Showing papers in "China Report in 1977"
••
TL;DR: According to Mao, the existence and development of the principal contradiction determines or influences the existence or development of other contt adictions, and it is only when the principal contradictions has been identified thac the strategy and tactics of foreign policy can be evolved as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: ACCORDING to the Communist Party of China its world view has been primarily moulded by the dialectical materialist perspective. This perspective first identifies the fundamental contradictions of the epoch, and then, for strategic purposes, finds out the ’principal contiadiction’. For according to Mao, the principal contradiction’s ’existence and development determines or influences the existence and development of the other contt adictions’.1 Hence, it is only when the principal contradiction has been identified thac the strategy and tactics of foreign policy can be evolved.
4 citations
••
TL;DR: Hua Kuo-Feng as discussed by the authors is the most powerful person in China today and was appointed to these posts on the strength of Chairman Mao Tse-tung's remark to him: "With you in charge, I am at ease" (Ni pan shih, wo fang hsin).
Abstract: HUA Kuo-FENG, Chairman of the Central Committee (CC) of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) and Chairman of the CCP’s Military Affairs Committee (MAC), is the most powerful person in China today. He was appointed to these posts on the strength of Chairman Mao Tse-tung’s remark to him: ’With you in charge, I am at ease’ (Ni pan shih, wo fang hsin). Earlier, about one year prior to Hua’s appointment, Teng Hsiaop’ing, then Vice-Chairman of the CC CCP and Vice-Premier of China’s State Council
3 citations
••
TL;DR: In the present era of transformation of the structure of international relations, the Third World in particular stands at crossroads with uncertainty and apprehension about its future course of development, the multiplying ties between the Soviet Union, a superpower, and India, a front-rank nation of the Third world, have assumed a special significance.
Abstract: IN TNE present era of transformation of the structure of international relations,I in which the Third World in particular stands at crossroads with uncertainty and apprehension about its future course of development, the multiplying ties between the Soviet Union, a superpower, and India, a front-rank nation of the Third World, have assumed a special significance. Time and again the Czars had
3 citations
••
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors describe how labour heroes became perfect examplers of the values and attitudes set forth by the Chinese Communist regime, and became the emulation models for the Chinese masses.
Abstract: construction of a socialist society. They were supposed to promote the political socialization of Chinese peasants and to transform their world outlook. They not only cooperated with the regime but were unusually enthusiastic in implementing the party and government programmes. As perfect examplers of the values and attitudes set forth by the Communist regime, labour heroes became the emulation models for the Chinese masses. The
2 citations
••
TL;DR: For example, the authors describes a man whose overinquisitiveness amounted to a fault-finding attitude in the eyes of his hosts, whose petty suspicions of everything arranged for or seen by him, not out of his knowledgeability about China (which he does not possess) but out of a complete disregard of traditional Chinese hospitality, and last but not least, his obsessions with Western freedoms and democracy in a host country where different norms
Abstract: was by no means a happy one. His overinquisitiveness amounted to a fault-finding attitude in the eyes of his hosts. His petty suspicions of everything arranged for or seen (observed may be more appropriate here) by him, not out of his knowledgeability about China (which he does not possess) but out of a complete disregard of traditional Chinese hospitality, and last but not least, his obsessions with Western freedoms and democracy in a host country where different norms
2 citations
••
TL;DR: In this article, the authors studied China's involvement in the Angolan National Liberation Movement (ANSM) and found that China is not as yet a super-power and finds it difficult to substantially aid struggles of national liberation.
Abstract: As A SOCIALIST nation which proclaims to abide by the tenets of Marxist-Leninist theory, China is ideologically committed to world revolution and establishment of a socialist international order. However, in practice the furthering of this ideological commitment has often been constrained by immediate Chinese needs and existing realities. Though China is a power with global interests, she is not as yet a super-power and finds it difhcult to substantially aid struggles of national liberation. In this study of China’s involvement in Angola we shall therefore try to see to what extent China’s foreign policy makers tried, if at all, to resolve this dilemma, and to what extent therefore China’s aid to the Angolan national liberation movement conformed to her by now established practice with regard to support of national liberation movements. It will also be our endeavour to place China’s commitment to forces of national liberation in the larger foreign policy perspective wherein China’s perception of her enemy or enemies in the international system at a particular point of time greatly influences the strategy and tactics she employs while aiding a movement
2 citations
••
TL;DR: The idea of buffer states was first mooted by Kir.g Birendra at the Algiers Summit Conference of nonaligned nations in September 1973 as discussed by the authors, where he emphasized the need for peace and cooperation and said: "Nepal, situated between two most populous countries in the world, wishes within her frontiers to be enveloped in a zone of peace".
