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Showing papers in "Canadian Journal of Political Science in 2005"


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors consider why gender mainstreaming, a strategy that many have claimed holds promise for transforming public policy and working towards social justice, is inherently limited and flawed.
Abstract: . This paper considers why gender mainstreaming (GM), a strategy that many have claimed holds promise for transforming public policy and working towards social justice, is inherently limited and flawed. The paper begins with a brief overview of GM, specifically focusing on the Canadian context, and highlights current discussions in the literature regarding issues of implementation and best practices. It then moves on to reveal that a critical but overlooked dimension of GM is its theoretical foundation. In contextualizing GM within a contemporary feminist theory framework, the paper seeks to illuminate the problematic relationship that currently exists between GM and feminist theory and, moreover, demonstrates why the theoretical premises of GM need significant reworking. The argument put forward is that if insights of recent feminist theorizing are taken seriously, it becomes clear that GM should be replaced by an alternative and broader strategy of diversity mainstreaming. Through the use of practical examples, the paper illustrates how diversity mainstreaming is able to better capture, articulate and make visible the relationship between simultaneously interlocking forms of oppressions that include but are not limited to gender.Resume. Cet article etudie pourquoi l'integration d'une perspective de genre (IPG), une strategie dans laquelle beaucoup ont vu la promesse d'une transformation de la politique publique et d'un progres vers la justice sociale, est en soi limitee et defectueuse. L'article debute par un bref expose sur l'IPG, s'interessant principalement au contexte canadien, et il met en evidence les discussions actuelles dans la litterature au sujet de problemes de mise en oeuvre et de pratiques exemplaires. Il revele ensuite qu'une dimension critique mais negligee de l'IPG est son fondement theorique. En contextualisant l'IPG dans un cadre de theorie feministe contemporaine, l'article cherche a eclairer la relation problematique qui existe actuellement entre l'IPG et la theorie feministe et, de surcroit, demontre pourquoi les premisses theoriques de l'IPG necessitent une revision significative. L'argument avance est que, si l'on prend au serieux les conclusions des theories feministes recentes, il semble evident que l'IPG devrait etre remplacee par une strategie plus vaste d'integration d'une perspective de diversite. S'appuyant sur des exemples pratiques, l'article montre que l'integration d'une perspective de diversite reussit a mieux capturer, mettre en rapport et rendre visible la relation entre des formes d'oppression qui s'entrecroisent simultanement et qui incluent mais ne se limitent pas au genre.

156 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: A Unified Theory of Party Competition as mentioned in this paper is a cross-national analysis integrating spatial and behavioral factors that leads to empirically testable predictions with more realistic results than earlier models, which is at the cutting edge of developing the scientific study of politics.
Abstract: A Unified Theory of Party Competition: A Cross-National Analysis Integrating Spatial and Behavioral Factors, J.F. Adams, S. Merill, III and B. Grofman, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005, pp. 311.A Unified Theory of Party Competition continues the development of the important research agenda started by Merrill and Grofman's A Unified Theory of Voting: Directional and Spatial Proximity Models (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999). This agenda focuses on integrating hitherto diverging streams of the literature in order to present sophisticated formal models that lead to empirically testable predictions with more realistic results than earlier models. As such, this book is at the cutting edge of developing the scientific study of politics. Although written with an explicit theoretical concern in mind, it presents a wealth of rigorous empirical tests, drawn from case studies of Britain, France, Norway and the Unites States, to demonstrate how well the theory travels across very different institutional and contextual settings.

125 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The authors argue that the strong electoral success of the Liberal party in Canada stems in great part from the strong support of Catholics and Canadians of non-European origin, and that the Liberals would not be among the most successful democratic parties in the world.
Abstract: . I show that the strong electoral success of the Liberal party in Canada stems in great part from the strong support of Catholics and Canadians of non-European origin. In the absence of the fervent backing it enjoys among these two groups, the Liberals would not be among the most successful democratic parties in the world. Yet, we do not have a good understanding of why Catholics and non-Europeans vote Liberal. I argue that the group bases of Liberal support should lead us to question the common interpretation that the party's centrist policy position is the key to its electoral success.Resume. Je montre que le succes electoral du Parti liberal federal au Canada decoule en bonne partie de l'appui des catholiques et des citoyens d'origine non europeenne. Sans l'appui solide de ces deux groupes, le Parti liberal n'aurait pas remporte les succes electoraux remarquables qu'il a connus. Pourtant, nous n'avons toujours pas d'explication satisfaisante des raisons qui amenent les catholiques et les citoyens d'origine non europeenne a voter pour le Parti liberal. Je soutiens que ces tendances sociologiques lourdes devraient nous inciter a remettre en question l'interpretation habituelle selon laquelle les succes liberaux sont attribuables aux positions centristes du parti.

97 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: A critique politique de la globalisation, Jean François Bayart, Paris : Fayard, 2004, 448 pages as mentioned in this paper, is the question principale qu'essaie d'aborder cet ouvrage de Jean-François Bayart.
Abstract: Le gouvernement du monde. Une critique politique de la globalisation, Jean François Bayart, Paris : Fayard, 2004, 448 pages. La mondialisation constitue-t-elle une nouvelle ontologie dans le domaine des relations internationales? C'est la question principale qu'essaie d'aborder cet ouvrage de Jean François Bayart. Selon l'auteur en effet, la globalisation demande à être saisie dans son historicité, c'est-à-dire, dans sa banalité. Parce qu'elle est une configuration historique, la globalisation est singulière. Elle est un régime spécifique de pouvoir et d'accumulation et, en tant que telle, elle appelle un traitement ordinaire.

