Showing papers in "Canadian Journal of Political Science in 2009"
TL;DR: In this article, the authors test for evidence of dyadic representation in Question Period in the Canadian Parliament, across three policy domains: defense, debt and taxes, and welfare, and conclude that there is evidence of Dyadic Representation in Canada.
Abstract: Dyadic representation has received considerable attention in the US, but much less attention in parliamentary systems where party discipline strongly limits representatives' capacity for individual action. A link between the legislative behaviour of representatives and the preferences of their geographic constituencies may nevertheless exist outside the US, however, particularly in single member plurality systems where the electoral connection is strong. This paper tests for evidence of this dyadic relationship in Question Period in the Canadian Parliament, across three policy domains: defense, debt and taxes, and welfare. As anticipated, there is evidence of dyadic representation in Canada. Results are discussed as they pertain to the comparative study of legislative institutions and political representation.
86 citations
TL;DR: Leo et al. as discussed by the authors argue that this is the core objective of multilevel governance, which, however, has become freighted with competing ideological objectives, objectives that are perhaps best expressed in Hooghe and Marks's distinction between type I and type II governance, the former oriented to collective decision making and the latter embodying market-oriented approaches to governance.
Abstract: . This study addresses the question of how best to ensure that national immigration policies are appropriately adjusted to meet the disparate requirements of different communities. We argue that this is the core objective of multilevel governance, which, however, has become freighted with competing ideological objectives, objectives that are perhaps best expressed in Hooghe and Marks's distinction between type I and type II governance, the former oriented to collective decision making and the latter embodying market-oriented approaches to governance. Our argument is that these competing sets of ideologically driven objectives divert multilevel governance away from its core objective of appropriateness to community circumstances. An accompanying article (Leo and Enns, 2009) explores problems posed by ideologically driven, type II multilevel governance in Vancouver. The current article takes up a contrasting case, that of the Canada-Manitoba Agreement on Immigration and Settlement, focusing especially on Winnipeg. We find that in this case the provincial government chose an approach to multilevel governance that did not hew to either type I or type II governance templates, but drew on both to build an impressively successful system of immigration and settlement, carefully tailored to meet the requirements of disparate Manitoba communities. Success was built not on the application of a preconceived template for good governance but on resourcefulness and flexibility in working out ways of making national policies fit local circumstances.Resume. La question que pose cette etude est la suivante : comment s'assurer que les politiques nationales concernant l'immigration et l'insertion sociale correspondent parfaitement aux besoins disparates des communautes differentes? Nous pretendons que c'est precisement la raison d'etre de la gouvernance multipalier. Or, celle-ci est presentement surchargee de preoccupations ideologiques opposees et contradictoires qui trouvent leur meilleure expression dans la distinction que Hooghe et Marks ont faite entre le type I et le type II de gouvernance; l'un s'oriente vers la methode collective de decision, l'autre incarne les approches de la gouvernance determinees par les contraintes du marche. L'essentiel de notre argument est que ces approches ideologiques opposees entravent et contredisent l'objectif principal de la gouvernance multipalier, qui est de rendre les politiques gouvernementales sensibles aux circonstances particulieres des communautes. Un article connexe (Leo et Enns, 2009) aborde les difficultes que pose, a Vancouver, la gouvernance multipalier de type II determinee par des contraintes ideologiques. Le present article aborde un cas tout a fait contraire, soit celui de l'Entente Canada-Manitoba sur l'immigration et l'insertion, centre sur Winnipeg. Nous constatons que, dans ce cas, le gouvernement provincial a opte pour une approche de la gouvernance multipalier qui ne cadrait pas avec les modeles de gouvernance de type I ou II, mais qui s'est inspiree des deux pour bâtir un modele d'immigration et d'insertion qui est d'autant plus impressionnant et bien reussi qu'il est methodiquement concu en fonction des besoins disparates des communautes manitobaines. Ce succes provient non pas de l'application d'un modele preconcu de bonne gouvernance, mais d'une quete ingenieuse et flexible des moyens qui permettent de concilier les politiques nationales et les circonstances regionales.
67 citations
TL;DR: A behaviour genetic heritability analysis of several political issues, including social and economic conservatism, general interest in politics, attitudes toward the major Canadian federal parties, federal party identification and national vote choice, is presented in this article.
Abstract: . This article provides a behaviour genetic heritability analysis of several political issues, including social and economic conservatism, general interest in politics, attitudes toward the major Canadian federal parties, federal party identification and national vote choice. Substantial genetic effects were found for four of six political attitude scales, with heritability values ranging from 41 per cent to 73 per cent. Genetic effects are also reported for several individual items (including feelings toward the major federal parties, party identification and vote choice), with heritabilities from 33 per cent to 62 per cent. The implications of these results for conventional political analyses are explored. Also presented is a theoretical interpretation of political heritability that is derived from an evolutionary perspective which suggests that political personalities or temperaments have evolved that are analogous to the heritable personality structures proposed by psychologists.Resume. Cet article propose une analyse sur l'heritabilite de la genetique du comportement concernant plusieurs questions politiques, y compris le conservatisme social et economique, l'interet general pour la politique, les attitudes envers les principaux partis federaux canadiens, l'identification a un parti et le choix de vote au niveau national. Des effets genetiques notables ont ete recenses pour quatre des echelles politiques d'attitude sur six, les taux d'heritabilite s'etendant de 41 pour cent a 73 pour cent. Des effets genetiques ont egalement ete recenses pour plusieurs autres elements etudies (y compris les sentiments envers les principaux partis federaux, l'identification a un parti et le choix de vote), les taux d'heritabilite allant cette fois-ci de 33 pour cent a 62 pour cent. Cette etude explore l'incidence de ces resultats sur des analyses politiques conventionnelles. Il s'agit aussi d'une interpretation theorique de l'heritabilite politique derivant d'une perspective evolutionnaire, qui suggere que les personnalites ou les temperaments politiques ont evolue et que ces derniers sont analogues aux structures de personnalite transmissibles proposees par les psychologues.
