scispace - formally typeset
Search or ask a question

Showing papers in "China Report in 1995"


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The most serious time-series analysis of China's regional inequality may be found in the works of Lyons' and Zhao as discussed by the authors, where they analyzed the distributional aspect of China’s regional development.
Abstract: There are many writings on the distributional aspect of China’s regional development, 3uch as regional inequality and imbalance of China’s economic development.’ The most serious time-series analysis of China’s regional inequality may be found in the works of Lyons’ and Zhao.’ However, a serious time-series analysis of China’s regional strategy and policy can hardly be seen, although everybody seems to be doing some work on it, particularly Yang Dali,4 Falkenheim,5

12 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: For well over a decade Sino-Israeli military cooperation has drawn constant media attention as mentioned in this paper, while most of the reports and assessments are questionable and motivated, their frequency raises strong interest in a number of quarters, some countries that have been following the controversy do so because of ideological considerations; others are concerned because of their potential economic losses or gains.
Abstract: For well over a decade Sino-Israeli military cooperation has drawn constant media attention. While most of the reports and assessments are questionable and motivated, their frequency raises strong interest in a number of quarters. Some countries that have been following the controversy do so because of ideological considerations; others are concerned because of their potential economic losses or gains. For the countries that are on the periphery of China

9 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: This article examined the Indian literary and archaeological data starting from around the fifth century and concluded that the Southern Silk Route existed even before the Central Asian Silk Route became popular and the introduction of Buddhism to China.
Abstract: The northeastern trade route from India to China, known in China as the ’Southern Silk Route’ (Nanfang Sichou Zhilu) existed even before the Central Asian Silk Route became popular and the introduction of Buddhism to China. Different, diametrically opposite, views have been propounded regarding the historicity of this trade route. However, scholars are generally agreed about the prevalence of such a link between these two countries. This paper examines the Indian literary and archaeological data starting from around the fifth century ac

8 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: For example, the authors suggests that Demoluo, who transmitted the method of predicting solar eclipses to China, might had been an astronomer from the Kumāra school, who assisted Li Shun-feng in the preparation of the Lin-te calendar of +665 and later kinsmen (Chia-yeh Chih-Chung [QTW 276: 1240a] around +708 and Chiayeh Chi eighty years later) seem to have combined astrology with military service.
Abstract: 1 Bunyiu Nanjio (1893), Appendix II, No. 155; Song gaoseng zhuan (Memoirs of the Eminent Monks during the Song Dynasty, [ZH]) 1: 6-11. Yang Jingfeng, the commentator of the Xiuyao jing, held the post of Summer Officer (Xiaguan zheng ) during the reign of Emperor Dezong (780-804). See Xin Tang shu (ZH), 29: 716. 2 Xiuyao jing, p. 350a. Jiaye Xiawei, from the Kāśyapa school, ’assisted Li Shun-feng in the preparation of the Lin-te calendar of +665, and later kinsmen (Chia-yeh Chih-Chung [QTW 276: 1240a] around +708 and Chia-yeh Chi eighty years later) seem to have combined astrology with military service’. Joseph Needham, Science and Civilization in China (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1959), Vol. 3, p. 202. Demoluo, who according to the XTS, transmitted the method of predicting solar eclipses to China, might had been an astronomer from the Kumāra school. Yabuuti Kiyosi suggests that the graph might be a mistake for See Yabuuti

7 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The counter-revolution in the USSR and its rapid economic and social collapse since 1990 under the regime of market reforms, lends a special interest to the sharply contrasting scenario in the world's largest remaining socialist state as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: about two decades (by the year 2015), overtaking both Japan and the USA. The counter-revolution in the USSR and its rapid economic and social collapse since 1990 under the regime of ’market reforms’, lends a special interest to the sharply contrasting scenario in the world’s largest remaining socialist state. The question inevitably arises: what were the characteristics of that growth strategy which permitted rapid development during the three decades 1949-79; and what is the relation of that strategy to the apparently very different policies of what the Chinese planners themselves call ’socialist market economy’, which

4 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: This paper argued that the problematics of the modern state iii China and of modern society in India have to be understood not in terms of the unfolding of their traditions but in the making of their modernities.
Abstract: present debate in terms of certain varying modes of governance and the attendant range of available social space. The second part uses this revised framework and recapitulates the historical experience of China and India both in its original setting and after the western impact. It is argued in this part that the problematics of the modern state iii China and of modern society in India have to be understood not in terms of the unfolding of their traditions but in the making of their modernities. The third part enlarges the focus of this debate and explores alternative possibilities under which China and India, having possibly exhausted potentialities under their current modernisation projects, may return to roots and begin to rethink in terms of paradigmatic restructuring of their modes of managing