69 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, a survey of voters conducted after the city of Vancouver civic election of 2002, using a model of vote choice for mayor, was used to show that voters respond to the different context in predictable ways: their choices are determined largely by ideological orientations and provincial partisanship, with local economic evaluations and local issues playing only a small role.
Abstract: . As compared with federal and provincial elections, municipal elections in Canada present voters with challenges of informational quantity and quality. These unique challenges have implications for the psychological structure of citizens' voting calculus. Using a survey of voters conducted after the city of Vancouver civic election of 2002, we estimate a model of vote choice for mayor. We show that voters respond to the different context in predictable ways: their choices are determined largely by ideological orientations and provincial partisanship, with local economic evaluations and local issues playing only a very small role.Resume. Si on les compare aux elections federales et provinciales, les elections municipales au Canada posent, pour les electeurs, des problemes d'acces a une information de qualite en quantite suffisante. Ces defis particuliers ont un impact sur la structure psychologique de leurs strategies de vote. Nous estimerons ici un modele de choix d'un candidat au poste de maire a l'aide des donnees d'un sondage effectue apres les elections municipales de Vancouver de 2002. Nous demontrerons que les electeurs repondent a ce contexte different de maniere previsible : leurs choix sont determines principalement par leur orientation ideologique et leur soutien partisan au niveau provincial, alors que l'evaluation de l'etat de l'economie locale et les questions de politique locale ne jouent qu'un role limite.

59 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The authors examines the Mi'kmaw claim of rights and responsibilities for the salmon fishery and presents it as a case of contested sovereignties and a resulting jurisdictional dispute, and poses the question: Is salmon a federal, provincial or Mi'kmaq responsibility?
Abstract: . Everyone familiar with the study of Canadian politics knows the joke about how a French national, an Englishman and a Canadian were asked to write an essay about an elephant: the French national wrote about the culinary uses of the elephant, the Englishman wrote about the elephant and imperialism, and the Canadian wrote a paper entitled, “Elephant: Federal or Provincial Responsibility?” Though simple, the joke conveys the essence of Canadian politics: always defined by jurisdictional disputes. The joke misses the boat, however, by ignoring the fact that indigenous people are now (as they always have been) engaging in jurisdictional debates in an attempt to challenge the Canadian constitutional order and to reaffirm their own constitutional order and autonomy. This paper examines one such dispute—the Mi'kmaw claim of rights and responsibilities for the salmon fishery—and presents it as a case of contested sovereignties and a resulting jurisdictional dispute. In so doing, I pose the question: Is salmon a federal, provincial or Mi'kmaq responsibility? In seeking an answer, this paper proceeds in an exploratory manner to map both constitutional orders, and the interrelation between these orders that results in the debate over responsibility for the salmon.Resume. Dans le milieu de la science politique au Canada, tout le monde connait la blague du Francais, du Britannique et du Canadien qui doivent ecrire une these sur l'elephant. Le Francais disserte sur les usages culinaires de l'elephant, le Britannique traite de l'elephant et de l'imperialisme et le Canadien ecrit une these intitulee : “L'elephant : responsabilite federale ou provinciale?” Cette blague, dans sa simplicite, evoque l'essence meme de la politique au Canada, car la politique canadienne a toujours ete definie par des conflits juridictionnels. Mais, si elle illustre bien la nature de la politique au Canada, elle n'est cependant pas satisfaisante parce qu'elle ignore qu'aujourd'hui (comme autrefois d'ailleurs) les peuples autochtones s'engagent dans les debats juridictionnels pour contester l'ordre constitutionnel du Canada et pour reaffirmer leur propre ordre constitutionnel et leur autonomie. Cet article examine l'un de ces conflits : la revendication par les Mi'kmaq de leurs droits et responsabilites concernant les pecheries de saumon – et le presente comme un cas de souverainetes contestees, et, par consequent, un exemple de conflit juridictionnel. Je pose donc la question : “Saumon : responsabilite federale, provinciale ou Mi'kmaq?” En repondant a cette question, l'article explore les caracteristiques des deux ordres constitutionnels et leur connexions, ce qui mene a un debat sur l'attribution des competences dans le domaine du saumon.

56 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: This paper used regression analysis of original Canadian public opinion data to show that individuals of whatever skill or educational level who trust multinational corporations and the market, who like the United States, who support more immigration, who oppose a larger welfare state, and who support Canada taking a more active role in the world are more likely to support globalization.
Abstract: . Many analyses of public opinion regarding global integration, and by implication global governance, are based on the material factors or interests driving individual and collective political preferences. In contrast, we show that values and ideology offer a better explanation of attitudes toward trade liberalization than do economic interests, and that the material self-interest factors that do influence opinion about trade are not relevant for opinion about globalization. We use regression analysis of original Canadian public opinion data to show that individuals of whatever skill or educational level who trust multinational corporations and the market, who like the United States, who support more immigration, who oppose a larger welfare state, and who support Canada taking a more active role in the world are more likely to support globalization. We conclude that Canadians' continued support of free trade agreements but wariness about globalization indicates that the compromise of embedded liberalism, a compelling metaphor about the foundation of twentieth-century international organization, continues to shape their understanding of the world.Resume. De nombreuses analyses de l'opinion publique concernant l'integration mondiale, et logiquement la gouvernance mondiale, reposent sur les facteurs ou les interets materiels qui influencent les preferences politiques individuelles ou collectives. Par contraste, nous demontrons que les valeurs et l'ideologie offrent une meilleure explication des attitudes a l'egard de la liberalisation des echanges commerciaux que les interets economiques. Nous prouvons egalement que les facteurs materiels d'interet personnel modelant l'opinion des gens a l'egard du commerce n'ont aucun impact sur leur opinion a l'egard de la mondialisation. Nous recourons a l'analyse de regression des donnees originales sur l'opinion publique canadienne pour demontrer qu'independamment de leur niveau d'aptitudes ou d'instruction, les personnes, qui font confiance aux multinationales et au marche, qui aiment les Etats-Unis, qui soutiennent l'immigration, qui s'opposent a l'elargissement de l'Etat-providence, et qui encouragent la participation du Canada aux affaires mondiales, sont des partisans plus probables de la mondialisation. Nous concluons que le soutien continu des Canadiens pour les accords de libre-echange ainsi que leurs hesitations a l'egard de la mondialisation prouvent que le compromis du liberalisme tacitement enchâsse, metaphore puissante de la fondation de l'organisation internationale du 20e siecle, continue de faconner leur comprehension du monde.

