Showing papers in "Canadian Journal of Political Science in 2000"

Globalization, Four Paths of Internationalization and Domestic Policy Change: The Case of EcoForestry in British Columbia, Canada

Abstract: Governments appear increasingly constrained in their ability to make independent policy choices in an era of global economic finance and communication. As a result, scholars are more closely examining how actors, institutions and economic forces that extend beyond state borders can influence domestic public policies and politics. This scholarship on “globalization” and “transnational relations” serves as a corrective to a comparative public policy literature that has tended to treat external pressures as either exogenous shocks, or as simply other interests to which the state must respond.

Comparative Provincial Policy Analysis: A Research Agenda

Abstract: According to Colin Bennett, “the comparative policy tradition has never been seriously embraced by Canadian policy analysts.” This is not to say, however, that comparison is absent from policy analysis. Though their number is somewhat limited, several Canadian policy analysts are committed to a comparative approach, and this trend is increasing, particularly in the field of provincial policy analysis.

Theorizing Cultural Identities: Historical Institutionalism as a Challenge to the Culturalists

Abstract: The interest of philosophers in the politics of cultural identity was one of the most interesting developments in this field in the 1990s. Their involvement in an area dominated by historians, sociologists, political scientists and anthropologists2 has been particularly evident in Canada where scholars such as Will Kymlicka and Charles Taylor have shaped the way many academics understand cultural identity politics. These theorists have favoured a cultural approach to the phenomenon. They have established frameworks for understanding and managing multiethnic states that stress the inherent strength and meaning of culture.

“Welcome In, But Check Your Rights at the Door” : The James Bay and Nis[vert, dbl bar (under)]ga'a Agreements in Canada

Abstract: The signing of the Nis[vBar ]ga'a Final Agreement in August of 1998 was an event of singular importance in the history of “First Nations relations” in Canada. It marked the completion of the first treaty negotiations in British Columbia in the twentieth century and will soon be followed by many others as nearly province–wide negotiations redefine the relationship between First Nations, the province and Canada. Given a political climate hostile to Aboriginal rights, the treaty is a significant achievement and deserves the support of fair–minded Canadians. It certainly does not “give too much” to the Nis[vBar ]ga'a Nation as its critics in the Liberal and Reform parties of British Columbia frequently assert.

Rethinking Retrenchment: North American Social Policy during the Early Clinton and Chrétien Years

Abstract: Since the mid–1990s, comparative research on welfare state evolution has contrasted the contours of postwar social policy expansion with the parameters of contemporary programme retrenchment. Paul Pierson's 1994 account of pension, housing and income support policies in the United Kingdom and the United States during the Thatcher and Reagan years proposed two core arguments with this literature: first, welfare state expansion and contraction were governed by fundamentally different dynamics; and second, even conservative, ideologically committed political executives found it hard to impose radical social policy changes. Because “the welfare state has proved to be far more resilient than other key components of national political economies.” Pierson has maintained, “retrenchment is a distinctive and difficult political enterprise.”

Reconsidering the constitution, minorities and politics in Canada

Abstract: The constitution and constitutional discourse have loomed large on the agenda of Canadian political science since the 1960s. Over time, political scientists have approached the constitution and its role in society from a number of angles reflecting perceived primary axes of power and dominant cleavages within Canadian society. Thus, federalism, regionalism and British-French dualism have been prominent in explorations of constitutional politics, while such questions as the relation of the constitution to class or gender have been less central.

A Megamayor for All People? Voting Behaviour and Electoral Success in the 1997 Toronto Municipal Election

Abstract: Case studies of municipal elections hold little appeal for students of local government. Recent scholarship for the most part has focused on gender or the election of councillors, but studies of mayoral contests are virtually non–existent. This is somewhat surprising, considering the constituent size of several large Canadian municipalities where local government leaders are directly elected. If indeed local government is the level closest to the people, a study of municipal electoral behaviour in large cities can provide insights about the relationship between local politicians and the electorate.

