Showing papers in "Canadian Journal of Political Science in 1994"
TL;DR: In this paper, a comparative survey of the political processes through which peaceful secession has taken place is presented, focusing on Singapore-Malaysia, Austria-Hungary and Norway-Sweden, though some attention is paid to other cases including Czechoslovakia.
Abstract: This study is a comparative survey of the political processes through which peaceful secession has taken place. The main focus is upon Singapore-Malaysia, Austria-Hungary and Norway-Sweden, though some attention is paid to other cases, including Czechoslovakia. The object is to derive, inductively, a set of empirical generalizations about the politics of the transition from a union or federation to two or more sovereign states. The article presents 13 such generalizations. Each is discussed and shown to hold in the various cases. Together, they comprise the pattern of politics that characterizes instances of peaceful secession
90 citations
TL;DR: The difference perspective has three advantages over the "individual versus collective rights" perspective as mentioned in this paper : it accurately retrieves the courts' reasoning by framing it in terms of the values actually at stake, and it avoids the traditional dichotomy between individual and collective rights.
Abstract: Constitutional commentators who interpret conflicts between individuals and communities in terms of a struggle between individual and collective rights do not accurately capture the jurisprudence developed in the courts regarding such conflicts. Such conflicts are more clearly analyzed when they are framed in terms of identity-related differences. The difference perspective has three advantages over the “individual versus collective rights” perspective. First, the difference perspective accurately retrieves the courts' reasoning by framing it in terms of the values actually at stake. Second, it avoids the traditional dichotomy between individual and collective rights. Third, it provides a means to compare claims of individuals and groups without reducing group interests to individual interests.
50 citations
TL;DR: In this article, the authors argue that despite the ubiquity of social and political constraints to policy innovation, many failures can be attributed to public bureaucracies that are not designed to deal with complex problems, and which all too quickly exceed their policy-making capacities.
Abstract: Governments often operate under considerable pressure to respond effectively to the emergence of increasingly complex policy dilemmas. This article first explains some key difficulties in bringing forth comprehensive policy interventions. Despite the ubiquity of social and political constraints to policy innovation, many failures can be attributed to public bureaucracies that are not designed to deal with complex problems, and which all too quickly exceed their policy-making capacities. This study then analyzes why comprehensive policy-making does sometimes occur, and links its occurrence to bureaucratic design factors, arguing that extending organizational capacity for innovation involves more than generous budgets and expertise. The article draws upon, and develops further, Mintzberg's ideas on administrative adhocracy to show how administrative units can be organized to enable bureaucracies to transcend professional compartmentalization and routine; and how structures can be designed for comprehensive policy innovation. The study focuses on Canadian federal bureaucracy, and it is supported by three case studies of recent policy experiments: energy, environment and AIDS.
47 citations
TL;DR: This article examined the effect of the media during the 1988 Canadian election and found that those with higher exposure to the media lead the opinion of others by about one week, they are more stable in their vote intentions, and they were more likely to vote on the basis of their trust in the leaders than on issue positions.
Abstract: This article examines the effect of the media during the 1988 Canadian election. Using National Election Study data, three questions are investigated: do those with different patterns of media exposure change their vote intentions at different times; do those with higher media exposure remain more stable in their vote intentions, and do the media prime leadership? The article argues that patterns of media exposure have an effect: those with higher exposure to the media lead the opinion of others by about one week, they are more stable in their vote intentions, and they are more likely to vote on the basis of their trust in the leaders than on issue positions (in this case, the Free Trade Agreement) or party identification. However, there were few differences between those who relied on television as opposed to print for their information.
41 citations
TL;DR: A theoretical argument about the incompatibility of consociational constitutionalism and mass input/legitimization of constitutional bargaining in deeply divided societies is presented in this paper, with empirical support from evidence from the failed Charlottetown Accord.
