general, sceptical account of the relation between belief and conduct. His scepticism here is not a Burkean rejection of the relevance of general beliefs, but a Humean call for “speculative moderation” appropriate to the occasion. This is not to say that Oakeshott's writings are without political significance. In fact, their significance lies in their powerful critique of modern conservatism in Europe and America.
TL;DR: In this paper, a study of business associations in Canada and the United Kingdom that are active in three economic sectors (food processing, chemicals, and construction) was carried out, and the authors found that the wide variety of internal regional arrangements found in associations are more likely to weaken cohesion.
Abstract: The cohesion of interest associations has been seen to depend, among other factors, on the character of the political regime. Federal regimes are said to have negative consequences for group cohesion because of their tendency to force extensive regional differentiation in associations. These conclusions are examined here and shown to be in need of elaboration. To explain differentiation in business associations, factors other than regime structure must be considered, specifically the structure of the sector being represented and the nature of the collective bargaining arrangements. When this is done, the wide variety of internal regional arrangements found in associations is better accounted for. Furthermore, some of these arrangements are shown to be more likely to weaken cohesion than others. The argument is based on a study of business associations in Canada and the United Kingdom that are active in three economic sectors—food processing, chemicals, and construction.
TL;DR: In this paper, it is argued that a tendency toward bureaucratic pluralism has led agencies to develop extra-governmental support at the interest group level; and that both interest groups and agencies have found it useful to exploit the legitimating and publicizing capacities of parliament.
Abstract: Several phenomena which have been separately observed in Canada are linked: namely the diffusion of power within the executive-administrative branch, the proliferation and expanded role of pressure groups, and the increased attention parliament has been receiving from interest organizations. Suggesting that this last may reflect fundamental changes in the policy system as a whole, it is argued that a tendency toward bureaucratic pluralism has led agencies to develop extra-governmental support at the interest group level; and that both interest groups and agencies have found it useful to exploit the legitimating and publicizing capacities of parliament. In so doing they have contributed to the enhancement of parliament's role in the policy process.
TL;DR: This paper examined the structure and setting of Encounter '79, the televised debates between party leaders which took place a week prior to the 1979 federal election, and considered the possible impact of this event on individual voting behaviour and on the outcome of that election.
Abstract: This article examines the structure and setting of Encounter '79, the televised debates between party leaders which took place a week prior to the 1979 federal election, and considers the possible impact of this event on individual voting behaviour and on the outcome of that election. Using data from the 1979 National Election Study to measure exposure to the debates and perceptions of their content, it is argued that much of the potential effect is limited by public exposure to other political information through television and by the tendencies of such events to reinforce existing attitudes. The direct effects, if any, are more likely to be on participation than on voting decisions.
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors critically examine two contemporary streams of thought in international relations and outline reasons why both are empirically and logically deficient, and suggest why the search for a theory or model of international politics is doomed to failure.
Abstract: Two contemporary streams of thought in international relations offer significant theoretical challenges to the field and to the way it has been organized since the time of Rousseau. New power cycle theories propose that the etiology of war resides in different growth rates among the major powers. Hegemonic wars are a recurrent consequence of the states system. The literature suggests that the patterns of the past are likely to be repeated in future; hence, the only solution to the problem of war is the transcendence of the states system. The second body of literature proposes that growing interdependence is bringing profound structural changes that are already leading to the demise of the nation state and to the transformation of the states system. The essay critically examines these theories and outlines reasons why both are empirically and logically deficient. These bodies of literature also illustrate how even among rigorous quantitative analysts, normative concerns animate research. Finally, the author suggests why the search for a theory or model of international politics is doomed to failure, and why a healthy field will be characterized by intellectual pluralism.
TL;DR: In this article, the authors argue that the two roles are not necessarily compatible and that the behaviour of MPs on the agriculture and transport committees in debating three bills during the 32nd Parliament shows considerable efforts at representation but much less at conflict management.
Abstract: Proposals to strengthen regional representation in national institutions are premised on the assumption that representation of (regional) interests and accommodation of conflicts between competing interests are compatible roles, and most likely when national decision makers represent all contending interests. The article argues that the two roles are not necessarily compatible. The behaviour of MPs on the agriculture and transport committees in debating three bills during the 32nd Parliament shows considerable efforts at representation but much less at conflict management. The emergence of specialist interest groups promotes representational efforts by MPs but often at the expense of conflict management. Other factors affecting the joint occurrence of interest representation and interest accommodation include the individual and collective characteristics of members, their partisan incentives, and the diversity of the goals of their client groups.