Globalization and Public Policy: Situating Canadian Analyses

Abstract: Globalization and its implications for domestic policy making are not new issues for Canadians. Indeed, the country's political economy has long made Canadians highly vulnerable to developments beyond their borders. Dependent on foreign trade and investment, Canada's economy has become deeply integrated into the American economy and, for selected primary commodities, the international economy. Relatedly, Canadian governments have been long–standing supporters of multilateralism and international regulatory frameworks like the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT), now the World Trade Organization (WTO).

Michael Walzer on Resorting to Force

Abstract: American political theorist Michael Walzer is a prominent provocative thinker on the morality of warfare. His landmark study, Just and Unjust Wars , remains a modem classic. But we might ask: given that this oft–cited work first appeared in 1977, what, if any, relevance does it have for us today? Consider, for instance, Walzer's controversial account of jus ad bellum , a term traditionally referring to the justice of resorting to war.

Persuasion, Domination and Exchange: Adam Smith on the Political Consequences of Markets

Abstract: Adam Smith argued that division of labour was the basis of wealth: the greater the division of labour the greater the wealth. He also held that the extent of the division of labour was determined by the opportunity to exchange, or by the size of the market. Although Smith understood market exchange to be constrained by distance and natural impediments, he insisted that public policy should not add additional artificial obstacles to market exchange. Thus, in general, he argued that governments should be committed to “free trade.”

Primordialism, Evolutionary Theory and Ethnic Violence in the Balkans: Opportunities and Constraints for Theory and Policy

Abstract: The literature on evolutionary theory tends to address questions of ethnicity from two perspectives: (1) macro, or long–term selection processes associated with basic human preferences for individual or group survival, ethnic identity or kinship affiliations; and (2) intermediate selection mechanisms associated with the fitness and adaptability of specific cultures, religions or belief systems in different regions of the world. Comparatively less time has been spent addressing micro–evolutionary questions about the timing, escalation and duration of ethnic violence — that is, micro or short–term selection processes and fitness mechanisms that account for the escalation and/or duration of ethnic hatreds, violence or war at a particular time.

The Difference Debate: Reducing Rights to Cultural Flavours

Abstract: Over the past few years there has been an increase in scholarly attention to the politics, the theorization and the logic of difference as a site of contestation; as a cultural value, as a measure of liberalism's capacity for tolerance and inclusion, and as a subject of state action for protection. The debate has been joined by two contributors to this JOURNAL: Avigail Eisenberg in 1994 and Katherine Fierlbeck in 1996. Their thinking is fairly representative of the important debate about the political significance of difference, especially in view of Aboriginal rights and contemporary treaties in Canada, and deserves closer scrutiny.

Public Brokerage: Constitutional Reform and the Accommodation of Mass Publics

Abstract: It is widely recognized that the traditional institutions and processes of Canadian politics, such as executive federalism, elite accommodation and brokerage parties have fallen into disrepute with large sections of the Canadian public, and political scientists have noted their failure to resolve long–standing conflicts in the area of constitutional politics. I argue that the reasons why these processes have failed to manage constitutional political conflict have not been properly diagnosed. In particular, Canadian political scientists have not adequately differentiated executive federalism from accommodation and brokerage, often assuming they are contingent on each other (as they are, by definition, in the commonly used expression “elite accommodation”). The pessimism among some Canadian political scientists about Canada's ability to amend the Constitution to the satisfaction of major groups stems in large part from the misplaced assumption that the brokerage and accommodation necessary in Canada require executive federalism. This conventional wisdom suggests that since executive federalism is discredited and has been replaced by a populist requirement for citizen participation, usually through referendums, shuns accomodation in favour of a mojoritarianism which is unable to deal adequately with the problems of a multinational federation like Canada.

Federalism in a Digital World

Abstract: We live in a world of explosive change in information and communication technologies (ICTs). Companies advertise cell phone rates that apply to calls anywhere within North America, trumpeting that North America is now a single “neighbourhood.” E-mail puts us in touch with friends and colleagues around the world as easily as it does with neighbours or colleagues in the same department. We phone individuals rather than, as in the past, a place, hoping that the person we are calling is “home.” Home is where the cell is, and not the heart. Newsgroups create virtual communities unbounded by territory. In general, ICTs appear to reduce dramatically the importance of geography, territory and distance. Thus if “living in a place” is what really mattered for identity in the recent past of Guterson's nove1, the scope and pace of this technological change should have a profound effect on identities. Simply put, ICTs have the potential to erode, and erode rapidly, the territorial foundations of our lives.