51 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The authors argued that a sequence of Supreme Court decisions in the realm of same-sex relationship recognition played a pivotal role in shaping public opinion on this issue and argued that the impact of these institutions was twofold: First, by framing the issue as one of equal rights, the courts and legislatures induced many Canadians to weigh equality-related considerations more heavily in the formation of opinions on samesex marriage.
Abstract: . Public support for legal recognition of same-sex marriage increased markedly in Canada over the course of the 1990s. The argument of this paper is that a sequence of Supreme Court decisions in the realm of same-sex relationship recognition—and the legislative activity that followed as a result—played a pivotal role in shaping public opinion on this issue. It is argued that the impact of these institutions was twofold. First, by framing the issue as one of equal rights, the courts and legislatures induced many Canadians to weigh equality-related considerations more heavily in the formation of opinions on same-sex marriage. Second, legal recognition of same-sex relationships directly persuaded many Canadians that such recognition was legitimate. The paper uses data from the Canadian Election Studies for 1993, 1997 and 2000. Resume. Durant les annees 1990 le soutien populaire aux mariages entre conjoints de meme sexe s'est clairement renforce. La these principale de cet article avance qu'une serie de decisions de la Cour supreme portant sur les relations entre conjoints de meme sexe, de meme que les decisions adoptees par les pouvoirs legislatifs en reponse a ces jugements, jouerent un role crucial dans la formation de l'opinion publique sur ces questions. D'abord, en formulant le debat en termes d'egalite devant la loi, les appareils judiciaire et legislatif ont amene les Canadiens a accorder plus de poids aux arguments lies a l'egalite dans leurs reflexions sur le sujet. En second lieu, la reconnaissance legale des unions entre conjoints de meme sexe a persuade les Canadiens de la legitimite de cette reconnaissance. Les conclusions de ce texte s'appuient sur les donnees des editions d'Etude electorale canadienne de 1993, 1997 et 2000.

43 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The authors analyzed federal elections at the level of the constituency from 1945 to 1997 and found that inner-city residents remained to the left of the rest of Canada in their party preferences while suburbanites shifted increasingly to the right in their voting patterns.
Abstract: . Despite increasing speculation and attention, as of yet insufficient empirical research has been conducted on the possibility of a political cleavage based on differences between Canadian inner cities and suburbs. This article sheds light on the potential existence of such differences by analyzing federal elections at the level of the constituency from 1945 to 1997. Results show that city-suburban differences in federal party voting did not become significant until the 1980s, and increased after this point, with inner-city residents remaining to the left of the rest of Canada in their party preferences while suburbanites shifted increasingly to the right in their voting patterns. The results obtained from regression analysis suggest that such a divergence cannot be reduced solely to differences in social composition, housing tenure, or region, and thus confirm that it constitutes a ‘true’ political cleavage. It is argued that intra-urban geography needs to taken into account in future analyses of Canadian political behaviour.Resume. Malgre un interet croissant pour la question, il existe encore peu de recherches empiriques sur un possible clivage politique dont les fondements seraient les differences entre les quartiers urbains centraux et les banlieues. Cet article jette un nouvel eclairage sur l'existence possible de ces differences a partir d'une analyse des resultats electoraux dans les circonscriptions federales entre 1945 et 1997. Les resultats obtenus indiquent que les differences entre le vote pour les partis politiques federaux ne sont devenues significatives que pendant les annees 1980, mais qu'elles se sont exacerbees par la suite, les residents de quartiers centraux demeurant a la gauche de l'echiquier politique tandis que les banlieues votaient de plus en plus a droite. Les resultats de l'analyse de regression suggerent que ces differences ne sont pas seulement attribuables a la composition sociale, au taux de propriete, ou encore a la region, et constituent par le fait meme un “ veritable ” clivage politique. L'auteur conclut que l'analyse geographique intra-urbaine devra etre prise en compte dans les analyses futures du comportement politique Canadien.

40 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Savoie as discussed by the authors argues that the traditional bargain between public servants, ministers and parliaments under the Westminster tradition of government needs to be broken and a new bargain need to be struck if our system of responsible government is going to continue to function effectively.
Abstract: Breaking the Bargain: Public Servants, Ministers and Parliament, Donald J. Savoie, Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2003, pp. xiv, 337Most of us have been taught, and have taught, about the traditional relationship between public servants, ministers and parliaments under the Westminster tradition of government. Ideas like the accountability of the neutral, non-partisan, anonymous senior public servant to his minister, and concepts like ministerial responsibility and collective cabinet responsibility to Parliament, and the oversight and legislative role of Parliament, are part of what Donald Savoie calls the traditional bargain that underpins the political and administrative process in Canada. The central thesis of this book is that this traditional bargain has been broken and a new bargain needs to be struck if our system of responsible government is going to continue to function effectively.