Abstract: . The primary lesson to be learned from the failed Charlottetown Accord is that substantive constitutional reform in Canada is not possible, and will not be for some time. This claim is structurally grounded—a reflection of inherent limitations to successful constitutional negotiations. Specifically, it contends that the requirement of mass input/legitimization of constitutional bargaining in deeply divided societies is incompatible with successful constitution making. There are two reasons for this conclusion. First, mass legitimization serves to undermine effective elite accommodation. The degree of compromise necessary to forge a constitutional agreement at the elite level among different societal groups alienates too many mass supporters of each group. As a result, elites cannot deliver the support of their constitutional constituents. Second, constitution making, by virtue of providing certain groups with almost perpetual special privileges, provides an incentive for groups to seek constitutional status. Mass input into the constitutional process lowers the costs associated with seeking constitutional status, thereby facilitating the creation of new constitutional orientations. In this article, a theoretical argument about the incompatibility of consociational constitutionalism and mass input/legitimization is developed. This argument applies to the Canadian context, detailing the prevailing “mega-constitutional” orientations (MCOs) in Canada, emphasizing their inherent irreconcilability. Based on evidence from the Charlottetown referendum campaign, empirical support is provided for the argument developed. Finally, the conclusion summarizes the findings and forecasts failure for constitutional initiatives, in Canada and elsewhere, where consociational constitutionalism occurs in tandem with the requirement of mass input/legitimization.Resume. La premiere lecon a tirer de l'echec de l'Accord de Charlottetown, c'est qu'une reforme constitutionnelle en profondeur n'est pas possible, et ce pour un avenir previsible. Cette premisse s'appuie sur des elements structured, refletant des limites inherentes aux negotiations constitutionnelles. Plus precisement, cela presume que l'exigence de legitimation par les masses du marchandage constitutionnel dans des societes profondement divisees represente un obstacle majeur pour le succes des negotiations. On invoquera deux motifs pour justifier cette conclusion. D'abord, la legitimation populaire contribue a empecher les accommodements entre les elites. L'ampleur des compromis necessaires a l'emergence d'un accord au niveau des elites entre differents groupes sociaux aliene trop de citoyens dans chacun des groupes. Consequemment, les elites ne peuvent garantir l'appui de leurs mandants. En deuxieme lieu, le bricolage constitutionnel, qui procure a certains groupes des privileges sociaux perpetuels, encourage les groupes a rechercher un statut constitutionnel. La participation des masses au processus diminue les couts associes a la quete de statut constitutionnel, facilitant ainsi la creation de nouvelles orientations constitutionnelles. Cet article propose une argumentation theorique a propos de l'incompatibilite entre le constitutionnalisme consociationnel et la legitimation par la participation populaire. La these est appliquee au cas canadien, approfondissant les orientations macro-constitutionnelles dominantes ou pas, et en en faisant ressortir l'irreconciliabilite. En s'appuyant sur l'experience referendaire d'octobre 1992, l'article etoffe ensuite concretement l'argumentation. Par-dela le resume des principaux resultats, la conclusion predit l'achec des initiatives constitutionnelles, au Canada et ailleurs, partout ou le constitutionnalisme consociationnel sera accompagne par l'exigence d'une legitimation par la participation populaire.
31 citations
28 citations
TL;DR: In this article, the authors examine the common assertion that this increase was largely due to the surprising Progressive Conservative landslide in the 1984 federal election and find that there would have been a substantial increase in the number of women in the parliament, regardless of how the vote split in 1984.
Abstract: In the 1980s, Canada went from having one of the lowest levels of female representation in its national legislature to having one of the highest among countries with single-member district electoral systems. The authors examine the common assertion that this increase was largely due to the surprising Progressive Conservative landslide in the 1984 federal election. By simulating plausible alternative election results they find there would have been a substantial increase in the number of women in the parliament, regardless of how the vote split in 1984. The simulations are followed by probit analyses for 1980, 1984 and 1988 which examine what factors affected the probability a major-party candidate would be a woman and what factors affected the probability that a successful candidate would be a woman.
24 citations
TL;DR: In this article, the relative importance of economic consequences in the decision to support Quebec's independence was analyzed across three generations, and the differences can be explained with reference to the economic context that prevailed when members of each generation reached adulthood.
Abstract: Is political choice under conditions of uncertainty influenced more by expected losses than by expected gains? Does the relative importance of economic rationality in political choice vary between generations? The analysis of individual opinion on sovereignty in Quebec sheds new light on these questions. Among determinants of individual support for sovereignty, apprehensions of possible losses play a more important role than expectations of possible gains. The relative importance of the evaluation of economic consequences in the decision to support sovereignty, however, differs across three generations. These differences can be explained with reference to the economic context that prevailed when members of each generation reached adulthood.
22 citations
TL;DR: The authors examined the relationship between Canada's development assistance policy and its welfare state institutions through an analysis of the Canadian experience and argued that the differences between the social policies of developed countries help to understand the nature of their participation in the international aid regime.
Abstract: This article examines the relationship between Canada's development assistance policy and its welfare state institutions. Through an analysis of the Canadian experience, the article argues that the differences between the social policies of developed countries help to understand the nature of their participation in the international aid regime. Although this hypothesis is not entirely new, it is here refined with the help of the comparative literature on the welfare state, and assessed systematically for Canada. Through this case study, the article explores the extent to which values and principles institutionalized at the domestic level influence foreign policy and the international order.