TL;DR: In this article, the authors examined three contrary theories of great power war and concluded that parity encourages war and that non-separated great powers fight as they approach parity in power capabilities.
Abstract: Three contrary theories of great power war are examined. The first is the common balance of power argument that parity preserves peace. The second is Organski's oft-cited alternative, “the power transition.” The third is a conflation of the first and second. Like the first, the inherent inability to measure power precisely is the basis of the conflated balance of power theory. Like the second, the conclusion is that parity encourages war. Unlike either the first or second theory, the third provides an explanation of the incidence and extent of warfare between great powers. The basic proposition tested is that nonseparated great powers fight as they approach parity in power capabilities. The evidence is from the relations between the European great powers during 1815–1939.
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors show how Athens in the late fifth and early fourth centuries mitigated Robert Michels' famous "iron law of oligarchy" and suggest that the lessons of Athens are still relevant, if properly interpreted.
Abstract: This article shows how Athens in the late fifth and early fourth centuries mitigated Robert Michels' famous “iron law of oligarchy.” It is argued that Athens' success es related to its practice of universal male citizen participation in the administration of the city. At several points a comparison is drawn between how the International Typographical Union (ITU), studied in Lipset, Trow, and Coleman's Union Democracy, mitigated the “iron law,” and how Athens did so. The purpose of this article, however, is not to draw as many comparisons as possible. It is rather to suggest that the very possibility of comparison implies that the lessons of Athens are still relevant, if properly interpreted. This last clause is important, for it is argued that the way in which mass participation mitigated the iron law at Athens was subtle, and easily misinterpreted, perhaps especially by those who are eager to see greater participation in contemporary Western democracies.
TL;DR: Durham's Report of 1839 is particularly interesting, it is argued, since it purports to demonstrate the superiority of mixed government to the kind of majoritarian democracy put forward in those years by British and colonial radicals as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: Eighteenth-century British Whig and Tory accounts of mixed government and the balanced constitution are examined together with the similar doctrine favoured by British liberals of the Great Reform Bill period, among them Lord Durham. Durham's Report of 1839 is particularly interesting, it is argued, since it purports to demonstrate the superiority of mixed government to the kind of majoritarian democracy put forward in those years by British and colonial radicals. Durham's proposal to curtail the powers of the democratic branch of government in Lower Canada-the Legislative Assembly, he wrote, had "endeavoured to extend its authority in modes totally incompatible with the principles of constitutional liberty"-is compared to the eighteenth-century "court" party argument for a strong political executive. It is suggested that Durham and the eighteenth-century thinkers together provide grounds for supposing that even today the egalitarian aims of modern societies are furthered by a political system that recognizes man's natural inequalities. Resume. Ce travail examine l'importance que les Whig et les Tory du 18e siecle attachaient au gouvernement mixte et h une constitution dite equilibr6e; il examine aussi la doctrine semblable favoris6e par les liberaux anglais de la periode du Projet de loi de la Reforme G6n6rale, parmi lesquels on trouve Lord Durham. On y d6bat aussi que le Rapport Durham de 1839 est particulierement int6ressant parce qu'il pr6tend d6montrer la sup6riorit6 du gouvernement mixte sur le genre de democratie majoritaire pr6conis6e dans ce temps-lh par les radicaux Anglais et Coloniaux. La proposition de Lord Durham de tronquer les pouvoirs de la branche democratique du gouvernement du Bas Canada--l'Assemblee Legislative &,, ecrit-il >-est comparee a l'argument presente par le parti de la ,< cour , du 18e siecle demandant un executif politiquement fort. On suggere qu'avec les penseurs du 18e siecle, Lord Durham donne des motifs qui laissent supposer que meme aujourd'hui les buts egalitaires des societes modernes sont mieux servis par un systeme politique qui reconnait les inegalites naturelles de l'homme. disorders."" The English Benthamite party, the Philosophical Radicals, were the radical group of the time most concerned with Canadian affairs. John Arthur Roebuck, for example, had been commissioned by Papineau and the Legislative Assembly of Lower Canada in 1835 to represent Canadian interests in the British parliament. Roebuck, Henry 4 C. P. Lucas (ed.), Lord Durham's Report on the Ajf?iirs of British North America, Vol. 2 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1912), 277, 278. All references are to the text in volume 2 of this edition, cited as Report. Durham's English speeches are filled with references to the "'balance" or "harmony" of powers, and to the "three estates." During the election campaign of 1837, for example, he argued, "I wish to rally as large a portion of the British people around the existing institutions of the country-the throne-the Lords-the Commons and the Established Church. I do not wish to make new institutions, but to preserve and strengthen