3 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The subject of discussion in China today is, who will take up Deng Xiaoping's mantle after he goes to meet Marx, as he has often put it as discussed by the authors, with faltering health, Deng is at the fag end of his life.
Abstract: The subject of discussion in China today is, who will take up Deng Xiaoping’s mantle after he goes to ’meet Marx’, as he has often put it. With faltering health, Deng is at the fag end of his life. As Deng Rong, his daughter, recently said in an interview with the New York Times, ’People have to understand that at this point, he’s 90 years old, an old man. And someday there will be a day when he passes away.’’ Some Chinese have seen omens indicating the end of Deng, whose authority has held sway in China for the last fifteen years. To them, the earthquake in Japan, a much smaller tremor in Guangxi Province are possible signs for Deng’s end. It may be recalled that Chairman Mao Zedong died in 1976, just weeks after a quake in Tangshan. Like 1976, the new year of the Pig will be a leap year, traditionally considered to be a period of instability. At Deng’s impending death, leaders in waiting seem to be preoccupied with how to assume supreme power, so much so that it is having a telling effect on the day-to-day policy making process. Even the all-powerful Communist Party of China (CPC) fears that the passing away of Deng may lead to a Tiananmenstyle popular movement, sweeping the country as none of the present leaders in waiting has the stature of Deng. In 1994, the CPC announced two drives: (a) to overhaul 64,000 ’lax and paralysed’ local party organisations in three years, and (b) to nurture ’a contingent of young elite’ capable of guiding the communists into the next millenium.

3 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: A cult, the successors continue to affirm their adherence to the founder’s principles: This is how Lenin was treated by the later Soviet leaders and many communists in different parts of the world.
Abstract: a cult, the successors continue to affirm their adherence to the founder’s principles: This is how Lenin was treated by the later Soviet leaders and many communists in different parts of the world. A third mode is to sharply break with the earlier leader and after denouncing the predecessor announce a new line. Khrushchev’s denunciation of Stalin falls in this category. Deng Xiaoping’s assessment of Mao Zedong did not adopt any of the three approaches. He followed what can be called the method of discriminating evaluation-a method that Mao applied to analyse Stalin’s role and his ideas. This method identifies the criteria of judgement, particularly the vantage point of the observer and after having a total view of a leader, proceeds to find the positive and negative aspects of the leader’s role and ideas. The total view presents the summary perspective as to whether the leader ought to be on the whole admired or condemned. Accordingly, the positive aspects would be primary or secondary. This is how Mao assessed Stalin to be ’70 per cent right and 30 per wrong.’’ Similarly Deng Xiaoping has stated that Mao’s ’contributions were primary and his mistakes were secondary.’2 In some cases the

3 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Mao as discussed by the authors argued that the ideas and perceptions, the methods of analysis, the identification of objectives and the strategies for their realisation that ddminated the making and implementation of "foreign policy" (or what the Chinese call "diplomatic work" were those of Mao.
Abstract: national interests in ’foreign policy’ were no less amenable to ideas and value change than were those in the arena of ’domestic policy’. It is the burden of this exploration that the ideas and perceptions, the methods of analysis, the identification of objectives and the strategies for their realisation that ddminated the making and implementation of ’foreign policy’ (or, what the Chinese call ’diplomatic work’) were those of Mao. They were derived, as will be discussed later, from the understanding that Mao came to acquire of the objective world of China and of its domestic and external oppression. This understanding provided Mao with the answers he had been seeking to the three linked questions of what was meant by making revolution, who would make revolution, and how it was to be made. From the answers relating to making revolution in China, Mao drew large generalisations about the what, who and how of making revolution worldwide. Even more, the possibilities as well as the fate of the Chinese revolution were, for. Mao, linked inseparably with those of the revolutionary forces in the world as the national part of the global whole. In Mao’s holistic approach, the revolutionary prospects of the global whole exercised hegemony which, in varied and critical ways, determined the prospects for revolution with.in China and all other countries. Consequently, no other leader in the post-war world viewed the interaction between states, the analysis of the global balance of power, or the education of the masses and the training of diplomatic cadres with the same seriousness as did Mao. The corpus of Mao’s writings is interspersed with periodic analyses of the ’present situation’ that Mao undertook in order to identify the state of the world revolution, and the tasks and goals of the CPC in both its domestic and diplomatic work. A constant purpose of such analysis was to assess the align-