21 citations
TL;DR: The connections between the ideological orientations of the Reform party of Canada and its proposals for reform of political representation are discussed in this article. But their focus is on direct democracy, new models of representative behaviour and constitutional reform as means of democratizing Canadian politics.
Abstract: This article considers connections between the ideological orientations of the Reform party of Canada and its proposals for reform of political representation. Particular attention is devoted to its advocacy of direct democracy, new models of representative behaviour and constitutional reform as means of democratizing Canadian politics. These proposals are discussed in relation to Reform's account of collusion between special interests, parties and interventionist governments in our federal system. Reform's preference for market-based over political decision-making is identified as a key foundation of their explanation and remedies for the crisis in Canadian democracy. A review of Reform's blending of older populist critiques with modern neo-conservative perspectives on this problem clarifies the party's distinctiveness and appeal. The Reform agenda emerges as one aiming to contract not just the power of special interests, but also the scope of democratic decision-making in public life.
21 citations
TL;DR: This article examined the social bases and ideological and policy orientations of the Reform party of Canada through a study of the attitudes of delegates attending its 1992 national assembly, identifying the core political attitudes of Reform activists, and examine whether their positions on policy matters are distinctive and whether they are characterized by internal cohesion or division.
Abstract: This article provides a systematic examination of the social bases and ideological and policy orientations of the Reform party of Canada through a study of the attitudes of delegates attending its 1992 national assembly. We identify the core political attitudes of Reform activists, and examine whether their positions on policy matters are distinctive and whether they are characterized by internal cohesion or division. We then examine the party's mobilization strategy to determine the extent to which this strategy produces systematic cleavages among party activists. Our analysis reveals that Reform promotes a distinctive position on a number of salient political issues. However, we also challenge the view that Reform activists are united by a unidimensional right-wing ideology. We conclude by discussing the impact of party mobilization on future divisions within the party.
TL;DR: The authors found that there is little evidence of a systematic pattern of convergence in the judicialization of Canadian environmental policy, and suggests that the reasons for this lie in the different institutional and constitutional structures which define the roles and relationship of the judiciary, legislators and administrative agencies in each country.
Abstract: Observers of the development and evolution of Canadian environmental policy have noted evidence of what appears to be a pattern of lagged emulation of United States environmental initiatives by Canadian authorities. The record of recent Canadian court activities in the area of environmental assessments is cited as evidence that Canadian environmental policy is converging with that of the US. Other commentators, however, have failed to observe the increase in litigation required to justify the convergence hypothesis. Using evidence gleaned from a database of over 150 Canadian superior court decisions on the environment between 1980 and 1989, this article finds little evidence of a systematic pattern of convergence in the judicialization of Canadian environmental policy, and suggests that the reasons for this lie in the different institutional and constitutional structures which define the roles and relationship of the judiciary, legislators and administrative agencies in each country.
TL;DR: The authors evaluates the clash between right-of-centre and feminist interests in the United States, providing one of the first empirical assessments of legislative and judicial decision-making in the Reagan/Bush years in key policy areas identified by the American women's movement.
Abstract: American feminism at the point of Ronald Reagan's first election to the White House in 1980 appeared to merge the mobilizational strengths of social movement activism with the institutional professionalism that comes from interest-group experience. Unlike the British women's movement at the time of Margaret Thatcher's first majority in 1979, or organized feminism in Canada at the point of Brian Mulroney's first majority in 1984, the American movement appeared virtually unassailable. Yet observers who documented the defeat of the Equal Rights Amendment, the unravelling of reproductive choice provisions and sustained resistance to affirmative action policies during the Reagan/Bush years would tend to question this assumption. The author evaluates the clash between right-of-centre and feminist interests in the United States, providing one of the first empirical assessments of legislative and judicial decision making in the Reagan/Bush years in key policy areas identified by the American women's movement.
TL;DR: The role of mass media in reporting United States military operations is a subject on which there is considerable interest as well as diversity of opinion as mentioned in this paper, and the significance of media coverage has been recognized by both supporters and opponents of American use of military force to achieve foreign policy objectives.