37 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The Im Weltinnenraum des Kapitals as discussed by the authors is an essayist and philosophe allemand, Peter Sloterdijk, who s'est employé depuis quelques années to penser l'histoire humaine comme une histoire morphologique (le projet des Sphères).
Abstract: Im Weltinnenraum des Kapitals, Peter Sloterdijk., Frankfurt: M., Suhrkamp, 2005, 415 pagesComme pour tous ces ouvrages précédents, cet essai de Sloterdijk sera bientôt traduit dans plusieurs langues, notamment en français. Toutes les citations tirées de l'œuvre sont notre traduction libre.. L'essayiste et philosophe allemand, Peter Sloterdijk, qui s'est employé depuis quelques années à penser l'histoire humaine comme une histoire morphologique (le projet des Sphères), propose dans Im Weltinnenraum des Kapitals—Dans le monde intérieur du Capital—une philosophie de la globalisation qui emprunte les traits du Grand Récit de notre relation au globe.

Journal ArticleDOI
Shaun P. Young1
TL;DR: The concept of equality and the precise means by which it is most effectively realized are matters that for centuries have engaged scholars representing a variety of disciplines and animated some of the most interesting and sophisticated works in the fields of political theory, economics, sociology, and jurisprudence as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: Pursuing Equal Opportunities: The Theory and Practice of Egalitarian Justice, Lesley A. Jacobs, Cambridge Studies in Philosophy and Public Policy; Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004, pp. xiv, 280. The concept of equality and the precise means by which it is most effectively realized are matters that for centuries have engaged scholars representing a variety of disciplines and animated some of the most interesting and sophisticated works in the fields of political theory, economics, sociology, and jurisprudence, to name only a few. Efforts to identify the specific demands of equality and the conditions necessary for its realization generate both theoretical and practical challenges. In particular, before one can develop a theory of egalitarian justice, it is necessary to determine what is meant by equality—what it provides and for whom—and which legal and political institutions are best suited to help secure its establishment and preservation.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors explore the impact of political regime type on the decision of third states to support secessionist movements abroad, concluding that democracies share political values, which lead them to oppose their mutual secessionist claims, while autocracies are not bound by this normative consideration.
Abstract: . This article explores the impact of political regime type on the decision of third states to support secessionist movements abroad. It suggests that democracies share political values, which lead them to oppose their mutual secessionist claims, while autocracies are not bound by this normative consideration. The statistical analysis supports the effect of the democratic factor: democracies rarely support secessionist groups emerging from democratic states. Moreover, it shows that there is no autocratic counterpart to this argument. This research also casts some serious doubts on the ability of conventional explanations—namely vulnerability and ethnic affinities—to explain external support to secessionist movements.Resume. Cet article analyse l'impact du type de regime politique sur la decision des Etats tiers d'appuyer des mouvements secessionnistes a l'etranger. L'etude soutient que les democraties partagent des valeurs politiques communes qui les menent a s'opposer aux mouvements independantistes qui se manifestent parmi elles, alors que les regimes autocratiques ne sont pas lies par cette consideration normative. L'analyse statistique valide l'effet du facteur democratique : les democraties appuient rarement les groupes secessionnistes qui emergent au sein d'autres Etats democratiques. Les donnees demontrent egalement qu'il n'y a pas d'equivalent autocratique faisant echo au facteur democratique. L'etude indique en outre que les theses courantes de la vulnerabilite et du lien ethnique expliquent mal l'appui des Etats tiers aux groupes secessionnistes.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Domínguez and Chappell Lawson as mentioned in this paper described the day Vicente Fox was elected president of Mexico as the "pivotal Democratic election" of 2000, which changed the course of Mexican politics.
Abstract: Mexico's Pivotal Democratic Election. Candidates, Voters, and the Presidential Campaign of 2000, Jorge I. Domínguez and Chappell Lawson, eds., Stanford and La Jolla: Stanford University Press-Center for U.S.-Mexican Studies, University of California, San Diego, 2004, pp. xxiv, 363. This book reads almost like the dissection of one single day: July 2, 2000, when Vicente Fox was elected president of Mexico. As an opposition candidate, Fox defeated the PRI, the party that had been in power for the longest period in modern world history. The title of this book is thus aptly chosen, because that day Mexican politics changed forever. It captures the uniqueness of that moment. Even if Fox's victory is understandable in retrospect, most analysts could not predict it. Indeed, as the events were unfolding, not even Fox himself was certain about the outcome. Francisco Labastida, PRI's candidate, was, until the last moment, certain he would win.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors analyze intra-party determinants of dissenting behaviour using samples of British and Canadian government backbenchers and find that the major factor determining cross-voting, next to MPs' tenure, is perceptions of isolation from party communication and influence channels.
Abstract: . In this paper we analyze intra-party determinants of dissenting behaviour using samples of British and Canadian government backbenchers. Controlling for the range of factors traditionally considered to be important predictors of dissenting behaviour, we find that the major factor determining cross-voting, next to MPs' tenure, is perceptions of isolation from party communication and influence channels. This effect is particularly visible among Labour MPs with long tenure, as their ideological position is more extreme than that of party leaders, which reinforces the effect of isolation. The results suggest that the difference of dissent levels between the Canadian and British Houses of Commons can be explained by the frontbenchers' approach to managing the major resource of the party, i.e., the backbenchers.Resume. Cet article traite des determinants intra-partis du comportement de dissidence en examinant des groupes de deputes d'arriere-ban des gouvernements britannique et canadien. En controlant pour la gamme de facteurs qui sont traditionnellement consideres comme etant les predicteurs importants du comportement de dissidence, nous trouvons qu'a part la duree de service du depute, la perception d'isolement des voies de communication et d'influence du parti constitue le principal facteur incitant le depute a voter pour un autre parti. Cet effet est particulierement visible parmi les deputes du Parti travailliste ayant de longs etats de service, car leur position ideologique est plus extreme que celle des chefs du parti, ce qui renforce l'effet d'isolement. Les resultats suggerent que les differences de niveaux de dissidence entre les Chambres des communes canadienne et britannique s'expliquent par la facon dont les deputes de premier plan gerent la ressource principale du parti, c'est-a-dire les deputes d'arriere-ban.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The authors of this work needed no such wake-up call; André Blais and Louis Massicotte enjoy a well-deserved international reputation for expertise in this arcane field as discussed by the authors, and their new book, a compendium and analysis of election laws in 63 countries, will attract wider notice because of recent events in the United States.
Abstract: Establishing the Rules of the Game: Election Laws in Democracies, Louis Massicotte, André Blais and Antoine Yoshinaka, Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2004, pp. 191 Whatever one may think of the 2000 American presidential election, it did have one salutary effect: it drew worldwide attention to the importance of fair and impartially applied election laws. The authors of this work needed no such wake-up call; André Blais and Louis Massicotte enjoy a well-deserved international reputation for expertise in this arcane field. But it is likely that their new book, a compendium and analysis of election laws in 63 countries, will attract wider notice because of recent events in the United States. Unfortunately (though understandably), the extreme decentralization and complexity of American election laws prevented the authors from including the U.S. in their comparative database. Happily, the remaining countries in the sample offer more than enough food for thought. The field of election law has been sadly neglected by political scientists and legal scholars (outside the United States); if interest in the topic continues to grow over the coming years, this book should help to nurture a flourishing academic debate.