57 citations
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors discuss the relation between expérience plébéiennes and subjectivation of subjectivation politique, i.e., the processus de subjectivation.
Abstract: semble être le fait de ce courant de pensée auquel j’ai associé le travail de Breaugh. L’échec essentiel des expériences plébéiennes, tel que théorisé par l’auteur, gagnerait peut-être, par exemple, à se frotter à l’analyse de l’échec de la révolution dans le 18 Brumaire de Marx. Cela donnerait notamment l’occasion à l’auteur d’évaluer les avantages comparatifs de son approche et les limites de celle-ci. À tout le moins, si ce n’est pas par une confrontation avec une conception plus matérialiste de l’histoire politique, le fatalisme idéal-typique dont la thèse fait preuve mériterait un examen plus sérieux. L’auteur suggère, au terme de son parcours théorique et historique au cœur de l’expérience plébéienne, que cette étude appelle une suite, qui se pencherait sur la poursuite de l’expérience plébéienne au vingtième siècle. Cette suite, écrit-il, aurait à travailler avec, en arrière-fond historique, deux nouveautés politiques irréparables : le totalitarisme et la généralisation de la biopolitique. Une telle étude serait en effet un banc d’essai décisif pour le modèle de l’expérience plébéienne – si l’on veut prendre le problème par son côté platonicien –, mais ce serait également l’occasion d’une considération fascinante sur les conditions contemporaines de l’expérience de la liberté politique : qu’en est-il, au vingtième siècle, de la temporalité de la brèche, de la possibilité de transgression, des possibilités d’évitement de la fétichisation du processus de subjectivation politique? Par ce qu’elle offre, mais aussi par ce qu’elle laisse dans l’ombre, il s’agit là, dans cette proposition d’une histoire discontinue de la liberté politique, d’une belle étude, destinée à durer.
56 citations
TL;DR: In this article, an event history model is developed to estimate the hazard of ministerial appointment for all government party members of Parliament for the period 1935-2008, and existing theories and explanations for ministerial appointments and their relationship to constitutional conventions and political principles are systematically tested using a series of variables identified in the Canadian and comparative literature.
Abstract: The subject of ministerial career paths is neglected in the Canadian political science canon. The existing literature, data and methods are for the most part descriptive and require updating. This article addresses this deficit by focusing on the topic of ministerial appointments in the Canadian federal parliament. An event history model is developed to estimate the hazard of ministerial appointment for all government party members of Parliament for the period 1935-2008. Existing theories and explanations for ministerial appointments and their relationship to constitutional conventions and political principles are systematically tested using a series of variables identified in the Canadian and comparative literature. The paper concludes with recommendations for further research and integration with complementary country-specific and comparative research programs in the field of ministerial career paths.
41 citations
TL;DR: In this article, the authors examined the effect of civic education on political attitudes and behaviours of 15-17-year-olds from a visible minority background in Canada and found that adolescents from visible minority backgrounds do not benefit disproportionately from civic education efforts.
Abstract: . It is assumed that civic education has persistent effects on political attitudes and behaviours of young citizens. There is no consensus, however, on what kind of efforts have the strongest effects on specific outcomes, like political knowledge and intended political participation. In some of the older literature, it has been shown that effects of civic education are stronger for children from a visible minority background. This article takes up these questions using a dataset with a sample of 15–17-year olds from Canada (n = 3,334). The results show that active efforts for civic education can make a difference. Especially community service, a rather new form of civic education, fosters political knowledge and conventional future participation. However, in Canada, adolescents from a visible minority background do not benefit disproportionately from civic education efforts.Resume. On soutient que l'education a la citoyennete amene des effets positifs durables sur les attitudes et les comportements politiques des jeunes. Toutefois, il n'existe pas de consensus concernant les efforts specifiques les plus fructueux pour stimuler les connaissances et la participation politiques. Dans cet article nous examinons premierement l'ampleur des effets de l'education a la citoyennete. Deuxiemement, nous examinons la these selon laquelle ce sont les minorites visibles qui beneficient le plus de ces efforts – position defendue dans une partie de la litterature plus ancienne sur le sujet. Ces deux questions sont etudiees quantitativement en utilisant un groupe temoin de jeunes Canadiens de 15 a 17 ans (n = 3334). Les resultats revelent que les efforts actifs dans le domaine de l'education a la citoyennete ont un effet sur les attitudes et les comportements politiques. Le service communautaire, entre autres, une nouvelle forme d'education a la citoyennete, sensibilise les jeunes a la politique et favorise leur participation conventionnelle future. Nous ne trouvons pas, en revanche, d'effet differentiel notable chez les adolescents des minorites visibles.
35 citations
TL;DR: This paper conducted a multivariate analysis of survey data and found that the interplay of cognitive and emotional responses fractured support and consolidated opposition to the mission, leaving overall support for the mission essentially unchanged.
Abstract: . Public opinion shifted markedly between 2006 and 2007 regarding Canadian military participation in Afghanistan. Multivariate analysis of survey data reveals that the interplay of cognitive and emotional responses fractured support and consolidated opposition to the mission. Subsequently, a major government communication strategy, aimed at bolstering support for the Afghan mission succeeded at an informational level but failed to connect at an emotional one, leaving overall support for the mission essentially unchanged. Our analysis points to the need for nuanced interpretation of shifts in public support for war as well as in assessing political marketing efforts by government.Resume. L'opinion publique s'est nettement decalee entre 2006 et 2007 concernant la participation militaire canadienne en Afghanistan. L'analyse multi variee des donnees d'apercu indique que l'effet des reponses cognitives et emotives a divise l'appui et a consolide l'opposition a la mission. D'ailleurs, une strategie importante de communication du gouvernement, destinee a augmenter le soutien de la mission afghane a reussi a un niveau informationnel, mais ne s'est pas reliee au niveau emotif, laissant le soutien global de la mission essentiellement inchange. Notre analyse indique le besoin d'une interpretation diversifiee et nuancee des variations de soutien public face a la guerre ainsi qu'une evaluation du marketing politique du gouvernement.