Abstract: The role of mass media in reporting United States military operations is a subject on which there is considerable interest as well as diversity of opinion. The significance of media coverage has been recognized by both supporters and opponents of American use of military force to achieve foreign policy objectives. However, analysts disagree on whether the media tend to be supportive or critical of such ventures.This study examines the above question with respect to the US invasion of Panama which began on December 20, 1989. Coverage of the invasion by three American networks (ABC, CBS and NBC) and two Canadian networks (CBC and CTV) in their major nightly television newscasts was compared for a 23-day period from December 15, 1989 to January 6, 1990. The data set picks up material on Panama beginning five days prior to the invasion and continues for three days following the surrender of General Noriega. In total 197 news stories are analyzed.Examined in the study are factors such as volume of coverage (number of stories and running time); placement of items in the newscast; substantive issues given prominence; news sources utilized, and whether these sources were favourable or unfavourable toward US foreign policy positions; positive and negative “images” presented of the key actors involved in the invasion (Manuel Noriega, Guillermo Endara and George Bush); and whether overall, in both text and visual impact, the story was likely to be interpreted as either pro- or anti-invasion by viewers.
TL;DR: A comparative study of the environmental policy experiences of two Canadian provinces, Alberta and Ontario, in the period 1971-1993 is presented in this paper, concluding that there is a pattern of environmental politics and policy-making common to both provinces, although it emerges at a different pace.
Abstract: This article summarizes the conclusions of a comparative study of the environmental policy experiences of two Canadian provinces, Alberta and Ontario, in the period 1971-1993. The examination led to the conclusion that there is a pattern of environmental politics and policy-making common to both provinces, although it emerges at a different pace. This divergence is a function of well-known societal differences between the two provinces. Furthermore, in the Ontario and Alberta experiences, the policy-making capacity of the state can be seen to be severely challenged by the cross-sectoral nature of environmental policy issues. A number of observations regarding the effects of federal-provincial relations and of American influences on environmental policy-making at the provincial level in Canada are also possible. Resume. Cet article presente les conclusions d'une etude comparative qui portait sur les politiques environnementales de deux provinces canadiennes, l'Alberta et l'Ontario, de 1971 a 1993. Cette etude nous a men6 a conclure que le cadre des politiques environnementales ainsi que le processus d'l6aboration presentent des dimensions communes aux deux provinces, bien que ce cadre se soit developpe a un rythme different au sein de chacune d'elles. Cette divergence est due aux diff6rences soci6tales bien connues entre les deux provinces. De plus, les exp6riences de l'Alberta et de l'Ontario demontrent que le processus d'elaboration des politiques est fortement contraint par la nature sectorielle des enjeux lies a la politique environnementale. Plusieurs remarques touchant l'impact des relations f6derales-provinciales ainsi que l'influence am6ricaine sur le processus d'elaboration des politiques environnementales au niveau provincial peuvent etre avanc6es. In Alberta, the intense competition prior to the province's 1971 election between the Social Credit government of Premier Harry Strom and a Progressive Conservative opposition, led by Peter Lougheed, also focused, to a considerable degree, on environmental issues. The first visible result of this competition was the creation of an Environment Conservation Authority in 1970.7 This was followed by the passage of the Department of the Environment, Clean Air, Clean Water, and Energy Resources Conservation Acts in 1971. These statutes were implemented by the Progressive Conservative government which came to power following the August 1971 election. Both the Ontario Ministry of the Environment and the Alberta Department of the Environment were granted vertical policing regulation functions regarding the control of pollution. In Alberta this mandate was contained in the Clean Air and Clean Water Acts. The Ontario Ministry received its responsibilities through the Environmental Protection Act, 1971 and Ontario Water Resources Act, 1972.8 The Ontario and Alberta governments also made efforts to address the cross-sectoral potential of environmental issues. Both governments recognized that environmental protection measures would have to go beyond the control of pollution in order to be successful. In this sense, questions regarding land use and natural resources development were of particular concern. 7 See the Environment Conservation Act, 1970. 8 The Government Reorganization Act of 1972 renamed the Ontario Water Resources Commission Act, 1956 the Ontario Water Resources Act. This content downloaded from 157.55.39.153 on Mon, 19 Sep 2016 04:53:52 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
TL;DR: For example, the authors traces the rise of postmodern politics in the Western world, examines the specifically Canadian manifestation of this process, discusses the Reform party in the context of the cultural tension driving Canada's recent political debates, and concludes with a commentary on Manning's contribution to the fragmentation of Canada's traditional party system.
Abstract: Since his rise to national importance in Canada, commentators have been trying to make sense of Preston Manning and his Reform party. For the most part, however, such commentary has refused to see his political thinking as new at all, but instead regards it as a throwback to previous examples of western-based political protest movements. Yet Manning should be regarded as a postmodern conservative. His politics are a response to the process of postmodernization that has characterized Canada in recent years. This article traces the rise of postmodern politics in the Western world; examines the specifically Canadian manifestation of this process; discusses the Reform party in the context of the cultural tension driving Canada's recent political debates; and concludes with a commentary on Manning's contribution to the fragmentation of Canada's traditional party system.