Journal ArticleDOI
Lee Ward1
TL;DR: The notion of coextensive coextension between the law and the constitution is mistaken as discussed by the authors, and the main assumption underlying both of these positions is that Locke saw law and constitution as coextensive.
Abstract: . Locke's teaching on executive power is widely seen as one of the most problematic features of his constitutional theory. It is generally interpreted to be either an endorsement of extra-constitutional prerogative or a statement of radical legislative supremacy. However, the primary assumption underlying both of these positions—namely, that Locke saw law and constitution as coextensive—is mistaken. On the contrary, Locke's treatment of executive power illuminates his conception of constitutional authority that is distinct from and superior to normal legislation, but also confines prerogative within fundamental legal limits. Locke thus adumbrated many of the key elements of liberal constitutionalism familiar to us today.Resume. On a tendance a voir dans la doctrine de Locke sur le pouvoir executif l'un des elements les plus problematiques de sa theorie constitutionnelle. Le plus souvent, on l'interprete soit comme une validation de la prerogative extra-constitutionnelle, soit comme une expression de suprematie legislative radicale. Cependant, l'hypothese fondamentale sous-jacente a ces deux positions, selon laquelle, pour Locke, loi et constitution seraient coextensives, est erronee. Au contraire, la facon dont Locke traite le pouvoir executif met en lumiere sa conception d'une autorite constitutionnelle qui est a la fois distincte de la legislation normale et superieure a elle et qui confine, en meme temps, la prerogative dans des limites legales fondamentales. Il s'ensuit, donc, que Locke laissait pressentir de nombreux elements cles du constitutionnalisme liberal que nous connaissons aujourd'hui.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Buss and Herman as mentioned in this paper provided important observations and perhaps to some readers, ominous warnings about the strategies, ideology and policies of conservative Christian political activists in general and the American contingent in particular.
Abstract: Globalizing Family Values: The Christian Right in International Politics , Doris Buss and Didi Herman, Minneapolis/London: University of Minnesota Press, 2003, pp. xxxvii, 197. When read against the backdrop of President George W. Bush's successful re-election—a victory achieved, evidently, with support from significant numbers of conservative Christian voters—this book provides important observations, and perhaps to some readers, ominous warnings about the strategies, ideology and policies of conservative Christian political activists in general and the American contingent in particular. That the Christian Right (CR) has taken to the international arena in ever-increasing numbers in recent years may come as a surprise for some. Indeed, until quite recently—particularly after the American presidential elections of 1996—many observers concluded that the bulk of activist CR organizations were a) waning in political influence, and b) concentrating what remained of their energies upon the domestic front to carry on the battle against those ubiquitous domestic targets: liberalism and secular-humanism.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors investigate the differences in attitude of the right and the left towards women's policy agencies in Aotearoa/New Zealand and the province of British Columbia.
Abstract: . This article develops an explanation for the different approaches to existing women's policy agencies adopted by governments of the right elected to office in Aotearoa/New Zealand (in 1990) and in the province of British Columbia (in 2001). In Aotearoa/New Zealand, the Ministry of Women's Affairs remained structurally intact, while in British Columbia the Ministry of Women's Equality was eliminated and replaced with a women's policy agency that constitutes a small subunit within a much larger ministry. My analysis of these developments focuses on the impact of two institutional features of the women's ministries: (1) the nature of the activities in which they were involved and the different allocations of their budgetary resources that these activities entailed; and (2) the relationship between each ministry and community-based women's groups. I also explore the interaction between these institutional variables and the particular way in which a discourse of “special interests” has been expressed within the party of the right in each case.Resume. Cet article developpe une explication des differences d'attitude envers les agences chargees des politiques concernant les femmes entre les gouvernements de droite qui ont ete elus a Aotearoa/Nouvelle-Zelande (en 1990), et en Colombie-Britannique (en 2001). A Aotearoa/Nouvelle-Zelande, la structure du ministere des Affaires des femmes est restee intacte, tandis qu'en Colombie-Britannique le ministere de l'Egalite des femmes a ete elimine et remplace par une agence chargee des politiques concernant les femmes, qui n'est qu'une petite sous-unite d'un ministere beaucoup plus etendu. Mon analyse de ces developpements porte sur l'impact de deux aspects institutionnels des ministeres de la condition feminine: (1) le caractere de leurs activites et les differences correspondantes d'allocation de leurs ressources budgetaires; (2) le rapport entre chaque ministere et les groupes feministes des collectivites locales. En plus, j'explore l'interaction entre ces variables institutionnelles et la formation de l'argument d'“ interets particuliers ” avance par le parti de droite dans chaque cas.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors provide an account of institutional transformation, the scope of which is greater than incremental adaptation but less than paradigmatic change, highlighting the role in institutional change of an institution's mechanism of reproduction, the competing discourses of its supporters and critics, the strategic actions of responsible policy makers, and the context of institutional bombardment.
Abstract: . This article provides an account of institutional transformation, the scope of which is greater than incremental adaptation but less than paradigmatic change. It highlights the role in institutional change of an institution's mechanism of reproduction, the competing discourses of its supporters and critics, the strategic actions of responsible policy makers, and the context of institutional bombardment. It argues that non-paradigmatic institutional transformation is likely in mature institutions based on a utilitarian logic, when actors internal to the institution mount a cognitive and normative discourse for institutional adaptation that is more compelling to authoritative policy makers and the relevant political community than that of critics demanding more radical reform. The success of this discursive exercise is in part determined by the context within which the debate over reform unfolds. Authoritative political actors also play a crucial role in the scope of institutional transformation by virtue of their political strategies and belief in the institution's system-wide functionality.Resume. Cet article decrit une transformation institutionnelle qui se situe entre l'adaptation progressive et le changement paradigmatique. La discussion met en lumiere le role que jouent, dans les transformations institutionnelles, les mecanismes de reproduction de l'institution, les discours concurrents de ses defenseurs et de ses critiques, les actions strategiques des decideurs publics et les conditions auxquelles fait face une institution assiegee. L'argument avance est que ce modele de transformation intermediaire a tendance a se materialiser dans les institutions bien etablies, conformement a une logique utilitaire, lorsque des agents internes presentent des arguments cognitifs et normatifs en faveur d'une reforme, qui ont plus de poids aupres des decideurs et acteurs politiques que les arguments des critiques pronant une reforme plus radicale. Le succes du discours des acteurs internes depend, en partie, du contexte dans lequel le debat se deroule. En plus, les decideurs politiques jouent un role essentiel dans l'envergure du processus de transformation en vertu des strategies politiques qu'ils poursuivent et de leur confiance dans l'utilite globale de l'institution.