Abstract: THE IDEA was first mooted by Kir.g Birendra at the Algiers Summit Conference of nonaligned nations in September 1973. Addressing the conference, he emphasized the need for peace and cooperation and said: ’Nepal, situated between two most populous countries in the world, wishes within her frontiers to be enveloped in a zone of peace.’I Earlier, in an interview to the American weekly Newsweek, King Birendra said that the basic problems facing Nepal ’are development and the preservation of our identity as a nation’. Nepal, he said, is not a part of the subcontinent; it is really a part of Asia which touches both India and China. He considered the concept of a buffer state as outmoded, and playing one ncighbour against the other as a short-sighted policy.’ According to some observers, the King feared that the events which had led to the break-up of Pakistan and the emergence of Bangladesh would have repercussions in Nepal. Nepalese leaders maintain that their main foreign policy objective is to keep its sovereignty and unity. Its security depends on its relations with its two neighbours to the south and north, and on the state of affairs between them. Nepal’s moves towards New Delhi and Peking, since King Birendra ascended the throne in January 1972, can thus be described as cautious. Close friendship with the two neighbours is the focal point of the kingdom’s foreign policy. Nepal intends to maintain an even-handed relationship with both. King Birendra’s visit to New Delhi in December 1973 was followed
2 citations
•
TL;DR: A number of attempts have been made to show that Maoism and Gandhism converge on some fundamentals of social transformation as discussed by the authors. But this will be true of any two great social emanicipators placed in more or less similar circumstances.
Abstract: A NUMBER of attempts have been made to show that Maoism and Gandhism converge on some fundamentals of social transformation. In a partial and contextual analysis of these philosophies, some degree of convergence may be found. But this will be true of the philosophies of any two great social emanicipators placed in more or less similar circumstances. It is in their respective total approaches that one finds a great divergence between Gandhism and Maoism. Neither Mao nor Gandhi would accept that their respective overall approaches and philosophies could be described as Maoism and Gandhism. But a similar denial came from Marx. The reason why the term Marxism came to be accepted is that its advocates claimed a degree of finality for Marx’s ideas. Despite Mao’s considerable variations on the same theme, Maoists too claim a certain finality, though much less than Leninists do, about Mao’s ideas. There is, on the other hand, hardly any finality about Gandhi’s ideas, though there
1 citations
••
TL;DR: Two Indian historians who visited the People's Republic of China (PRC) in Mat'ch-April )97~/ The authors are modest enough to say that their views are tentative and subject to modification as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: two Indian historians who visited the People’s Republic of China (PRC) in Mat’ch-April )97~/ The authors are modest enough to say that their views are tentative and subject to modification. There are, indeed, a number of issues that call for critical comment and amplsfication. It is simply not enough to interpret things as they have happened in the PRC merely from the viewpoint of history. It takes more than a historian to put communist China an proper perspective. For, its history is intricately bound up with political economy and Marxism. Despite the fact that the Republic of India and the PRC were born with a gap of four months between them, they have nothing in common institutionally and in social practices. To start with the proposition that ’China is the only country which is engaged in the kind of experiment as India is engaged in’ is not only misleading but historically inaccurate. The Republic of India is not known to have engaged herself in ’socialist reconstruction’ and experimenting with educational reforms as the PRC has done. Nor
1 citations
••
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors investigate whether the congruity of historical patterns derives from shared attitudes towards political power or whether they are in the main fortuitous, and seek an answer to this question through an analysis of the theoretical litera-
Abstract: expense of her sister states. Further, one also witnesses in both instances the growth of a literature of real-politik which justifies and provides a methodology for the attainment of centralizing policies: the Arthasastra genre in India and the work of the Legalist school in China. It is the endeavour of this piece to determine whether this congruity of historical patterns derives from shared attitudes towards political power or whether they are in the main fortuitous. In order to pierce the veil constituted by seeming political affinities, it is necessary to seek an answer to this question through an analysis of the theoretical litera-
••
TL;DR: Burma's non-aligned foreign policy and the course of its relations with the rest of the world was shaped by the smallness of the Burmese territory, the low level of its economic development combined with the gigantic task of post-war reconstruction as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: interests as guided by her politico-economic compulsions, and her own perception of the global strategy of the super powers has shaped Burma’s non-aligned foreign policy and the course of her relations with the rest of the world. The smallness of the Burmese territory, the low level of its economic development combined with the gigantic task of post-war reconstruction, the Soviet denunciation of Burma’s newly gained independence as ’sham’
••
TL;DR: In this paper, the training of a successor generation in revolution by allowing in fact encouraging the youth to make revolution from below is discussed, and Mao also wants to create new values and a new superstructure in China.
Abstract: term goals included the training of a successor generation in revolution by allowing in fact encouraging the youth to make revolution from below. Mao also wanted to create new values and a new superstructure in China. This was the time when a certain section within the party was keen on opting out for a more pragmatist approach to economic development, instead of maintaining the revolutionary fervour which Mao sought. Mao dreaded this pragmatism as he realized that this would
••
TL;DR: In the traditional educational systcm of Tibet, the curriculum was mostly limited to reading, writing and some arithmetic as mentioned in this paper and the textbooks contained mostly religious knowledge, the lives of saints and so forth.