34 citations
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors explore how citizenship norms of duty to vote and to volunteer in one's community influence political participation, and the role of group identities in producing these norms.
Abstract: . This paper explores how citizenship norms of duty to vote and to volunteer in one's community influence political participation, and the role of group identities in producing these norms. By showing how citizenship norms influence an array of political activities, and by drawing on social psychology literature that shows how citizenship norms are shaped by group identifications, the paper offers a more complete picture of the relationship between citizenship norms and political participation beyond traditional civic duty/federal vote models that currently dominate Canadian political research. The central argument forwarded is that not only do citizenship norms matter to political participation, but that group identities matter, too.Resume. Cette etude explore les effets sur la participation politique des normes relatives au devoir du citoyen de voter et de contribuer a sa communaute, de meme que le role des identites de groupe dans la production de ces normes. En montrant comment les normes de citoyennete influencent une foule d'activites politiques et en puisant dans la litterature en psychologie sociale, qui montre comment ces normes sont formees par des identifications de groupe, cette etude aide a mieux comprendre la relation entre ces normes et la participation politique au-dela du cadre traditionnel devoir civique / vote federal qui domine actuellement la recherche en politique canadienne. La these avancee est que les normes de citoyennete jouent effectivement un role important dans la participation politique, tout comme les identites de groupe.
33 citations
TL;DR: The double loyaute is defined as the assumption that it is impossible to hold multiple political loyalties, but that, simultaneously, this multiplicity is denied any validity.
Abstract: Dual loyalty arises when a citizen or group of citizens holds political allegiance to another state or entity which could challenge their loyalty to the state. What defines dual loyalty as an accusation is the assumption that it is impossible to hold multiple political loyalties, but that, simultaneously, this multiplicity is denied any validity. This article explores the concept, locating it historically and locating the false and often racist discourse that characterizes its modern usage and meaning.
Le double loyaute est quand un citoyen ou un groupe de citoyens sont fideles a un etat ou une entite qui pourrait aller contre leur loyaute a l’etat. Ce qui definie la double-loyaute comme une accusation est la supposition que c’est impossible de tenir plusieurs loyautes, mais que, simultanement, cette multiplicite est niee aucune validite. Cet article explore le concept, par localiser historiquement et localiser les discoures faux et des fois raciste qui caracterise son usage et son sens moderne.
32 citations
TL;DR: In this article, the authors examine the implementation of a federal-provincial agreement on immigration and settlement in Vancouver and find that there are fundamental contradictions in the theory the government applied and the reality of new bureaucratic burdens that accompanied the introduction of market competition.
Abstract: . This article addresses multi-level governance by posing the following question: How can we have policies that are truly national and yet fully take into account the very significant differences among regions and communities? A major objective of this approach is to get beyond ideologically driven, dichotomous debates, which often leave the impression that the study of multi-level governance can be reduced to a choice between two alternatives—for example between neo-liberalism and the welfare state, or local autonomy and centralization. Our inquiry is focused on the implementation of a federal–provincial agreement on immigration and settlement in Vancouver. The implementation took place under the authority of an aggressively private market-oriented provincial government, and our close examination of the process and the fall-out from it suggests the existence of fundamental contradictions in the theory the government applied. In particular, we find a contradiction between the intention of introducing market mechanisms in order to reduce bureaucracy and the reality of new bureaucratic burdens that accompanied the introduction of market competition. We also confront the government's claims of democratic bona fides with the reality that the introduction of contracting out posed fundamental obstacles to government responsiveness to democratic demands. Our findings suggest that straight-line, ideologically driven approaches to governance are unlikely to meet the challenge of adapting national policy to the distinct requirements of particular communities.Resume. Cet article etudie la gouvernance multi-paliers en posant la question suivante : « Comment formuler des politiques gouvernementales qui soient reellement nationales tout en repondant aux differences importantes qui existent entre les regions et les communautes? » Un objectif important de cette methode est de mettre de cote les debats ideologiques dichotomiques qui donnent l'impression que l'etude de la gouvernance echelonnee se ramene a un choix entre les deux termes d'une alternative : entre neoliberalisme et Etat - providence, par exemple, ou entre autonomie locale et centralisation. Notre enquete porte sur l'execution d'un accord federal provincial concernant l'immigration et l'integration des immigres a Vancouver. Le gouvernement provincial auquel il incombait d'executer cet accord etait fortement axe sur la libre entreprise. Et les resultats de notre enquete suggerent qu'il y ait des contradictions fondamentales dans la theorie appliquee par le gouvernement. L'intention de ce gouvernement de reduire la bureaucratie en introduisant la libre entreprise et la realite que l'introduction de ladite libre entreprise a entraine de nouvelles charges bureaucratiques, nous paraissent contradictoires. Il en est de meme pour l'argument que l'action du gouvernement tienne de la bonne foi democratique et la realite que le recours aux sous-traitants cree des obstacles fondamentaux qui entravent la capacite du gouvernement de repondre aux reclamations democratiques. Les resultats de notre enquete suggerent que les conceptions de la gouvernance qui sont lineaires et rigoureusement calquees sur des ideologies ne pourraient probablement pas repondre au defi d'adapter la politique nationale aux besoins des communautes particulieres.
30 citations
TL;DR: In this article, the authors argue for a rethinking of how we approach the study of Canadian public policies on diversity and human rights and explain how human rights can be considered as a distinctive policy field and consider the advantages and disadvantages of this conceptualization.