Arms Control Failure and the Balance of Power

Abstract: Arms control and the balance of power are seemingly mutually contradictory processes. They share a subtle relationship that can produce either peace or war, a relationship that depends largely on how uncertainty is managed. Certainty plays a vital role in arms control because it permits a regularity of interaction that promotes co–operation among states. Uncertainty plays an equally vital role in the balance of power by restraining states through the fear of third–party interference. As the degree of uncertainty decreases when a system tends toward bipolarity, so arms control becomes more salient. Consequently, the balance of power will likely contribute disproportionately more than arms control in a multipolar environment than in a bipolar one. An important consequence of this relationship is that there are circumstances where a successful arms control agreement may actually increase the likelihood of war by impairing the restraining influence of the balance of power.

The Theory of Democratic Elitism Revisited: A Response to Vengroff and Morton

Abstract: Two questions have dominated the modern study of politics. How do political systems become democratic? And how, supposing they have managed to become democratic, do they manage to remain so? As yet, there is no agreement on the answer to the first question. For a generation, however, there has been consensus on a core part of the answer to the second. In democratic polities, political elites have come to consensus in support of democratic rights, and in times of political stress this elite consensus has served as a bulwark protecting citizens' liberties.

Nuclear Arsenal Games: Coping with Proliferation in a World of Changing Rivalries

Abstract: This article presents and establishes the significance of the Nuclear Arsenal Games, which investigates behaviour within dyads experiencing a crisis. It assumes that nuclear and quasi-nuclear states act according to the size and potential of their own nuclear force structure and that of their opponent. This article argues that the size and potential damage an arsenal poses determines actor preferences within a crisis situation. The specific objective here is to propose a nuclear index for use in empirical studies and offer an example of one game-theoretic approach of crisis interaction that indicates whether preferences and predicted behaviour adhere to the assumptions of Classical (or Rational) Deterrence Theory. Resume. Cet article explique et d6montre la port6e des ?jeux de l'arsenal nucl6aire> qui examinent le comportement des 1tats durant une crise. Ces jeux stipulent que, dans une telle situation, les Etats qui posshdent ou qui sont sur le point de possfder une force nucl6aire agissent en fonction de la taille et du potentiel de leur propre arsenal nuclfaire et de celui de leurs adversaires. Cet article soutient que les prrf6rences des acteurs, lors d'une crise, sont d6terminfes par l'importance du dommage potentiel que peut causer un arsenal nucl6aire. De manibre plus sp6cifique, il propose un index des forces nucl6aires utiles pour les 6tudes empiriques et pr6sente une approche des intdractions en situation de crise de la thdorie des jeux qui permet de v6rifier si les pr6f6rences et les comportements prrvisibles des acteurs confirment les hypotheses de la thdorie classique (ou rationnelle) de la dissuasion. Mini-arsenal presents more specifically a minimal nuclear capability and its relation to crisis behaviour. This is perhaps the most complex, and therefore difficult, level to describe. First, a mini-arsenal state is capable of acquiring, at best, two or three, crude Hiroshima or Nagasaki-style warheads. Fat Man, the bomb dropped on Nagasaki, was about 20 kilotons, the more powerful of the two used by the United States in 1945. This pales in comparison to thermonuclear weapons, that are measured in megatons. India, Israel and Pakistan, which can project significant nuclear threats, are beyond this category since the arsenals they are believed to possess contain qualitatively and quantitatively much more destructive power. Second, the most critical distinction of the mini-arsenal is that, while potential damage may be extreme, destruction of state or society is not assured. A strike from a mini-arsenal state may be survivable-militarily, politically and socially. This perception, which may be held both by the mini-arsenal state leadership and its potential enemies, is expected to result in preferences and behaviour that do not match actions of states with more deadly arsenals. Leadership that is more willing to risk domestic populations may consciously choose to escalate wars to nuclear levels if the state and its government may survive. Of the four levels of nuclear capability, mini-arsenal dyads promise to be the most unstable during crises as the deadliest of cost-benefit analyses are expected to take place. The NAG assumes that capability is related to, yet distinct, from choice. Canada and Sweden, for instance, have the capability of nuclear proliferation with relatively few physical impediments. Resources, in This content downloaded from 207.46.13.20 on Wed, 28 Dec 2016 18:06:24 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms 726 CAROLYN C. JAMES