Abstract: IN THE traditional educational systcm of Tibet the curriculum was mostly limited to reading, writing and some arithmetic. The text-books contained mostly religious knowledge, the lives of saints and so forth. Religious subjects formed the bulk of the syllabus even for the lay members of the society. Charles Bell, who knew Tibet intimately, wrote that the ability to read and write was fairly widespread. Richardson also confirms this.I However, most monks could only read and write and could not acquire further knowledge. In the monasteries vast courses on Buddhist scriptures were included in the syllabus. The monks had to memorize the scriptures for years to reach the highest level and to obtain the highest degrees. The method of examination was recitation from prescribed books and public disputations in which the candidate had to argue with his learned teachers.’ Thus the students were required not to write out their answers on paper but to memorize and recite. This only encouraged scholars to translate religious scriptures rather than to do any original thinking of their own and to set it down on paper. Some scholars have written elaborate treatises on Buddhism, but due to the nature of the curriculum Tibetan literature in general has not developed much through novels or poetry or history. Though scientific literature grew in other parts of the world, it could not find its way to Tibet, or into the Tibetan educational system. But the teaching of Buddhist philosophy did not remain confined to the literate or to the monks. The ’Buddhist way of life’ pervaded the whole society. Kindness to animals, reverence of -religious leaders and belief in kariiici were accepted by all segments of society. The absence of modern mass media, the inadequate schooling, and the resulting serious problem of communication did not prevent the flow of these ideas to the people. Before 1951 some children of the richer families received modern or secular education in the schools of Darjeeling, Kalimpong and Kurseong in India. The secular school opened
••
TL;DR: In spite of the apparent satisfaction of the British Plenipotentiary at the conclusion of the Simla Convention of 1914, no clearly defined and permanent relations were established between China, India and Tibet as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: IN SPITE of the apparent satisfaction of the British Plenipotentiary at the conclusion of the Simla Convention of 1914, no clearly defined and permanent relations were established between China, India and Tibet.I And in consequence of the Chinese government’s refusal to ratify it, the struggle for power between China and Tibet continued near the eastern frontier of Tibet, and the armies of the latter began to recover territory which had been seized by China. The difficult problem of adjusting the conflicting interests of Tibet, China and British India could not be solved. The Tibetans wanted nothing less than complete independence. The Chinese desired the restoration of their sovereignty over Tibet on the basis of its conquest by the Mongol Chieftain, Chengez Khan. The British Plenipotentiary, Henry McMahon, in order to bring about a compromise and to narrow the void between the irreconciliable claims of Tibetans and Chinese, advocated the concepts of autonomy and suzerainty’ in place of independence and sovereignty. The British were anxious to
••
TL;DR: To the best of our knowledge, only as mentioned in this paper considered the ideological differences between Mao and Khrushchev, arguing that the differences between the European and Asian cultures of the Soviet and Chinese leaders respectively, and the conflict of "national interests" of the two countries.
Abstract: to (1) the ’middle kingdom’ complex allegedly inherited by the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) leaders from China’s feudal past, (2) the alleged personality conflict between Mao and Khrushchev, (3) the differences between the European and Asian cultures of the Soviet and Chinese leaders respectively, and (4) the conflict of ’national interests’ of the two countries. They have tended to minimize the importance of, and have sometimes totally dismissed as irrelevant, the ideological differences between the two parties. And the number of political scientists who consider ideology
••
TL;DR: The anti-Lin anti-Confucius campaign of Mao Tse-tung, Chang Ch'un-ch'iao, Yao Wen-yuan and Wang Hung-wen as discussed by the authors was a classic example of such campaigns, which was launched at the initiative of a small group at the very top in the Party, usually in the Politburo, and then transmitted to lower levels for implementation.
Abstract: (p’i-lin p’i-k’ung) campaign was one example of this. Often such campaigns are launched at the initiative of a small group at the very top in the Party, usually in the Politburo, and are then transmitted to lower levels for implementation. The anti-Lin anti-Confucius campaign also followed this course. It was launched by Chiang Ch’ing (Mrs. Mao Tse-tung), Chang Ch’un-ch’iao, Yao Wen-yuan and Wang Hung-wen-the group now known as the
••
TL;DR: The F-9 was reported to carry rapid-fire 30-mm machine guns, bombs, including tactical nuclear ones, rockets and air-to-ground missiles, and could operate at altitudes above 50,000 feet.
Abstract: in important respects. It flew at more than twice the speed of sound (over Mach 2) roughly 1,400 miles per hour with a combat radius of 300 to 500 miles, and could operate at altitudes above 50,000 feet. It was reported to be equipped to carry rapid-fire 30-mm machine guns, bombs (including tactical nuclear ones), rockets and air-to-ground missiles. In short, ’the F-9 is an impressive aircraft, particularly for a country just developing its own design and production capability’, The New York Times report said, adding that ’one can now look for slow but steady improvements’. The State Aircraft factory in Shenyang, China’s premier aircraft production centre, was then reported to be