Abstract: Abstract. This paper argues for a rethinking of how we approach the study of Canadian public policies on diversity and human rights. I explain how human rights can be considered as a distinctive policy field and I consider the advantages and disadvantages of this conceptualization. I then argue for a particular theoretical approach to understanding the evolution of comparative public policies on diversity over time, focusing on a historical, structural and institutional approach to Canadian political development. The development of a specific field of Canadian political development—akin to the subfield of American political development in American politics—can provide a focal point for empirically and historically grounded theorizing about the Canadian case in its North American, comparative and global context. Résumé. Le présent article propose un nouveau regard sur l'étude des politiques publiques canadiennes en matière de diversité et de droits de la personne. J'y explique que les droits de la personne peuvent être considérés comme un champ de politiques distinct et j'y présente les avantages et les inconvénients de cette conceptualisation. Je défends ensuite une approche théorique permettant de cerner l'évolution, au fil des ans, des politiques publiques comparées en matière de diversité, approche qui prend appui sur les dimensions historique, structurelle et institutionnelle du développement politique canadien. L'émergence d'un domaine distinct d'analyse du développement politique canadien – qui s'apparente au sous-domaine du développement politique américain dans la politique américaine – peut servir d'assise à une conceptualisation, ancrée dans l'analyse empirique et historique, du cas canadien dans une perspective nord-américaine, comparative et mondiale.
TL;DR: In this paper, the impact of changing Canadian national party finance laws that banned trade union donations on the relationship between the New Democratic party (NDP) and organized labour has been investigated.
Abstract: . We consider the impact of changing Canadian national party finance laws that banned trade union donations on the relationship between the New Democratic party (NDP) and organized labour. Although the changed laws have required a restructuring of the relationship between the two actors, we find evidence of a continued commitment to co-operation. We conclude that accounts that stress the ideological affinity between the NDP and labour explain the preservation of the relationship better than political economy or rational exchange models.Resume. Nous considerons les changements apportes aux lois canadiennes sur le financement des partis politiques, lois qui ont banni les donations des syndicats, dans la perspective de leur incidence sur la relation entre le Nouveau Parti democratique (NPD) et les syndicats. Malgre le fait que les nouvelles lois ont necessite une restructuration de la relation entre les deux acteurs, nous avons decouvert la presence d'un engagement continu envers la cooperation. Nous concluons que les interpretations qui mettent l'accent sur l'affinite ideologique entre le NPD et les syndicats expliquent mieux le maintien de cette relation que l'economie politique ou les modeles d'echange rationnel.
TL;DR: In this article, the authors provide an overview of the litigation activity of the main disability rights organizations and build on an emerging complementary theoretical perspective for understanding the participation by movement actors in the Court.
Abstract: Disability rights organizations have been active participants before the Supreme Court of Canada (SCC) since the mid-1980s but they have been completely neglected in the literature on social movement legal mobilization. This paper seeks to remedy this lacuna by providing an overview of the litigation activity of the main disability rights organizations. It builds on an emerging complementary theoretical perspective for understanding the participation by movement actors in the Court. Through an analysis of shared and contested collective meaning frames within and across social movement organizations we can complement existing theoretical explanations for the overall development of legal mobilization by social movement actors.
TL;DR: This paper analyzed three timely Canadian cases and found that the motivation of policy elites within these organizations is key in the deliberative empowerment of citizens at the institutional level, and identified factors that might account for the presence or absence of this motivation.
Abstract: . Analyzing three timely Canadian cases, this article develops an important relationship between the theory and practice of deliberative democracy. The Canadian Nuclear Waste Management Organization (NWMO), Nova Scotia Power Incorporated (NSP), and Toronto Community Housing Corporation (TCHC) recently held consultative initiatives appearing to seek the democratic empowerment of citizens. In each case, we see institutional features of deliberative democracy. But only the TCHC's participatory budgeting process begins to fulfill the promise of deliberative empowerment, that is, inclusive, informed, and equal public deliberation focused on a common good at the policy formulation, implementation, and evaluation stages. Why is the case of the TCHC characterized by greater deliberative empowerment than the cases of NSP and the NWMO? I explore possible explanations, all of which focus on the political context in which deliberation takes place. My overarching finding is that the motivation of policy elites within these organizations is key in the deliberative empowerment of citizens at the institutional level. I conclude by identifying factors that might account for the presence or absence of this motivation.Resume. En analysant trois cas canadiens opportuns, cet article developpe une relation importante entre la theorie et la pratique de la democratie deliberative. La Societe de gestion des dechets nucleaires (SGDN) du Canada, Nova Scotia Power Incorporated (NSPI) et la Toronto Community Housing Corporation (TCHC) ont recemment mis en oeuvre des initiatives consultatives qui semblent vouloir donner le pouvoir democratique deliberatif aux citoyens. Dans chaque cas, on observe des caracteristiques institutionnelles representant les valeurs d'une democratie deliberative. Mais le processus budgetaire participatif de la TCHC est le seul qui commence a tenir les promesses d'une prise de pouvoir deliberative, caracterisee par une deliberation inclusive, informee et egalitaire, axee sur un bien commun, aux etapes de la formulation, de la mise en oeuvre et de l'evaluation d'une politique. Pourquoi le cas de la TCHC atteste-t-il d'une plus grande prise de pouvoir deliberative que ceux de NSPI et de la SGDN? J'explore des explications possibles, qui sont toutes centrees sur le contexte politique dans lequel survient la deliberation. En general, je constate que la motivation des elites politiques a l'interieur de ces organisations est primordiale pour la prise de pouvoir deliberative des citoyens au niveau institutionnel. En conclusion, j'identifie les facteurs pouvant justifier la presence ou l'absence de cette motivation.
TL;DR: In this paper, a comparison of two instances of territorial governance in Quebec, shared governance with the aboriginal peoples and the Quebec government's regionalization initiative, puts this premise in question.
Abstract: Resume. Les theories de la gouvernance a paliers multiples ont tendance a minimiser le role du droit dans la structuration des systemes de gouvernance. Or, la juxtaposition de deux evolutions recentes en matiere de gouvernance territoriale au Quebec, la gouvernance partagee avec les Autochtones et le projet de regionalisation du gouvernement du Quebec, remet ce postulat en question. En effet, la protection constitutionnelle dont beneficient les clauses de gestion territoriale de traites comme la Convention de la Baie James et du Nord quebecois et, plus recemment, l'obligation de consulter decoulant de l'arret Nation haida, assurent aux Autochtones un pouvoir plus important que celui qui est offert aux acteurs regionaux par le gouvernement du Quebec.Abstract. Multi-level governance theories have a tendency to minimize the role of law in shaping governance systems. The study of two instances of territorial governance in Quebec, shared governance with the aboriginal peoples and the Quebec government's regionalization initiative, puts this premise in question. The constitutional protection afforded to the land management provisions of the James Bay and Northern Quebec Agreement and, more recently, to the duty to consult flowing from the Haida Nation case give the aboriginal peoples more power than that recognized to regional actors under the Quebec government's initiative.