British Imperial Politics and Judicial Independence: The Judicial Committee's Decision in the Canadian Case Nadan v. The King

Abstract: Traditionally, Canadian commentary on the Judicial Committee has focused on the effect or impact of the imperial tribunal's decisions on the nature of Canadian federalism. Numerous studies have examined the issue of whether or not the Judicial Committee strengthened the powers of provincial governments at the expense of the federal government by misinterpreting the Constitution Act, 1867 and by ignoring the intentions of the fathers of Confederation who sought to create a strong centralized government. The Canadian preoccupation with the merits of this debate has led one distinguished political scientist, David E. Smith, to suggest that “perhaps too much” has been written about the Judicial Committee. The literature examining the relationship between the Judicial Committee and Canada has not, however, addressed the significance of the imperial context in which the tribunal's decisions were written. The Judicial Committee was not only the final appellate body for Canada but was also responsible for hearing disputes from other parts of the Empire. Decisions written for one Dominion or colony could have profound legal and political effects on another.

Regional Perspectives on Canada's Charter of Rights and Freedoms: A Re–examination of Democratic Elitism

Abstract: In The Clash of Rights , Paul. M . Sniderman, Joseph Fletcher, Peter Russell and Philip Tetlock have challenged the orthodox view of “democratic elitism” and “value consensus” with respect to support for civil rights and liberties. Based on analysis of Canadian attitudes toward the 1982 Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms, Sniderman et al, found that support for rights claims varied more among elites than between elites and masses. They extend this finding to a hypothesis that competing political elites are prone to exploit disagreement over rights issues for purposes of partisan electoral advantage. They find that the Conservative officeholders are typically less supportive of rights claims, while New Democratic party and Parti Quebecois legislators tend to be more supportive. On most issues, the Liberals are (surprise!) in between. These findings lead to conclusions such as “the issue of bilingualism is political, not social.” More generally, Sniderman and his colleagues suggest that there is broad, evenly distributed support for rights among the Canadian public, and that conflict over rights is largely attributable to partisan competition among political leaders.