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TL;DR: In this paper, a distinction is drawn between political ethics conceived as a policy issue and as a process issue, and two models based on that distinction are derived and examined in the context of data drawn from Canada.
Abstract: . Increased regulation of political ethics has not produced a growing satisfaction with the conduct of politics or the behaviour of politicians. We examine the proposition that regulation produces a convergence of attitudes and expectations between politicians and the public in the realm of political ethics. A distinction is drawn between political ethics conceived as a policy issue and as a process issue. Two models based on that distinction are derived and examined in the context of data drawn from Canada. We observe differences between politicians and the public on critical dimensions, differences that overpower partisan positions. Our conclusions support, with some reservations, the “worlds apart” model and caution against an overinvestment in ethics regulation as a means of restoring public faith in the political process.Resume. Les citoyens ne sont pas plus satisfaits du processus politique ni du comportement des politiciens depuis que l'ethique politique est plus reglementee. Nous etudions la premisse selon laquelle la reglementation produit, en ce qui a trait a l'ethique politique, une convergence des attitudes et des attentes entre les politiciens et l'electorat. Deux conceptions distinctes de l'ethique politique emergent de notre propos: celle qui renvoie aux politiques en tant que telles et celle qui renvoie au processus politique. Sur la base de cette distinction, nous derivons ainsi deux modeles et les examinons dans le contexte de donnees recueillies au Canada. Nous observons entre les politiciens et l'electorat certaines differences dans des domaines essentiels et ces differences transcendent les lignes partisanes. Nos conclusions soutiennent, avec quelques reserves, le modele des “mondes a part” et mettent en garde contre une surenchere de la reglementation de l'ethique pour restaurer la confiance de l'electorat envers le processus politique.

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TL;DR: The authors argue that a satisfactory synthesis of quantitative and qualitative methods for making causal inferences in comparative politics depends upon the resolution of a prior theoretical problem at the stage of research design: establishing a typology of political regimes and accounting for the mechanisms of their reproduction and diffusion over time and space.
Abstract: . In recent years, several prominent political scientists have argued that quantitative and qualitative methodologies should be seen as united by a single logic of scientific inference. Just exactly how this reconciliation of quantitative and qualitative methodological approaches should be effected in practice, however, remains highly contentious. For all its promise, the project of uniting quantitative and qualitative methods in political science has thus reached something of an impasse. Participants on both sides of the quantitative/qualitative debate are convinced that this methodological divide should eventually be transcended, but few have abandoned the conviction that their preferred approach sets the standard by which progress in this endeavor should be judged. Evidently, we still lack consensus on precisely where the distinctive strengths of each methodological approach lie, and how these strengths can be combined effectively in systematic investigations of the political world. In this essay, we argue that a satisfactory synthesis of quantitative and qualitative methods for making causal inferences in comparative politics depends upon the resolution of a prior theoretical problem at the stage of research design: establishing a typology of political regimes and accounting for the mechanisms of their reproduction and diffusion over time and space.Resume. Ces dernieres annees, plusieurs politologues eminents ont soutenu qu'il faudrait considerer les methodologies quantitative et qualitative comme etant unies par une meme logique de deduction scientifique. Comment realiser cette reconciliation des approches quantitative et qualitative dans la pratique demeure cependant un sujet hautement conteste. Tout prometteur qu'il soit, le projet d'unifier les methodes quantitative et qualitative en science politique se retrouve en fait dans une impasse. Les participants des deux cotes du debat quantitatif/qualitatif sont persuades qu'il faudra un jour transcender cette fracture methodologique, mais ils sont peu nombreux a avoir abandonne la conviction que l'approche qu'ils privilegient etablit la norme qui permettra d'evaluer les progres accomplis. Il est evident qu'il n'y a pas encore de consensus quant aux forces respectives precises de chaque methode, ni sur la maniere de les combiner efficacement pour proceder a des etudes systematiques du monde politique. Dans cet article, nous avancons qu'une synthese satisfaisante des methodes quantitative et qualitative pour arriver a des deductions causales en politique comparee exige qu'on s'emploie a resoudre d'abord un probleme theorique a l'etape de la conception de la recherche, a savoir l'etablissement d'une typologie des regimes politiques et l'inventaire des mecanismes de leur reproduction et de leur diffusion dans l'espace et dans le temps.