TL;DR: This article found that Middle Eastern and Islamic ethnic minorities attract more international intervention than other ethnic minorities, and if so, why, and the results confirm the importance of religious affinities in spite of a general disposition in the field of international relations to minimize their effects.
Abstract: . This study asks questions that are important for both theory and policy: Do ethnoreligious minorities attract more intervention than other ethnic minorities? Do Middle Eastern and Islamic ethnic minorities attract more international intervention than ethnic minorities living elsewhere, and if so, why? The Minorities at Risk database, which contains information on intervention in all ethnic conflicts between 1990 and 1995, is used to answer these questions. The findings show that Middle Eastern and Islamic minorities do, in fact, attract more international intervention than other minorities. This is due to a larger pattern where states, especially Islamic ones, rarely intervene on behalf of ethnic minorities with which they share no religious affinities. The results also show that ethnoreligious minorities are more likely to attract political intervention than other ethnic minorities. These results confirm the importance of religious affinities in spite of a general disposition in the field of international relations to minimize their effects.Resume. Cette etude repond a des questions d'importance theorique et pratique. Est-ce que les minorites ethnoreligieuses attirent plus d'interventions internationales que les autres types de minorites? Est-ce que les minorites ethniques islamiques et du Moyen-Orient attirent plus d'interventions internationales que les minorites ethniques d'ailleurs et si oui, pour quelle raison? La banque de donnees du programme Minorities at Risk, qui repertorie les interventions dans tous les conflits ethniques survenus entre 1990 et 1995, est outillee pour repondre a ces questions. Les resultats de recherche demontrent que les minorites ethniques islamiques et du Moyen-Orient attirent, en effet, plus d'interventions internationales que les autres minorites. Cela s'explique par le fait que les Etats, et plus particulierement les Etats islamiques, interviennent rarement en faveur des minorites avec lesquelles ils ne partagent aucune affinite religieuse. Les resultats demontrent egalement que les minorites ethnoreligieuses ont tendance a attirer plus d'interventions etrangeres a caractere politique que les autres types de minorites. Les conclusions de recherche confirment donc l'importance que revet l'affinite religieuse pour les interventions internationales dans les conflits ethniques, a l'encontre de l'opinion generale des experts en relations internationales, qui tendent a minimiser son role.
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors analyze the role of reparation displacement in preventing recalcitrant communities from fighting aggressively to avoid its unpleasant past, shunting questions of cause, blame, and obligation away instead.
Abstract: . Although many historical injustices in Canada have BC roots, the ensuing debates have tended to frame redress as a federal responsibility. The article analyzes this dynamic and calls it “reparation displacement.” Reparation displacement saves the recalcitrant community or group from fighting aggressively to avoid its unpleasant past, shunting questions of cause, blame, and obligation away instead. Reparation displacement receives special attention here as an obstacle hindering BC's reconciliation with First Nations. The article also links the emphasis in “postpositivist” policy studies on civic deliberation to the focus in the reparations literature on historical acknowledgment. It suggests further that reparation displacement requires further research from scholars of federalism and multilevel governance.Resume. La Colombie-Britannique est le site de plusieurs injustices commises dans l'histoire du Canada. Pourtant, les debats qui s'ensuivent tendent a concevoir la question de la reparation comme relevant de la responsabilite du gouvernement federal. Cet article examine cette dynamique et y refere en tant qu'elle temoigne d'un «deplacement de la reparation». Un tel deplacement permet a la communaute ou au groupe recalcitrant d'eviter d'affronter les aspects malheureux de son histoire. Il fait devier les questions de cause, de blâme et d'obligation hors des responsabilites de la communaute concernee. Une attention speciale est dediee ici a ce phenomene parce qu'il constitue un obstacle entravant le processus de reconciliation entre la Colombie-Britannique et les Premieres Nations. Enfin, cet article etablit un rapport entre l'emphase que mettent les etudes «post-positivistes» de politiques sur la deliberation civique et l'importance accordee a la reconnaissance historique dans la litterature portant sur les enjeux de reparation. Il suggere, en outre, que ce phenomene de deplacement devrait faire l'objet de recherches approfondies dans les domaines d'etude du federalisme et de la gouvernance multipalier.
Journal Article•
TL;DR: Lemieux et al. as discussed by the authors, L’etude des politiques publiques: Les acteurs et leur pouvoir (3eme edition revue et augmentee), Quebec : Presses de l'Universite Laval, 2009 (201 p.).
Abstract: Compte-rendu de Vincent Lemieux, L’etude des politiques publiques. Les acteurs et leur pouvoir (3eme edition revue et augmentee), Quebec : Presses de l’Universite Laval, 2009 (201 p.).
TL;DR: This article examined public statements by female candidates for the leadership of major federal parties in the period 1975-2006, with reference to the conceptual literature on political representation, finding that women politicians to voice feminist rhetoric more closely related to extra-parliamentary dynamics, notably the changing fortunes of feminist and antifeminist movements, or to parliamentary factors, including the ideological as well as competitive circumstances of their parties.