Citoyenneté et division des sexes

Abstract: The first half of the article illustrates how, when the question of gender division arises in the political sphere, certain political scientists (namely, Luc Ferry, Gilles Lipovesky, Pierre Rosanvallon) are quick to base their analyses on nature. This is based on their conviction that gender belonging is an issue which concerns solely one gender: the female gender. However, the idea of the People in a modern democracy is instituted into two-gendered categories by the civil state. This fact having been established, how and according to which conditions are we to consider the question of equality of men and women in the representation of the People? The second half of the article deals with this question through an examination of Etienne Balibar's analyses. je prendrai appui sur l'analyse que d6veloppe Etienne Balibar8 h propos de l'6mancipation, en 6tant particulibrement attentive A l'6mancipation des femmes. 1. La naturalisation de I'analyse politique Dans Le Sacre du citoyen, pour expliquer que les femmes ont 6t6 priv6es de droits politiques au moment de la R6volution frangaise, Pierre Rosanvallon 6crit: La protection rigoureuse de la sphire priv6e, qui est au coeur des droits de l'homme, a conduit presque m6caniquement . confirmer, et parfois meme . accentuer, la rel6gation de la femme dans la domus. La mise . l'6cart des femmes a paradoxalement une certaine dimension lib6rale: elle inscrit dans le partage des sexes le principe de limitation de la sphbre politique. Inscription ressentie comme d'autant plus utile que tout concourt par ailleurs, pendant la R6volution, pour 6tendre en permanence le champ politique. Le cantonnement de la femme dans l'espace domestique est pergu comme une des formes et une des conditions de la claire s6paration du priv6 et du public. C'est aussi pour cette raison que la femme est priv6e de droits politiques pendant la R6volution: la vision sociologique traditionnelle de la famille et l'id6ologie lib6rale de la limitation du politique se rejoignent 1k pour fournir un motif suppl6mentaire d'exclusion des femmes de la cit6.9 Et pour expliquer que le droit de vote leur a 6t6 accord6 en 1944, pris de cent ans aprbs la proclamation du suffrage > (1848), 8 Etienne Balibar, Les Frontidres de la dcmocratie (Paris: La D6couverte, 1992) et La Crainte des masses (Paris: Galilee, 1997). 9 Rosanvallon, Le Sacre du citoyen, 145. This content downloaded from 157.55.39.135 on Sun, 03 Jul 2016 05:51:59 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms 446 MARIE-BLANCHE TAHON Rosanvallon pr6tend que >, il faudra que .l0 Cette association femme et domestique qui entraine l'association domestique et famille, m~me si elle est courante, ne manque pas de poser problbme h plusieurs niveaux. Ne serait-ce qu'au niveau socio-historique. Il est en effet difficile de soutenir que la ?vision sociologique traditionnelle de la famille> explique pourquoi les femmes ont 6t6 priv6es de droits politiques pendant la R6volution. En effet, la R6volution marque pr6cis6ment une transformation > de la famille, son 6mergence en tant que famille ?moderne> : les droits du phre sur ses enfants sont remplac6s par les devoirs des parents i leur 6gard. La 16gislation r6volutionnaire elle-m~me 6tablit que d6sormais filles et fils sont 6gaux devant l'h6ritage, 6pouse et 6poux le sont quant au divorce rendu possible par le mariage civil et la puissance paternelle est remplac6e par l'autorit6 parentale. L'6mergence de la famille ? moderne > au moment de la R6volution n'est d'ailleurs pas accidentelle; elle est requise pour que soient repr6sentables l'6galit6 et la libert6. Comment proclamer ?tous les hommes naissent libres et 6gaux en droits>> si subsistent les rapports hi6rarchiques du phre sur ses enfants? Comment faire de la fraternit6 la valeur constitutive de la R6publique si le phre reste un despote?" Le commode ?cantonnement de la femme dans l'espace domestique? empache de poser le problbme dans toute son ampleur: comment a-t-il 6t6 possible de concevoir qu'une fille puisse h6riter comme son frbre, qu'une 6pouse puisse demander le divorce comme son 6poux, qu'une

La critique de la politique dans les Essais : Montaigne et Machiavel

Abstract: La difference entre le rapport de Machiavel et celui de Montaigne a la politique s'impose d'emblee a leurs lecteurs. Face a une oeuvre machiavelienne presqu'entierement vouee a analyser la chose publique et a decrire les conditions d'une action efficace en son sein, Montaigne se montre avant tout moraliste dans ses ecrits comme dans sa vie, ceest–a–dire plus soucieux de proteger les droits de sa conscience que de repondre aux exigences de la vie publique, et plus attache a une description de son existence singuliere qu'a une analyse systematique du fonctionnement du monde politique.

La perception du rôle des femmes en politique au Canada : le cas des conseillères municipales au Québec en 1997

Abstract: Au cours des dernieres annees, plusieurs recherches ont ete menees sur un phenomene relativement recent en Occident: l'acces plus important des femmes a des charges publiques electives. Ces recherches ont porte soit sur les caracteristiques des femmes qui sollicitaient un mandat electif et qui parvenaient a se faire elire, soit sur les obstacles qui jonchaient leur route vers le pouvoir, soit sur certaines de leurs attitudes et opinions et sur certaines perceptions, notamment quant au role des femmes en politique . Ces etudes ont ete effectuees a tous les paliers de gouvernement, bien que le palier municipal ait ete quelque peu neglige, refletant peut-etre un desinteret plus large de notre discipline pour cette instance decisionnelle.

