Showing papers in "China Report in 1989"

The Asia-Pacific Area and the 'New International Political Order': The View from Beijing:

Abstract: Many of what the Chinese like to refer to as global and regional ’hotspots’, redian, have become less and less ’hot’ and so much qualitative change has taken place in world politics over the last few years that perhaps the time has come to review long-standing strategic conceptions of the Asia-Pacific area in relation to the changing pattern of economic competition within the world order and the durability and continuing viability of post-war East-West alignments. As suggested in the following survey of Chinese official statements and academic research of the midto late 1980s, important new elements are emerging from within the changing ideological format of foreign policy. The review of basic structural change in international relations of the AsiaPacific area is already under way in Beijing, and it is likely to become increasingly important, particularly in light of recent Sino-Soviet normalisation. The SinoSoviet Joint Communique of 18 May 1989 stressed the predication of normalisation on the five principles of peaceful coexistence. Regardless of Soviet sensitivities concerning the late 1970s, early 1980s Chinese usage of ’hegemonism’, both sides agreed that ..-. neither would seek hegemony of any form in the Asia-Pacific region ....’ -The two sides also focused on the recent Chinese

Scope for Sino-Indian Agreement on Science and Technology

Abstract: 1. Exchange of scientists, research workers and scholars. 2. Exchange of information. 3. Organisation of joint seminars, symposia and workshops. 4. Joint identification of scientific and technical problems, formulation of joint research programmes in the field of agriculture, industry and science and technology. 5. Strengthen cooperation between organisations, enterprises and institutions concerned with science and technology through contracts or protocols. It would help in exchange of patents, joint utilisation of patents based on research results carried in institutions. 6. Facilitate delivery of equipment and apparatus for ~ joint research in accordance with the agreement. 7. Formation of Sino-Indian joint committees for science and technology cooperation which would meet every two years.

Indian Studies in Modern China (1900-1989)

Abstract: The peoples of India and China established good relations as far back as the 2nd year sc when Buddhism spread to China through the efforts of eminent Indian monks. People-to-people exchanges and contacts between India and China have been maintained through the ages, particularly in the periods of Sui (581-618) and T’ang, (618-907) Dynasties, when they reached a climax. In this process of the spread of Buddhism eminent Chinese monks and pilgrims, such as Fa Hien (ca. 337-ca. 422), Hsuan-Tsang (602-664) and I-Tsing (635-713) also contributed a great deal to South Asian studies in China. Hsuan-Tsang translated some seventy-three books from Sanskrit and left a vivid account of his travels in India. This is an Qld story which the people of the two countries know quite well. I will therefore confine myself to a general survey of Indian studies in modern China, from the beginning of the twentieth century to the present time, spanning a period of ninety years, which can be divided into two: the first from 1900 to 1949, and the second from 1949 to 1989.

The Press and India-China Relations

Abstract: The press has a better chance of influencing foreign policy in democratic countries than in others, including communist countries and military dictator.ships. It is said, with some degree of credibility, that the New York Times makes America’s foreign policy. In varying degrees the views and opinions of the media in general, and those of the press in particular, are respected by democratic governments in both developed and developing countries. Needless to say, Western governments take the views of the press more seriously than do Third World democracies in which the democratic culture is not as developed as it is in the former. In India the press may not be as powerful as is its counterpart in the US or even in Britain or France. But it is by no means powerless. On some occasions it has forced the government to be on the defensive, if not to bite the dust. It is true that the governments (central as well as state) have been trying to win over the press, but their efforts have hardly been a total success. Even if some newspapers have, at one time or other, extended support to the government on certain issues, the government has seldom been allowed to sit in the driver’s

China's Eclectic Theory of Taxation:

Abstract: During 1979-80, the shape of Deng Xiaopi_ng’s programme of far-reaching reforms was clearly revealed. The programme of four modernisations as expounded by Deng allowed that the intellectuals could be just as patriotic and socialist minded as the workers and peasants. The earlier slogan of ’readjust, consolidate, strengthen and improve’ (tiaozheng, gonggu, chongshi and tigao) was revised to ’readjust, reform, consolidate and improve’ (tiaozheng, gaige, gonggu and tigao), with the introduction of the all important notion of institutional innovation (‘Reform’).2 Then during the tax reform of the early 1980s