Abstract: . This study examines public statements by female candidates for the leadership of major federal parties in the period 1975–2006, with reference to the conceptual literature on political representation. Was the willingness of women politicians to voice feminist rhetoric more closely related to extra-parliamentary dynamics, notably the changing fortunes of feminist and antifeminist movements, or to parliamentary factors, including the ideological as well as competitive circumstances of their parties? The empirical discussion suggests feminist content was particularly strong in the language of Rosemary Brown for the NDP in 1975, Kim Campbell for the PCs in 1993 and Martha Hall Findlay for the Liberals in 2006. Overall results point toward the utility of a two-pronged perspective that merges a parliamentary view that centre-left through centre-right parties, as well as those in an opposition or weak governing position, were more likely sites of feminist discourse than hard right and firmly competitive parties, with a movement-focused approach that explains the diminished use of representational rhetoric during this period, even in relatively hospitable parties, with reference to the declining legitimacy of organized feminism. Unlike in the US, women candidates in right parties in Canada did not use their campaigns as vehicles for voicing strong antifeminist positions.Resume. Cette etude survole la litterature conceptuelle sur la representation politique et examine ainsi les declarations publiques faites par les candidates lors des courses a la direction des principaux partis politiques federaux pendant la periode allant de 1975 a 2006. La volonte des politiciennes d'exprimer la rhetorique feministe etait-elle davantage apparentee a la dynamique extra-parlementaire, notamment la force des mouvements feministes et antifeministes, ou plutot aux facteurs parlementaires comme l'ideologie et la competitivite de leur parti? La discussion empirique suggere que le contenu feministe etait particulierement important dans le vocabulaire utilise par Rosemary Brown pour le NPD en 1975, par Kim Campbell pour le PPC en 1993 et par Martha Hall Findlay pour le PLC en 2006. Les resultats indiquent qu'il est utile, pour ce type d'etude, de considerer une fusion des deux approches. La premiere est une perspective parlementaire, qui suggere que les partis se situant sur le spectre politique entre le centre-gauche et le centre-droit, de meme que ceux qui se trouvent dans une position d'opposition ou de gouvernement faible ou minoritaire, sont les plus receptifs aux discours feministes. La deuxieme approche (movement-focused) porte son attention sur les mouvements sociaux pour expliquer la diminution de l'utilisation de la rhetorique representationnelle pendant cette periode, et ce, meme dans les partis relativement receptifs au feminisme organise. Contrairement a la situation aux Etats-Unis, les candidates a la direction des partis de droite au Canada n'ont pas utilise la course a l'investiture de leur parti comme tremplin pour exprimer de fortes positions antifeministes.
TL;DR: This article examined the length of political tenure in Canadian federally elected parliamentary governments since 1867 using data on tenure length, categorizing the distribution of governing tenures in terms of a hazard function, given that an election will arise in each year.
Abstract: In this paper we examine the length of political tenure in Canadian federally elected parliamentary governments since 1867. Using data on tenure length, we categorize the distribution of governing tenures in terms of a hazard function‐‐the probability that an election will arise in each year, given that an election has not yet been called. We then ask whether that distribution responds in a systematic way to characteristics of the political and/or economic environment. Our particular focus is on whether there is evidence of electoral timing and whether governing parties have used economy policy in conjunction with federal elections. Finally we investigate whether partisan effects emerge. The results suggest that, independent of party affiliation, governing parties do engage in election timing. The data also suggest that election calls coincide with periods of monetary expansion and more with tax decreases than with expenditure increases, supporting the Persson and Tabellini (2003) hypothesis that under parliamentary systems, it is tax cuts (rather than expenditure increases) that will be most closely associated with elections. Unlike the case in other parliamentary systems, however, Canadian data also support the hypothesis that tough measures (expenditure cuts) are postponed until after elections.
TL;DR: In this article, the influence of political information on both the vote decision process and incumbent vote shares through a series of analyses that compare actual and simulated behaviour across information levels is examined.
Abstract: . Do differences in levels of political information affect the vote calculus? Do differences in the decision process along informational divides affect vote choice? Using data from the 2004 Canadian Election Study this research tests the influence of political information on both the vote decision process and incumbent vote shares through a series of analyses that compare actual and simulated behaviour across information levels. The proposition being tested contends that information heterogeneity produces differences in the vote calculus that in turn lead to systematic and significant variation in vote choice. The results suggest that information does indeed affect the decision calculus and outcome, but not necessarily as one might expect.Resume. Le niveau d'information politique des electeurs a-t-il une incidence sur leur vote? Les differences dans le processus decisionnel associees au niveau d'information influent-elles sur les electeurs? Grâce aux donnees tirees de l'edition 2004 de l'Etude electorale canadienne et a une serie d'estimations et de simulations statistiques, cet article propose de tester l'influence du niveau d'information politique sur le processus decisionnel des electeurs et sur le soutien accorde aux urnes au parti sortant. La proposition testee ici stipule que la presence d'heterogeneite dans l'information politique des electeurs influe sur leurs mecanismes de decision, ce qui entraine une variation systematique et significative dans le choix du vote. Les resultats suggerent que l'information politique a une incidence sur le processus decisionnel des electeurs et sur leur vote, bien que cet impact n'aille pas necessairement dans le sens attendu.
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors investigate the nature and causes of unanimity in the Supreme Court of Canada and find substantially more support for the perspectives of the justices than for the perspective derived from the attitudinal model on unanimity.
Abstract: . Most of the empirical work on the decision making of justices on the Supreme Court of Canada has taken as its exclusive focus the divided decisions of the Court. In contrast to this extensive body of research on divided decision, the much more limited knowledge of unanimous decisions is troubling because such decisions constitute nearly three-quarters of all of the formal decisions of the Court. The analysis reported below provides a first step towards understanding the neglected nature of unanimous decisions. This investigation of the nature and causes of unanimity in the Supreme Court of Canada explores two competing explanations: one drawn from the most widely accepted general explanation of judicial voting (that is, the attitudinal model) and the other from the perspectives of the justices themselves. To determine that perspective, the author interviewed ten of the current or recent justices on the Court. After describing these two alternative accounts of unanimity, empirical tests are conducted of the implications of each view. We find substantially more support for the perspectives of the justices than for the perspective derived from the attitudinal model on unanimity.Resume. La majeure partie du travail de recherche empirique portant sur la maniere dont les juges de la Cour supreme du Canada prennent leurs decisions se concentre exclusivement sur les decisions divisees de cette institution. En contraste avec cette foison d'etudes sur les decisions divisees, le corpus beaucoup plus limite de connaissances sur les decisions unanimes pose un probleme important, car celles-ci representent presque les trois quarts de la totalite des decisions formelles de la Cour supreme. L'analyse presentee ci-dessous se veut un premier pas vers une meilleure connaissance de la nature, trop negligee jusqu'a present, de ces decisions unanimes. Cette investigation sur la nature et les causes de l'unanimite dans les decisions de la Cour supreme du Canada explore deux voies se trouvant en competition : l'une qui resulte de l'explication la plus largement acceptee du vote judiciaire (soit le modele attitudinal), et l'autre qui decoule de la perspective personnelle des juges. Pour elucider cette perspective propre des juges, les auteurs ont interviewe dix juges actuels et recents de la Cour supreme du Canada. Apres avoir decrit ces deux explications alternatives de l'unanimite, ils effectuent des tests empiriques sur les implications respectives du modele attitudinal et des perspectives propres des juges. L'etude revele que les perspectives propres des juges ont beaucoup plus de poids que la perspective derivee du modele attitudinal en ce qui concerne l'unanimite.