TL;DR: In this article, the authors start from the relative presence or absence of corporatism in industrial relations and describe the relationships between corporatist arrangements and social and political factors to characterize the institutions that have accompanied Fordism.
Abstract: To characterize the institutions that have accompanied Fordism, we start from the relative presence or absence of corporatism in industrial relations. A specification of the relationships between corporatist arrangements and social and political factors suggests four specific models can account for the 12 countries considered. The model allows us to make sense of the various arrangements linking institutional forms and the social and political forces that generate and sustain these forms. Two domains are considered specifically, industrial relations and politics.
TL;DR: In this article, the authors argue that disenchantment with political institutions can be traced to confusion and indecision about the kind of democratic regime Canadians want and that the result is that Canadians now have a different democracy than the one they inherited from their British forebears, one with its own capacity to generate stalemate and disappointment.
Abstract: This article analyzes the recent constitutional turmoil in Canada by arguing that disenchantment with political institutions can be traced to confusion and indecision about the kind of democratic regime Canadians want. Using the work of Johan Olsen and James March, the author outlines two models of democratic political institutions, both centred on the concept of popular sovereignty but each offering its own version of how popular rule is to be achieved and legitimated. While the Canadian state was originally established on “integrative” principles and processes, recent years witnessed the rise of “aggregative” ideals. This development has had a profound effect on constitutional politics as well as on “normal” politics. The result is that Canadians now have a different democracy than the one they inherited from their British forebears, one with its own capacity to generate stalemate and disappointment.
TL;DR: In a content analysis realized in 1977 for the purposes of the C.R.T.C, Arthur Siegel noted that the image of Canadian geopolitical reality presented in their news programme by the English and French television networks of the CBC was heavily influenced by the linguistic cleavage as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: In a content analysis realized in 1977 for the purposes of the C.R.T.C, Arthur Siegel noted that the image of Canadian geopolitical reality presented in their news programme by the English and French television networks of the CBC was heavily influenced by the linguistic cleavage. A comparative analysis undertaken in 1987 shows that the coverage of Canadian news has failed to evolve despite the urgings of the C.R.T.C. and the will of CBC management to understand this situation. It is suggested that competition between public and private television networks, as well as the professional norms guiding journalists, are better explanations than the presumed political prejudices of these journalists.
TL;DR: The authors reviewed the positions taken by the Atlantic provinces in Canadian constitutional reform negotiations over the past 25 years and found that the stereotypes of regional dependence on federal transfers and conservative political culture are challenged as explanations for Atlantic constitutional positions.
Abstract: This article reviews the positions taken by the Atlantic provinces in Canadian constitutional reform negotiations over the past 25 years. It is based on public statements and documents and interviews with advisors to Atlantic governments. The stereotypes of regional dependence on federal transfers and conservative political culture are challenged as explanations for Atlantic constitutional positions. Atlantic leaders have not acted as dependents of Ottawa. While seeking to preserve federal authority in fiscal and regional policy, these provinces have sought to make it more responsive through guarantees for equalization and regional development, and through more regionally sensitive intrastate institutions. In some fields, preserved or enhanced provincial authority has been sought. And at key junctures, regional leaders and populations have opposed and blocked federal government preferences. Conservative values are not evident in regional support for rights under the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms or aboriginal self-government, among other relatively progressive positions. Differences among these provinces and between individual leaders, plus a shortage of bureaucratic resources in intergovernmental affairs, have limited the coherence and effectiveness of Atlantic interventions at times. While no common regional position has emerged, certain key goals are reasserted frequently. Selected reforms to intrastate institutions and the interstate division of powers have been sought to facilitate the use of both federal and provincial authority to end these provinces’ “have-not” status.
TL;DR: The authors of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms provided courts with three remedial alternatives for enforcing its provisions as discussed by the authors, focusing on section 24(1) of the Charter, which permits courts to impose any remedy they consider appropriate and just in the circumstances.
Abstract: The political value of rights depends on the availability of effective instruments for remedying violations of those rights. Recognizing this, the authors of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms provided courts with three remedial alternatives for enforcing its provisions. Focusing on section 24(1) of the Charter, which permits courts to impose any remedy they consider “appropriate and just in the circumstances, ” this article assesses how Canadian courts have dealt with the remedial dilemmas inherent in Charter litigation. This assessment unfolds in three stages. First, it sets out a framework for analyzing remedial decision-making. Next, it summarizes the cases in which section 24(1) has been explicitly invoked to enforce Charter rights. Finally, the article examines the remedial implications of judicial enforcement of minority- language educational rights.