2 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors present a general picture of the development of township and village enterprises in China, and the contribution of the TVEs to the Chinese economy and their impact on Chinese rural society.
Abstract: The incredible development of township and village enterprises (TVES) is one of the major economic achievements of China since it introduced the policies of economic reform and opening up to the outside world. The successful performance of the TVEs, particularly in terms of their phenomenal rates of growth and significant exporting activities have become outstanding features of the Chinese industrial and rui al reforms. Accordingly, the study of the development of TVEs in China would not only provide some useful lessons and experience for the promotion of exporting activities of small and medium-sized enterprises in other developing countries, but also would enable the outside world to get a better understanding of the effects of China’s rural reforms. This study presents a general picture of the development of TVEs in China. Within this framework, first, the emergence of the TVEs will be discussed, covering the historical background and basic features of the TVEs. Second, the focus will be on the continuing development of the TVEs since the mideighties, illustrated by the dynamic growth of the TVEs, their structural evolution, their active exporting activities and overseas expansion. Third, the contribution of the TVEs to the Chinese economy, and the impact of the development of the TVEs on Chinese rural society will be discussed. Finally, an attempt will be made to draw some tentative conclusions, and reflect on the

2 citations



Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In the early stages of modernisation of Japan, the role of education in the economic development of the country has been extensively discussed as mentioned in this paper, with the focus on the early stage of modernization.
Abstract: Conventional literature on the economic development of Japan places a premium on the role of education in the modernisation of Japan. Education is credited with a number of positive contributions that facilitated economic development in the early stages. Thus it is held that the role of education was ’tremendously important’ in spreading knowledge of the west and the new sciences and also in technical skills acquisition.’ It is further held that by the time of the Meiji Restoration, ’Japanese society had already reached a high degree of maturity in the crucial area(s) of ... education’.’ For the limited purposes of this paper, literacy rates would be treated as the quantifiable representative manifestation of the spread of education. In addition, school enrolment and dropout ratios would be used to get an idea of the extent to which education was prevalent. What are the possible ways in which education can contribute in the early stages of modernisation of a country? While one can list a number of ways, there are at least three important ways in which education has the potential to contribute to the economic development of a country which is at the initial stages of modern economic development. First, the larger the spread of education, the easier it would be to facilitate the introduction, diffusion and absorption of new technologies, borrowed from other advanced countries, in various fields. Second, an educated and literate population is easily trained not only in new industrial technology but also in other areas that are crucial for the modernisation of a country that is at a low


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In the early years of the reform and open-door policy implemented by the Communist Party of China (CPC), the non-public sector did not figure in Chinese official statistics, and the public sector monopolized industry as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: period, the non-public sector did not figure in Chinese official statistics, and the public sector monopolised industry. Since the reform and open door policy implemented by the Communist Party of China (CPC), the non-public sector in industry has emerged once again. Until recently, the output share of the nonpublic sector has been growing rapidly, though its contribution to gross industrial output continued to be insignificant. At the same time, the output share of the public sector has been declining gradually. An opposite trend was seen in the development of various ownership sectors in the early years of Communist China with respect to the era of reform (Figure 1). What would be the changes in the roles of various ownership sectors in industry in the