TL;DR: This article explored eighteenth-century German debates on the relation of freedom and perfection in the course of which Kant works out his juridical theory, contrasting the perfectionist ideas of political activity in Christian Wolff and Karl von Dalberg (a historically important but neglected figure), with Fichte's program in The Closed Commercial State (1800), distinguishing logics of political intervention.
Abstract: . This paper explores eighteenth-century German debates on the relation of freedom and perfection in the course of which Kant works out his juridical theory. It contrasts the perfectionist ideas of political activity in Christian Wolff and Karl von Dalberg (a historically important but neglected figure), with Fichte's program in The Closed Commercial State (1800), distinguishing logics of political intervention. Examining insufficiently recognized aspects of the intellectual context for Kant's distinction between happiness, right and virtue, the paper demonstrates Fichte's (problematic) application of Kantian ideas of freedom to political economy and contests current interpretations of the politically disengaged character or attenuated modernism of German political philosophy in the Enlightenment.Resume. Ce texte etudie le rapport entre liberte et perfection dans la pensee allemande du dix-huitieme siecle. C'est dans le contexte de ces debats que Kant elabore sa propre theorie juridique. En examinant les fondements theoriques de l'intervention politique, le texte fait une distinction entre le perfectionnisme ethique de Christian Wolff et de Karl von Dalberg (personnage historiquement important mais peu etudie), et le programme d'inspiration kantienne propose par Fichte dans son Etat commercial ferme (1800).L'objectif du texte est de reconstruire le contexte intellectuel de la distinction kantienne entre bonheur, droit et vertu, et de demontrer l'usage problematique qu'en fait Fichte dans le domaine de l'economie politique. Le texte remet en question des interpretations recentes qui devalorisent l'engagement politique et le modernisme des Lumieres allemandes.
TL;DR: In this article, the authors examine some of the problems and possibilities that may attend a transfer of national cultural autonomy as a model of self-government into Canadian political discourse, especially as regards Quebec nationalism, Francophone communities outside Quebec, Anglophone Quebecers, selfgovernment for Aboriginal peoples, and political values in English-speaking Canada.
Abstract: . Over the last few decades, non-territorial forms of national self-government have attracted increasing interest in political science, especially in the guise of national cultural autonomy. National cultural autonomy is a model of self-government that was pioneered by Austrian theorists and politicians Karl Renner and Otto Bauer in the waning days of the Habsburg Empire, yet was never implemented in Austria–Hungary. This paper will examine some of the problems and possibilities that may attend a transfer of national cultural autonomy as a model of self-government into Canadian political discourse, especially as regards Quebec nationalism, Francophone communities outside Quebec, Anglophone Quebecers, self-government for Aboriginal peoples, and political values in English-speaking Canada. Resume. Au cours des dernieres decennies, les formes non territoriales d'autonomie gouvernementale nationale ont fait l'objet d'un interet croissant en science politique, en particulier le concept de l'autonomie culturelle nationale. L'autonomie culturelle nationale est un modele autonomiste developpe par les theoriciens et politiciens autrichiens Karl Renner et Otto Bauer lors du declin de l'Empire habsbourgeois, mais qui ne fut jamais mis en place dans l'Empire austro-hongrois. Cet article examinera quelques-uns des problemes et quelques-unes des possibilites qui pourraient emerger d'un transfert de ce modele dans le discours politique canadien sur l'autonomie gouvernementale, en particulier en ce qui a trait au nationalisme quebecois, aux communautes francophones situees a l'exterieur du Quebec, aux Quebecois anglophones, a l'autonomie gouvernementale des peuples autochtones et aux valeurs politiques du Canada anglais.
TL;DR: In this article, a cross-national study of 18 Latin American countries from 1972 to 2001 was conducted to examine the connection between democracy and human development, and the results showed that differences in degree of democracy have a significant impact on human development in terms of infant mortality and life expectancy.
Abstract: . This paper analyzes the connection between democracy and human development. In so doing, it examines two main questions: Are democracies better than non-democracies in achieving human development? Among democracies, is there a direct relationship between the actualization of civil and political rights and human development? In answering these questions, we offer a cross-national study of 18 Latin American countries from 1972 to 2001. We use fixed effect models for analyzing our cross-country, pooled time-series data. The evidence suggests not only that democracies are better than nondemocracies in fostering human development (controlling for wealth), but also that differences in degree of democracy have a significant impact on human development in terms of infant mortality and life expectancy.Resume. Cet article analyse la relation entre la democratie et le developpement humain et aborde sous cet angle deux questions principales. Les regimes democratiques assurent-ils mieux que les regimes non democratiques le developpement humain? Au sein des pays ayant un regime democratique, y a-t-il une relation directe entre l'actualisation des droits civils et politiques et le developpement humain? Pour repondre a ces questions, nous observons les donnees de 18 pays latino-americains sur une periode allant de 1972 a 2001. En ce qui concerne la methodologie, nous avons utilise un modele a effets fixes pour analyser nos donnees chronologiques consolidees regroupant plusieurs pays. Les resultats de notre analyse nous amenent a conclure que non seulement les regimes democratiques reussissent mieux que les regimes non democratiques a favoriser le developpement humain (en mesurant le niveau de richesse), mais aussi que les differences dans les niveaux de democratie ont egalement un effet notable sur le developpement humain en termes de mortalite infantile et d'esperance de vie.