Introducing the Electronic Version of the Canadian Journal of Political Science

Abstract: Scholars are now accustomed to adapting to ever–changing forms of communication technology that permit quicker and wider dissemination of their research and the availability to them of the research of others. Since 1968, the Canadian Journal of Political Science / Revue canadienne de science politique has appeared solely in paper format although its editorial and production procedures have become increasingly distinguished by electronic forms of communication. In 1996, the JOURNAL's website was created, providing various editorial and business information, including the abstracts of articles and lists of books reviewed in recent issues.

Two Forms of Democracy: A Response to Mendelsohn's “Public Brokerage: Constitutional Reform and the Accommodation of Mass Publics”

Abstract: Underlying Matthew Mendelsohn's plea for popular participation in constitution making is a tradition of democratic thought that Jennifer Smith calls “anti–partyism.” This is not the place to describe types of anti–partyism, or trace its roots in Rousseau; I will say only that in Canadian history, and still today, anti–partyism is critical of parliamentary government. In the mid–nineteenth century its proponents argued for the rule of the demos, “the many”; they called their philosophy, “democracy.” They were not calling merely for an extension of the franchise; they criticized the very idea of representative and responsible institutions, contending that responsible parliamentary government empowered “the few” at the expense of “the many.” Today, most scholars regard parliamentary government as a form of democracy, and usually remember that “democracy” has more than one definition. In his article, Mendelsohn unfortunately uses “democracy” to describe only views inclining to anti–partyism.

La mesure de la science et la construction statistique d'un territoire : la Région de la capitale nationale du Canada

Abstract: During the past two centuries, governments have fostered a privileged relationship to statistics by virtue of the latter's status of objectivity. This article analyzes some of the intimate ties between the Canadian government and its official statistical organization, Statistics Canada. Within the framework of its science and technology measurement programme, Statistics Canada introduced, beginning in 1972, an eleventh entity alongside the provinces, namely, the National Capital Region (NCR). This article demonstrates how the NCR was and continues to be "constructed" by Statistics Canada for reasons that are essentially political. vidus, sont l'objet de d6bats politiques r6currents qui remettent en cause les definitions statistiques utilis6es. Les calculs ont 6t6 moins bien 6tudi6s par la sociologie et l'histoire de la statistique sociale, mais ils sont souvent, eux aussi, de nature politique. En effet, les faqons de d6nombrer, de pond6rer, et d'estimer ne sont pas purement math6matiques, mais possedent aussi des fondements id6ologiques. D. MacKenzie a ainsi montr6 que la querelle entre Galton et Pearson sur le calcul du coefficient de correl1ation au debut du siecle visait la pr6vision des caracteres h6r6ditaires dans le but d' am61iorer les populations10. Les techniques et les instruments de la statistique font r6f6rence a ces outils que sont le questionnaire et les techniques d'6chantillonnage, par exemple. On pourrait croire accept6 depuis plusieurs d6cennies le choix d'enquiter aupres d'une partie repr6sentative de la population pour parler de l'ensemble de celle-ci. Il n'en est rien. En effet, encore aujourd'hui aux Etats-Unis, le recensement fait l'objet de d6bats houleux au Congres qui, s'opposant au Census Bureau, pr6fire enqueter aupr's de toute la population. C'est que la distribution des si6ges est en jeu". Un autre enjeu politique des outils de la statistique est celui de la mesure de l'opinion publique. On admet aujourd'hui que, loin de prendre le pouls de la population sur un sujet donn6, le questionnaire fabrique l'opinion publique. En effet, il force les positions, et ce avec des cat6gories qui ne sont pas toujours celles que 10 D. Mackenzie, Statistics in Britain, 1865-1930: The Social Construction of Scientific Knowledge (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1981). 11 M. J. Anderson et S. E. Feinberg, Who Counts? The Politics of Census-Taking in Contemporary America (New York: Russell Sage, 1999). This content downloaded from 157.55.39.78 on Tue, 21 Jun 2016 05:30:48 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms