Showing papers in "China Report in 1994"
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors argue that China experienced drastic industrialisation without facing any radical regional disparities or divergence in the three pre-reform decades (1949-79), however, there is a debate or even a dispute as to whether the current reform practices of the last decade ( 1979-89) have led to a dramatic increase in regional disparities.
Abstract: It appears to be widely accepted that China experienced drastic industrialisation without facing any radical regional disparities or divergence in the three prereform decades (1949-79). However, there is a debate or even a dispute as to whether the current reform practices of the last decade ( 1979-89) have led to a dramatic increase in regional disparities.’ Indeed China has experienced radical policy and investment shifts during the past four decades (see Tables 1 and 2). However, the outcomes of these policies were not necessarily confined to these popular views.’ The resultant outcomes of the Chinese spatial develop-
8 citations
TL;DR: In this article, the authors argue that women's oppression lies in the denial to them of property and, thereby, access to the public sphere as independent actors, and the question of the private/public dichotomy has particular significance in Marxist politics.
Abstract: ment of the Chinese state, the ’woman question’ was debated within the materialist framework set out in Engers’ Family, Private Property and the State. The key feature-of this position is that the roots of women’s oppression lie in the denial to them of property and, thereby, access to the public sphere as independent actors. The question of the private/public dichotomy has particular significance in Marxist politics. The division between the two is regarded
6 citations
TL;DR: In this article, the authors used decentralisation as an instrument to put central policy into effect under local conditions "more swiftly and intelligently" and the provinces gained control over light industry and nonstrategic heavy industry as well as the allocation of labour, materials and financial resources.
Abstract: As early as 1957 the Chinese leadership used decentralisation as an instrument to put central policy into effect under local conditions ’more swiftly and intelligently’.’ The provinces gained control over light industry and nonstrategic heavy industry as well as the allocation of labour, materials and financial resources.~ Those enterprises remaining under central control of the ministries established dual central-local leadership. Control over profits of decentralised state enterprises remained with the central government. Thus decentralisation meant ’a division of labour with policy-making power residing with the centre but administrative power residing with the provinces and lower-level units’.’
5 citations
TL;DR: In this paper, India and China have agreed to strictly respect and observe the Line of Actual Control (LAC), and in case of any difference of views arising on the alignment of the LAC in some segments, the two sides will jointly check and determine the alignment.
Abstract: the border dispute can eventually be resolved in an atmosphere of mutual trust and greater political understanding. Under the agreement, the two sides have reiterated their commitment to resolve the boundary question through peaceful and friendly consultations. They have also undertaken not to use or threaten to use force against the other by any means. Pending resolution of the boundary question, India and China have agreed to ’strictly respect and observe the Line of Actual Control’. In case of any difference of views arising on the alignment of the LAC in some segments, the two sides will jointly check and determine the alignments. More important, the agreement expressly states that reference
4 citations
TL;DR: A quiet but discernible change is underway in China-Pakistan relations, which given its ramifications for the South Asian politico-strategic environment, needs to be carefully scrutinised as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: A quiet but discernible change is underway in China-Pakistan relations, which given its ramifications for the South Asian politico-strategic environment, needs to be carefully scrutinised. For nearly three decades, China enjoyed a special relationship with Pakistan. It is true that even at its peak SinoPakistani ties were limited in many ways and never flowered into a fullfledged politico-military alliance. Economic ties too were constrained by systemic differences, paucity of financial resources and backward techno-
4 citations
TL;DR: Nepalese society, economics and politics bear an unmistakable stamp of India as mentioned in this paper and it is only in the context of India that Nepal's search for identity, development and foreign policy can be understood.
Abstract: Nepalese society, economics and politics bear an unmistakable stamp of India. It is only in the context of India that Nepal’s search for identity, development and foreign policy can be understood. History, culture, aesthetics, metaphysics, values, religion, geography, economy, indeed, the whole structure and dynamics of the country are inextricably linked with India. This makes Nepal’s search for identity and independent foreign policy a very difficult process.
4 citations
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TL;DR: For instance, the authors argues that China has to take particular care in defining its relationship with smaller powers who belong to a sensitive zone and hence has to be careful in defining their relationship with each other.
Abstract: China professes never to be a ’super power’ and scoffs religiously at hegemonic propensities of other big powers. Of course, its diplomatic track record so far has much to lend credence to this posture and makes it relatively easy for it to inspire confidence of smaller powers in general. That does not, however, conceal China’s other ambitions and hence it has to take particular care in defining its relationship with smaller powers who belong to a sensitive zone. In
3 citations
TL;DR: The South Asian Association of Regional Co-operation (SAARC) has not yet emerged as a viable and viable organization as discussed by the authors, and the South Asian region is still a hot war region.
Abstract: region, but also to all major powers. While the confrontation between the East and the West has ended, the world has not yet become a peaceful place. It is a strange paradox, but true, that at the time the Cold War ended, a hot war began in West Asia. A number of ethnic and religious conflicts in Europe, which remained submerged in the super power rivalry, erupted into the open. As far as South Asia is concerned, all countries continue to be plagued with serious domestic and regional conflicts. What is more, the South Asian Association of Regional Co-operation (SAARC) has yet to emerge as a viable and
3 citations
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors focus on demographic concerns besides dealing with a cross-section of issues in China and analyze demographic changes of the elderly over time and space, and shed some light on the trend of population aging in China because a thorough understanding of the aging experience is essential for planning and policy making for an aging society.
Abstract: This study focuses on demographic concerns besides dealing with a cross-section of issues in China. Demographic changes of the elderly will be analysed over time and space. This paper sheds some light on the trend of population aging in China because a thorough understanding of the aging experience is essential for planning and policy making for an aging society....This study is based on data from the 1953 1964 1982 and 1990 national population censuses as well as the 1987 One-per-Hundred Population Sampling Survey Data. (EXCERPT)
3 citations
TL;DR: In this paper, a bare outline of China's historical past in terms of the evolution of its relationship with South Asia in general, and India in particular, has been drawn, and only some broad contours could be sketched out within the constraints of this paper.
Abstract: Equally, a projection of that role in the nineties would, of necessity, demand an intimate acquaintance with how the Chinese have been involved in their dealing with this part of the world in the past. Above all, how that relationship has evolved over the centuries, to the present day. Understandably, only some broad contours could be sketched out within the constraints of this paper. In the event, a bare outline of China’s historical past in terms of the evolution of its relationship with South Asia in general, and India in particular, has been drawn. Necessarily, more recent times loom larger than the hoary past on a future that is yet in the limbo.
TL;DR: For example, the authors pointed out that China's policy toward Burma, particularly since 1988 when the Rangoon ruling junta mercilessly suppressed a democracy movement in that country, has been directed toward securing two interrelated objectives: a strategic foothold in Burma flanking the Bay of Bengal and the Malacca Straits and having an access to the Indian Ocean; and furtherance of trade between Yunan, the backward region of China bordering Burma and the outside world using Burma's roads, railways and Indian Ocean ports.
Abstract: national interests as they perceive them. China’s policy toward Burma, particularly since 1988 when the Rangoon ruling junta mercilessly suppressed a democracy movement in that country, has been directed toward securing two interrelated objectives: a strategic foothold in Burma flanking the Bay of Bengal and the Malacca Straits and having an access to the Indian Ocean; and furtherance of trade between Yunan, the backward region of China bordering Burma and the outside world using Burma’s roads, railways and Indian Ocean ports. As for Burma, while it had always maintained scrupulously correct relations with its largest neighbour in the east, the present Burmese junta, having soiled its hands with the blood of its own people, saw in China a perfect partner and a potential ally especially when the leaders in Beijing suppressed a similar democratic movement and massacred its activists at the Tiananmen Square one year after the Burmese massacre. The governments of both Rangoon and Beijing had serious difficulties in re-establishing a rapport with the outside world following the massacre in their respective countries, so it was almost inevitable that the two internationally condemned neighbouring regimes would move closer to each other. For Burma the compulsions to move closer to China
TL;DR: For much of its history, China's sea defences have enjoyed little priority as discussed by the authors, and since 1949, Chinese military planners have developed strong land and sea-based forces, but their focus has been on the land-based threat from the north, from the highly mobile inhabitants of the territories of Inner Asia, fear of whom is so powerfully manifest in the Great Wall.
Abstract: long coastline. Given these aspects of its geography, it might be expected that China would have developed strong land and sea based defences. However, historically the preoccupation has been with the land based threat from the north, from the highly mobile inhabitants of the territories of Inner Asia, fear of whom is so powerfully manifest in the Great Wall. For much of its history, China’s sea defences have enjoyed little priority. However, since 1949, Chinese military planners have developed strong land and sea based forces. Historically, China was relatively isolated from other major powers and civilisations. It saw itself as the Middle Kingdom (Zhong Guo), central to the
TL;DR: While much public attention and scholarly research have been devoted to the social and economic consequences of agricultural reform measures in post-Mao China, the historical act of adopting such reform measures is still considered merely a matter of political decision.
Abstract: While much public attention and scholarly research have been devoted to the social and economic consequences of agricultural reform measures in post-Mao China, the historical act of adopting such reform measures is still considered merely a matter of political decision. The decisions at the Third Plenum of the Eleventh Central Committee of the CPC (Communist Party of China) in 1978 and the subsequent directives are popularly held responsible for the dramatic social, political as well as economic changes in the Chinese countryside summed
TL;DR: A perusal of nations which have experimented with balanced and unbalanced development and growth often points to good and poor results in both cases as discussed by the authors, however, on the whole it appears that nations embracing a system of balanced development andgrowth have fared better.
Abstract: some prefatory comments. Developmental economists have long differed as to the virtues of balanced development and growth versus unbalanced development and growth.’ A perusal of nations which have experimented with balanced and unbalanced development and growth often points to good and poor results in both cases. However, on the whole it appears that nations embracing a system of balanced development and growth have fared better.’ Whichever direction economic planners choose to take, there seems to be a consensus among economists that
TL;DR: Bhutan's geographic and historical isolation from the rest of the world gave the country a natural protection from the international fall-out of the Cold War as discussed by the authors, and this insulation was reinforced by Article 2 of the Indo Bhutan Treaty of 1949 and subsequently by the policies deliberately adopted by the Royal Government of Bhutan even though it gradually opened to India in the sixties and to selected other countries since the seventies.
Abstract: Bhutan’s geographic and historical isolation from the rest of the world gave the country a natural protection from the international fall-out of the Cold War. This insulation was reinforced by Article 2 of the Indo-Bhutan Treaty of 1949’ and subsequently by the policies deliberately adopted by the Royal Government of Bhutan even though it gradually opened to India in the sixties and to selected other countries since the seventies. For example, even when Bhutan became a member of the United Nations in 1971 with Indian sponsorship and unanimous support, it declined direct diplomatic relations (in the sense of exchanging resident Ambassadors) with ’big powers’ such as the five permanent members of the Security Council. Neither the United States nor the Soviet Union provided economic assistance to Bhutan (except very indirectly through the United Nations Development Fund) or vied for its vote; nor was there a Bhutanese equivalent of Kalimpong, much less Peshawar.~ Therefore, the end of the Cold War and the subsequent collapse of the Soviet Union do not have
TL;DR: The possibility of a Sino-Indian economic relationship is discounted by several experts because of their belief in the proposition that the expansion of China's external trade conflicts with the trading patterns of other Third World countries and is taking place at their cost as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: One of the reasons that the possibility of a Sino-Indian economic relationship is discounted by several experts is because of their belief in the proposition that the expansion of China’s external trade conflicts with the trading patterns of other Third World countries and is taking place at their cost. Especially in the case of India and China, some of the conventional studies, as for example, by A Yeats, have posited strong conflicts on the export front. Yeats concluded
TL;DR: The disintegration of the Soviet Union and the end of the Cold War has transformed the international system from its bipolar structure, thus separating regional conflicts from super power rivalry and ideologies.
Abstract: process of being transformed. The disintegration of the Soviet Union and the end of the Cold War has transformed the international system from its bipolar structure, thus separating regional conflicts from super power rivalry and ideologies. Although in terms of military preponderance, one super power remains, the contours of the emerging world order seem to be developing towards a kind of multipolarity, in which power has become multidimensional
TL;DR: The recent economic reforms have drastically altered the character of enterprise management in the People's Republic of China (PRC) as discussed by the authors, which can be divided into four main phases: New Leap Forward, New Year's Leap Forward (New Leap Forward), New Harvest, New Harvest and New Harvest.
Abstract: The recent economic reforms have drastically altered the character of enterprise management in the People’s Republic of China (PRC). For purposes of analysing the changes, economic development of post-Mao China can be divided into four main phases.’ The first one, the ’New Leap Forward’, which lasted from late 1976 to late 1978, was an unsuccessful attempt to achieve rapid economic growth without major institutional changes. In the industry sector this was to be through the importation of advanced foreign technology financed by oil exports; while in agriculture, mechanisation was the key. Shifts in official policies occurred in December 1978 with the Third Plenum of the Eleventh Central Committee of the Communist Party of China (CPC). The Chinese government was aware that unless major national economic changes were introduced, the economy could not grow successfully. The Party Congress agreed to initiate major reforms in economic policies and introduced substantive changes in both economic and enterprise management systems. Economic policies soon progressed towards the second phase: ’readjustment, reform, consolidation and improvement’, lasting from late 1978 to early 1980. Readjustment implied shifting priorities from industry to agriculture, from heavy industry to light industry, and by focusing attention on sectors in which
TL;DR: The authors presented a comparative analysis of the situation of population growth in both the countries and the effectiveness of their policies in this respect, and showed that although they have different social systems and have adopted different policies and measures in controlling population growth both have achieved appreciable results which have attracted world attention.
Abstract: China and India are two countries with not only long histories of civilisation but also the largest populations in Asia and the world....Although they have different social systems and have adopted different policies and measures in controlling population growth both have achieved appreciable results which have attracted world attention. This paper is intended to present a comparative analysis of the situation of population growth in both the countries and the effectiveness of their policies in this respect. (EXCERPT)