TL;DR: The epistemological potential of dialogue remains understudied, in part because the court continues to be viewed as the supreme, if not also the sole, expounder of the constitution as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: Constitutional scholarship has been exploring the idea that the court and the legislature engage in a dialogue over the meaning of the constitution. Yet, despite many contributions to the idea of dialogue over the last decade, its potential remains unfulfilled. The epistemological potential of dialogue remains understudied, in part because the court continues to be viewed as the supreme, if not also the sole, expounder of the constitution. For dialogue's potential to be realized, the legislature should be acknowledged as a co-ordinate actor in expounding constitutional meaning and both court and legislature should assume a disposition for dialogue.
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors examine empirically whether flickers in law's shadow systematically affect the implementation of the Canadian government's negotiation choice in the Indigenous land rights context, and find that judicial uncertainty increases the federal government's propensity to accept specific claims for negotiation.
Abstract: . Governments and Indigenous groups bargain under the shadow of the law, and this paper pushes the judicial politics research agenda by examining empirically whether flickers in law's shadow systematically affect the implementation of the Canadian government's negotiation choice in the Indigenous land rights context. Through interviews and a time series analysis of Canada's specific claims policy, I find that judicial uncertainty increases the federal government's propensity to accept specific claims for negotiation. However, there is evidence that Indigenous protest action during the Oka crisis and Elijah Harper's role in scuttling the Meech Lake constitutional accord, more than other factors, greatly impacted the federal budget allocated towards negotiation. Resume. Les negociations entre les gouvernements et les groupes autochtones se deroulent sous les auspices de la loi, et le present document examine le programme de recherche sur les politiques legales afin de determiner de facon empirique si certaines imprecisions dans la loi influent sur les options retenues par le gouvernement du Canada en ce qui concerne les droits sur les terres autochtones. Une analyse statistique de la politique de revendication en vigueur au Canada ainsi qu'un certain nombre d'entrevues m'ont permis de constater l'existence d'un flou juridique qui amene le gouvernement federal a accepter d'examiner certaines revendications specifiques a la table des negociations. Il semble toutefois que certains incidents particuliers, comme les gestes de protestation poses par les autochtones lors de la crise d'Oka, ou le role joue par Elijah Harper dans l'echec de l'Accord constitutionnel du lac Meech, aient eu une incidence marquee sur l'importance des sommes allouees par le gouvernement federal a ces negociations.
TL;DR: A case study of the 2003 Manitoba provincial election reveals that parties in the province behave more "responsibly" than is commonly assumed by members of the media, academia and the electorate.
Abstract: . Many critics describe Canadian political parties as “irresponsible” democratic actors. Viewed largely as “brokerage” organizations, parties are often cited for their failure to provide voters with meaningful alternatives on the ballot. The following analysis challenges these perceptions as they apply to provincial politics—an often-neglected area of party activity in Canada. As a case study of the 2003 Manitoba provincial election, the examination reveals that parties in the province behave more “responsibly” than is commonly assumed by members of the media, academia and the electorate. These findings demand a re-examination of traditional notions of party politics in Canada, with increased attention being devoted to the “supply side” of democracy: the behaviour of the parties themselves.Resume. Plusieurs critiques decrivent les partis politiques canadiens comme des acteurs democratiques «irresponsables». Consideres principalement comme des organisations de «courtage», on leur reproche souvent de ne pas offrir aux electeurs des choix bien differencies sur le bulletin de vote. L'analyse suivante remet en question cette perception au palier de la politique provinciale – un niveau souvent neglige dans l'examenn des partis au Canada. Cette etude des elections provinciales de 2003 au Manitoba revele que les partis provinciaux se comportent de maniere plus «responsable» que ne le laissent entendre les medias, les milieux academiques et l'electorat. Cette conclusion invite a un reexamen des notions traditionnelles sur les partis politiques au Canada jetant une lumiere nouvelle sur«l'aspect offre» de la democratie : le comportement des partis eux-memes.
TL;DR: In this article, a case study of the Kwanlin Dun First Nation treaty negotiations in the Yukon Territory was conducted and it was shown that institutional and milieu factors are important.
Abstract: . Since their introduction in 1973, comprehensive land claims (CLC) agreements have become important mechanisms for Aboriginal peoples to achieve their political, social, cultural, and economic goals. Although the literature on CLC negotiations is a rich and varied one, it has tended to ignore the role that municipal governments have on influencing negotiation outcomes. This lacuna is surprising since a number of treaty negotiations in the Yukon Territory and BC involve lands located in major municipalities. This paper develops a theoretical framework for understanding the influence that municipal governments can have on treaty negotiation outcomes. Using a case study of the Kwanlin Dun First Nation treaty negotiations in the Yukon Territory, we find that institutional and milieu factors are important. However, leadership was the most important and decisive factor.Resume. Depuis leur apparition en 1973, les ententes portant sur les revendications territoriales globales sont devenues des mecanismes importants pour les peuples autochtones dans l'atteinte de leurs objectifs politiques, sociaux, culturels et economiques. Bien que la documentation sur ces ententes soit volumineuse et variee, elle tend a ignorer le role influent que jouent les administrations municipales lors de telles negociations. Cette lacune est surprenante, dans la mesure ou plusieurs de ces traitesconcernaient des territoires situes dans des zones urbaines d'importance de la Colombie-Britannique et du Yukon. Cet article vise a developper un cadre theorique pour mieux comprendre l'influence des administrations municipales dans le denouement de negociations territoriales. En utilisant l'etude de cas des negociations de la Premiere nation de Kwanlin Dun au Yukon, nous constatons l'importance de la structure institutionnelle et communautaire. Cependant, le leadership demeure le facteur le plus crucial lors d'un tel processus.