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors analyzed the policy of a communist country with t. e non-communist grouping called ASEAN since its inception in 1967 to the period ending 1974.
Abstract: striving to attain independence and those that had already become independent were made to align with either of the blocs. It was under these circumstances that the People’s Republic of China (PRC) was proclaimed on 1 October 1949. It was also during this period when the Cold War was at its height, that the countries of insular Southeast Asia’ began to assert themselves as independent actors in the world arena one by one. As the countries became independent their foreign policies were based primarily on the legacy of their colonial rule and hence most of them openly aligned themselves either with the capitalist bloc or with the communist bloc. As far as the PRC was concerned it leaned towards the Soviet camp. The PRC’s identification with the communist world had profound implications on its relations with other countries, particularly Southeast Asia. Not surprisingly, most of the Southeast Asian countries adopted capitalism as a model of development and hence sided with the west in their foreign policy postures. This paper analyses the policy of a communist country with t. e non-communist grouping called ASEAN since its inception in 1967 to the period ending 1974. A study of this period is significant in view of the close relations China has developed with ASEAN in the nineties for this provides clues to an understanding of the threads of continuity in China’s interaction with these countries.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The authors examines China's economy in the recent past and concludes that since the mid-1960s, the main source of China's phenomenal growth has been the industrial sector which today employs more than 2 billion workers and contributes about 60 per cent to the national income.
Abstract: The spectacular reform and growth of China’s economy is one of the major events of this century. The initial impetus for this transformation came from China’s successful rural reforms, which led to immediate gains in agricultural growth and productivity during the early eighties. However, since the midsixties the main source of China’s phenomenal growth has been the industrial sector which today employs more than 2 billion workers and contributes about 60 per cent to the national income. This paper examines China’s economy in the recent past.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The military thought of Deng Xiaoping emerged recently, Mao Zedong remained the only comprehensive writer on military doctrine and related aspects in China as mentioned in this paper, and neither Sun Yat-sen nor General Chiang Kai-shek had much to say on such matters.
Abstract: Until the military thought of Deng Xiaoping emerged recently, Mao Zedong remained the only comprehensive writer on military doctrine and related aspects in China. Neither Sun Yat-sen nor General Chiang Kai-shek had much to say on such matters. Even Mao’s military colleagues like Zhu De’ and Peng Dehuai2 wrote largely about the tacticai aspects of warfare and Lin Biao in his published writings, echoed Mao’s military thinking to the last detail; his only contribution was to make Mao’s thinking as the guiding star for all revolutionaries in the Third World.’ (In his private writings, however, Lin was supposed

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In the past two decades, many scholars have studied China's population problem and its populatibn control policy which seem unique to the world as discussed by the authors, and although traditional thinking on population has had an implicit and fundamental influence on the present population policy, the study of this rich tradition has been inadequate.
Abstract: In the past two decades, many scholars have studied China’s population problem and its populatibn control policy which seem unique to the world. Although traditional thinking on population has had an implicit and fundamental influence on the present population policy, the study of this rich tradition has been inadequate. The development of traditional thinking about the population problem in China can be divided into three periods. The first period was before 221 sc (before the Han Dynasty); the second was between 221 Bc and AD 1644

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In the process of normalisation of Sino-Indian relations, which earnestly began with a new dynamics since the late Rajiv Gandhi's trip to that country in December 1988 as mentioned in this paper, a fresh era of cooperation has begun between the two nations on several bilateral and multilateral issues.
Abstract: was a milestone in the process of normalisation of Sino-Indian relations, which earnestly began with a new dynamics since the late Rajiv Gandhi’s trip to that country in December 1988. Following Rao’s visit, a fresh era of cooperation has begun between the two nations on several bilateral and multilateral issues. The Sino-Indian border war of 1962’ brought forth unrestrained tension and hostility that permeated the relations between the two countries during the sixties. India-China relations remained virtually frozen until 1976, when India’s External Affairs Minister, Y B Chavan, announced in the Lok Sabha on 15

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Mao Zedong as discussed by the authors proposed the idea of a People's Democratic Dictatorship (PDD) in 1949, and participated in its adoption in 1949 as the basic framework for Chinese polity, economy and society incorporated in the common programme by the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference (CPPCC) convened by the CPC to act as the ’supreme organ of the state structure in the PRC and consisting of delegates from more than twenty organisations and groups to serve as a united front.
Abstract: Mao Zedong’s mentor, Karl Marx, whom he sometimes claimed to have transcended, and was thought by some admirers and critics alike to have transcended, argued in a reference to Martin Luther’s social theory that theory becomes a material force once it has gripped the masses (that is, have become popular convictions).’ He also sometimes referred to the unintended results, which are independent of human will and wishes, of such materialisation of ideas.’ Another Marxist, Antonio Gramsci, who resisted Italian fascism both from outside and from inside the prison of the fascist dictatorship, also wrote in his Prison Notebooks of the rock-like solidification of ideas which have become popular convictions and become a kind of common sense (putting the accent less on the force and more on the inertia of such convictions).3 Mao Zedong (a) proposed (as far as is known as an idea originating with him among Chinese communists) the idea of a People’s Democratic Dictatorship (PDD); (b) had it written out in a fairly full though incomplete (because it was amendable and extensible through interpretations, regulations, enactments, etc.) form of articles of draft programmes, constitutions (in 1949, 1954) under his overall supervision as the Chairman of the Communist Party of China (CPC) and of the People’s Republic of China (PRC); (c) participated in its adoption in 1949 as the basic framework for Chinese polity, economy and society incorporated in the common programme by the Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference (CPPCC) convened by the CPC to act as the ’supreme organ of the state structure’ in the PRC and consisting of delegates from more than twenty organisations and groups to serve as a united front