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TL;DR: In this article, the authors suggest that municipalities can be non-exclusive public authorities, on a different register from the state or civil society, and that a right of local self-government can be vindicated without impairing the capacity of the state and encouraging a debilitating privatism.
Abstract: . Many people in Canada are frightened by the right of local self-government, because they are afraid of the privatization of public authority. This article suggests that municipalities can be otherwise conceived, and that a right of local self-government can be vindicated without impairing the capacity of the state or encouraging a debilitating privatism. The key is to understand that municipalities can be non-exclusive public authorities, on a different register from the state or civil society.Resume. La crainte de la privatisation des pouvoirs publics mene de nombreux Canadiens et Canadiennes a redouter le droit a l'autonomie gouvernementale locale. Cet article suggere qu'il est possible d'envisager les municipalites autrement, et qu'on peut justifier le droit a l'autonomie gouvernementale locale sans faire entrave aux competences de l'Etat et sans encourager un privatisme debilitant. L'important est de comprendre que les municipalites peuvent exercer un pouvoir public non exclusif dans leur propre zone de competence, jouant sur un registre different de celui de l'Etat ou de la societe civile.

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TL;DR: In this paper, a case study of the National Action Committee on the Status of Women (NAC) and its involvement in the policy debate on repro ductive technologies over 15 years is presented.
Abstract: As the formal "carriers" of the goals and agendas of social movements, social move ment organizations (SMOs) are committed to both institutional and identity politics. Given this dual engagement, SMOs must attempt to reconcile their intraorganizational strategies for rep resentation and mobilization with their intergroup strategies for instrumental action in the pol icy process. In this article, these tensions are explored in a case study of the National Action Committee on the Status of Women (NAC) and its involvement in the policy debate on repro ductive technologies over 15 years. The article reveals how the NAC's capacity to influence and participate in the formulation of policy on reproductive technologies was challenged by its inabil ity to resolve competing demands: those of institutional politics, which called for professional advocacy; and the internal demands emanating from its grassroots member groups, for deliber ation and participation. The article also attributes the NAC's diminished effectiveness in the policy process to broader changes in the relations between the Canadian state and social move

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TL;DR: In this article, the Kyoto Protocol was a controversial issue within Canadian federalism, especially in Alberta, where the province considered a formal constitutional challenge regarding the implementation of the agreement, but this option was not pursued, however, due to existing judicial precedent that limits the jurisdictional authority of the provinces in international affairs.
Abstract: Abstract. The Kyoto Protocol was a controversial issue within Canadian federalism, especially in Alberta, where the province considered a formal constitutional challenge regarding the implementation of the agreement. This option was not pursued, however, due to existing judicial precedent that limits the jurisdictional authority of the provinces in international affairs. Regardless, these rulings still suggest a level of constitutional ambiguity, which creates motivation for federal-provincial cooperation on foreign trade and environmental policy. As a result, highly valued formalized consultative mechanisms have developed in these issue areas during the past two decades. Ottawa's decision to ratify Kyoto, however, represented a significant departure from previous practices of cooperative federalism. In pursuing the protocol as part of his legacy agenda, Chrétien was aware of the provinces' tenuous constitutional status. It is important to note, however, that the resulting tension between both levels of government was atypical and does not threaten the viability of cooperative federalism in the near future. Résumé. Le protocole de Kyoto a suscité de nombreuses controverses au sein du fédéralisme canadien, en particulier en Alberta où le gouvernement songea même à contester formellement la constitutionnalité de sa mise en oeuvre. En définitive, il a abandonné cette option en raison de précédents jurisprudentiels qui limitent la juridiction des provinces en affaires internationales. Ces décisions suggèrent néanmoins qu'il existe un certain niveau d'ambiguïté constitutionnelle propre à motiver une attitude de coopération fédérale-provinciale en matière d'environnement et de commerce extérieur. De ce fait, des mécanismes consultatifs très structurés ont été mis au point dans ces domaines au cours des deux dernières décennies. Or, la décision d'Ottawa de ratifier Kyoto contrastait nettement avec les pratiques antérieures de fédéralisme coopératif. En cherchant à faire du Protocole de Kyoto un élément de son héritage, Chrétien était conscient de la fragilité des arguments constitutionnels des provinces. Cependant, il est important de noter que la tension ainsi créée entre les deux niveaux de gouvernement était atypique et qu'elle ne menace pas la validité du fédéralisme coopératif dans l'avenir.