the old" (from a letter, July 8, 1838 to Russell Bowlby, intended for publication; cited in Chester New, Lord Durham, A Biography ofJohn George Lambton, First Earl of Durham [Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1929], 314). Other examples will be given below. The eminent Whigs of his father's generation and before-Charles James Fox in particular-were always his heroes. Throughout his career he describes himself as heir to their tradition. This is the theme of his speeches at the Fox anniversary dinners in 1819 and 1821, for example (John Reid [ed.], Sketch of the Political Career of the Earl of Durham [Glasgow: John Reid and Co., 1835], 71-73, 97, 98). He often refers to motions for parliamentary reform initiated by Fox, by Charles Grey and by William Lambton, his father, and above all to the programme set forth in the petition laid before parliament in 1793 by the association known as The Friends of the People, of which William Lambton and Charles Grey were leading members (Hansard, Parliamentary History, 1066-1803, 30 [May 6, 1793], 787-99). This content downloaded from 207.46.13.83 on Fri, 21 Oct 2016 04:42:56 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
TL;DR: In the course of arguing his case for electoral reform, John Stuart Mill proposed a criterion of government by majority which has gone largely unnoticed as discussed by the authors, which states that any majority coalition of representatives in an assembly must directly represent a majority of electors.
Abstract: In the course of arguing his case for electoral reform, John Stuart Mill proposes a criterion of government by majority which has gone largely unnoticed. Mill holds that any majority coalition of representatives in an assembly must directly represent a majority of electors. A representative directly represents those electors, and only those electors, who voted in his favour at his election. An implication of Mill's version of the principle of majority rule is that, given an assembly of any considerable size, all but a small fraction of the electorate must have direct representation.
TL;DR: Boldt and Long as mentioned in this paper argue that the concept of "sovereignty" is suited neither to the political traditions nor to the aspirations of Canadian Indians, and they suggest that, while Indians may not possess sovereignty, they consider themselves, and should be considered by us, as "nations":
Abstract: Menno Boldt and J. Anthony Long recently published in this JOURNAL an incisive analysis of the political thought of Canadian Indians.' In particular, they show that the term "sovereignty" is suited neither to the political traditions nor to the aspirations of Canadian Indians. The concept of sovereignty, which is a specific product of Western history, makes sense only in a territorial state ruled by a hierarchical authority structure of which sovereignty is the conceptual apex. Indian peoples, at least in Canada, had neither territorial states nor hierarchical authority systems before the coming of the Europeans. To adopt the Western concept of sovereignty not only distorts history but also encourages Indian communities to depart from the indigenous traditions which they wish to preserve. If some of their members attempt to exercise the sovereignty they now claim, they will destroy their native institutions of consensus democracy. Thus far I am in complete agreement with Boldt and Long, but I believe they did not carry their analysis far enough. They suggest that, while Indians may not possess sovereignty, they consider themselves, and should be considered by us, as "nations":
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors show that the common criticisms of these classifications are self-contradictory and also apply in large measure to the behavioural criteria most commonly proposed as substitutes.
Abstract: Insurance classifications that rely on demographic information are often accused of being discriminatory. There is a strong movement, based on human rights legislation as well as the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms, to abolish them. However, analysis shows that the common criticisms of these classifications are self-contradictory and also apply in large measure to the behavioural criteria most commonly proposed as substitutes. Whether current practices are “reasonable” in the sense of the Charter will be an important question for determining the scope of the “equality rights” of section 15 of the Charter.
TL;DR: For example, Nozick as mentioned in this paper argued that the right to alienate a person's ability to labour is a private property, and that a person can sell her or his life, liberty, labour or soul at the market price.
Abstract: This article attempts to illuminate a contradiction at the heart of the notion of natural rights. Natural rights are commonly thought to be both inalienable and the property of individuals. As the right or the law is privatized as my rights, her rights, our rights or their rights, rights come to be viewed as personal properties. A distinction is made between personal possession and private property (which entails the title to alienate what is owned) in order to speak significantly of our possession of inalienable rights. For Locke, we possess an inalienable right to life and liberty precisely because we do not own our lives and liberties. Moreover, we can alienate our person, or our ability to labour, precisely because it is our private property. For Nozick, rights are individual properties. Thus, for Nozick as distinct from Marx, one has the right to sell anything (one's life, liberty, labour or soul) at the market price.