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TL;DR: In this article, the authors present the findings of a panel study of Canadian journalists focusing on changes in their views about the social and political roles of the news media between 1996 and 2003, revealing substantial changes in journalists' views over the seven-year period.
Abstract: . This article presents the findings of a panel study of Canadian journalists, focusing on changes in their views about the social and political roles of the news media between 1996 and 2003. The results reveal substantial changes in journalists' views over the seven-year period. In particular, the analysis documents an erosion of the importance journalists attach to core roles of Canadian journalism, such as accurately reporting the views of public figures, providing analyses of complex problems, and giving ordinary people a chance to express their views. The change was found almost exclusively among English-language journalists rather than French-language journalists, suggesting the possibility of an emerging cultural divide in opinions about such roles.Resume. Cet article presente les resultats de deux enquetes menees aupres d'un meme groupe de journalistes canadiens, l'une en 1996, l'autre en 2003, et montre les changements importants intervenus en quelques annees dans les valeurs professionnelles des journalistes. L'enquete de 2003 fait voir l'erosion de certaines fonctions centrales du journalisme, comme le reportage fidele des propos des personnalites recontrees, l'analyse des enjeux difficiles, et le souci de donner la parole aux gens ordinaires. Ces changements se manifestent presque exclusivement chez les journalistes anglophones, ce qui permet de croire a l'emergence d'un ecart entre journalistes anglophones et francophones dans la perception de leur role.

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Eric Helleiner1
TL;DR: This article examined the political basis of Canada's longstanding "fixation with floating exchange rate regimes and found that Canada's commitment to floating has stemmed from a combination of distinct domestic private economic interests, the beliefs of state policy makers, and the unique nature of the US-Canada relationship.
Abstract: . Since the 1930s, Canadian policy makers have demonstrated an unusually strong commitment to a floating exchange rate regime. A fixed exchange rate regime was embraced for only two brief periods between 1939–1950 and 1962–1970. This article examines the political basis of Canada's longstanding “fixation with floating,” an issue that is unexplored in existing scholarly literature. Drawing on the growing literature examining the politics of exchange rate regimes, the article shows how Canada's longstanding commitment to floating has stemmed from a combination of distinct domestic private economic interests, the beliefs of state policy makers, and the unique nature of the US-Canada relationship. Resume. Depuis les annees 1930, les responsables de la politique monetaire canadienne ont manifeste une predilection soutenue pour un taux de change flottant. Le pays n'a connu de taux de change fixe que pendant deux courtes periodes, de 1939 a 1950 et de 1962 a 1970. Cet article examine les fondements politiques de cette preference, sujet qui reste inexplore dans la litterature existante. S'inspirant des travaux de plus en plus nombreux sur la politique des taux de change, l'article demontre que la source politique de cette preference pour un taux de change flottant reside dans les interets economiques des entreprises, les convictions des decisionnaires et la nature unique de la relation entre le Canada et les Etats-Unis.

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Rafael Ziegler1
TL;DR: In this paper, Lafferty characterizes sustainable development as a normative long-term challenge that has been formulated outside-in, i.e., sustainable development has been developed and decided upon on an international level, and therefore first needs to be communicated at home.
Abstract: Governance for Sustainable Development—the Challenge of Adapting Form to Function, William M. Lafferty, ed., Cheltenham, UK: Edward Elgar, 2004, pp. xvii, 377.What distinguishes sustainable development as a governance challenge? William Lafferty characterizes it as a normative long-term challenge that has been formulated “outside-in,” i.e., sustainable development has been developed and decided upon on an international level, and therefore first needs to be communicated “at home.” It is a transformative challenge in that it requires the decoupling of economic and social development from further damage to natural life-support systems; and as the problems with the use and protection of natural life-support systems do not fall neatly within the border of states, there is a need for co-operation on the regional and global levels. Finally, Lafferty speaks of a task “confronted by holistic interactions, interdependencies and unpredictable results” (20).

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TL;DR: In this article, the authors present a formulation classique de l'identite nationale, which is presentement attaquee de toutes parts and est devenue un probleme mondial qui touche les nations du monde.
Abstract: Qui sommes-nous ? Identite nationale et choc des cultures., Samuel P. Huntington., Paris : Odile Jacob, 2004, 397 pages.La mondialisation a eu des retentissements importants sur les identites nationales. En effet, les progres des communications et l'acceleration des migrations ont favorise un elargissement des contacts entre individus de cultures et de religions differentes et le developpement d'identites supranationales. A l'inverse, la crainte de se noyer dans un monde global ou les identites eclatent et se fusionnent peut egalement susciter un desir de se redefinir a une echelle plus intime. Autrement dit, la formulation classique de l'identite nationale est presentement attaquee de toutes parts et est devenue un probleme mondial qui touche toutes les nations du monde.

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TL;DR: Using two measures of federal expenditures and one of income taxes between the years 1961-2000, empirical estimates indicate that greater representation per capita (lower relative electoral district populations) results in higher federal spending and lower income taxes, per capita, even after controlling for income and unemployment.
Abstract: . A vote-maximizing incumbent government is expected to adjust discretionary spending and taxation in ways that increase its probability for re-election. Unequal voters per electoral district in Canada distort this calculation in favour of small electoral districts. Using two measures of federal expenditures, and one of income taxes, between the years 1961–2000, empirical estimates indicate that greater representation per capita (lower relative electoral district populations) results in higher federal spending, and lower income taxes, per capita, even after controlling for income and unemployment.Resume. Un gouvernement en place tentant de maximiser les votes en sa faveur est cense ajuster les depenses discretionnaires et les impots de maniere a augmenter la probabilite de sa reelection. L'inegalite du nombre d'electeurs des districts electoraux au Canada cree une distorsion en faveur des districts de petite taille. En utilisant deux mesures des depenses federales et une mesure des impots sur le revenu entre 1961 et 2000, nos resultats empiriques montrent qu'une plus forte representation par habitant (plus petits districts electoraux) entraine des depenses federales plus importantes et des impots sur le revenu moins eleves par personne, meme en controlant pour le revenu et le taux de chomage.