Showing papers in "China Report in 1999"
TL;DR: In this article, a bibliographic survey of Indian publications on China and Japan presents a fairly representative list of relevant references assembled for the years 1997-98, including books on subjects directly related to China and/or Japan.
Abstract: This bibliographic survey of Indian publications on China and Japan presents a fairly representative list of relevant references assembled for the years 1997-98. As a part of the ongoing documentation project on China and Japan, the compilation work has scanned about 16,000 Indian works published during the period. The publications detailed herein, as before, cover books on subjects directly related to China and/or Japan, and relevant chapters/sections spotted in books not directly related to China/Japan. However, according to the scheme devised for this bibliographic compilation, reprints and revised editions released during the period are excluded from the purview of the survey.
21 citations
TL;DR: The Ghadar movement was founded by Har Dayal (1884-1939) in the United States of America in 1913, with the aim of bringing about a revolution in India and throwing out the British rule.
Abstract: The Ghadar Party (the word Ghadar is variously spelt as Gadar, Ghadr and Gadhar, meaning revolt or rebellion) was founded by Har Dayal ( 1884-1939) in the United States of America in 1913, with the aim of bringing about a revolution in India and throwing out the British rule. Though the Ghadar movement included Hindus, Sikhs and Muslims, it was largely confined to the Sikrs. The movement found its social base in several thousands of Indian immigrants working as labourers, security guards and those serving the British armed forces abroad. In order to disseminate their revolutionary inspirations for the independence of India, the revolutionaries published a paper called Chadar and pamphlets like Chadar-di-Gunj (Echo of Gadar), Ailan-e-Jung (Declaration of War), Naya Zamana (New Era) and Baluncesheet of’ Briti.sh Rule. According to the intelligence report of Isemonger, by the end of the summer of 1913 Har Dayal had collected sufficient money to establish a press at San Francisco for the publication of the newspaper Chadar, and its first number in Urdu appeared on I November 1913. In December an edition was brought out in Gurumukhi (the Punjabi language script) and later in May 1914 a third edition was published in Gujarati. It is stated that 2,500 copies were printed weekly in Gurumukhi and 5,500 copies in Urdu. It was announced in the first number that, ’The object of the paper was to bring about a rising in India within a few years because the people can no longer bear the oppression and tyranny practised under English rule.’’ Ghadar-di-Cunj first came out in 1914 and a total of 10,000 copies were printed in Gurumukhi. The pamphlet Ailan-e-Jung described India as downtrodden and trampled on by foreigners. Yet another pamphlet, Naya Zamana, criticised the Indian National Congress as an ’official assembly’ of the British and said that almost every year an Englishman is appointed its president. It declared the members of Congress as ’flatterers and timid men,.2 With the objective of
4 citations
TL;DR: A policeman with a red turban and a gun was shown to the child as discussed by the authors, and the child was too frightened to look even at a beard like that of an arhat.
Abstract: man frightened the child. He hid his face in terror. ’There’s nothing to be afraid of,’ Mr Pan told the child. ’He is just an Indiar, policeman. Look at his red turban. Because back home we.don’t have policemen like him, we have to come here. With his gun he will protect us. Look at his beard, it’s amusing. It looks like that of the arhats in the temples.’ The child was too frightened to look even at a beard like that of an arhat.’
3 citations
TL;DR: The relations between China and Nepal are age old as discussed by the authors and have been maintained for more than a thousand years by China's former Premier Zhou Enlai, who also observed that due to the evils of colonialism, the normal relations between our two peoples had been disrupted and obstructed.
Abstract: Relations between China and Nepal are age old. China’s former Premier Zhou Enlai stated in 1956 that Nepal is a neighbouring country ’which has had friendly relations with China for over a thousand years’. He also observed, ’in the past hundred years and more, owing to the evils of colonialism, the normal relations between our two peoples had been disrupted and obstructed’. I Historians trace back cultural and religious contacts between the two countries to the early fifth century’ and the origin of some form of diplomatic contacts between China and Nepal to 644 AD, that is, during the time of the Tang Dynasty in China and the Licchavi period in Nepal. Formal diplomatic contacts were obstructed for hundreds of years from the seventh century until the latter half of the fourteenth century. From the fourteenth century until 1911, Sino-Nepal relations remained active, at times culminating in war as in the latter half of the eighteenth century. Relations became dormant following the overthrow of the Manchu Dynasty and the establishment of the Republic of China in 1911 until they were restored in August 1955 as a result of China’s former Premier Zhou Enlai’s Bandung initiative of 1955 to establish normal relations with all the AfroAsian countries of the world on the basis of the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence (Panchasheel). China and Nepal signed an agreement to establish friendly relations and trade and commerce on 20 September 1956 which was ratified on 17 January 1958. The two countries agreed to have their relations guided by the fundamental
3 citations
TL;DR: The student movement since the mid-seventies started as a spontaneous expression of grief over the death of Premier Zhou Enlai whom the Chinese admired and adored.
Abstract: Revolution (GPCR) from 1966 to 1969, it cannot, for many reasons, be termed as a student movement. It was more the result of political mobilisation by Chairman Mao Zedong and his followers to strengthen their position vis-i-vis other moderate leaders. The student movement since the mid-seventies started as a spontaneous expression of grief over the death of Premier Zhou Enlai whom the Chinese admired and adored. Two million people from all sections of society, but mostly students gathered on 5 April 1976 at the Tiananmen Square-the nations symbolic political nerve centreto hold a massive demonstration, defying the ban of the ‘Gang of Four’. The students
2 citations
TL;DR: The launch of an economic reform drive in China in 1978 marked a new stage in China's economic development and the Chinese economy has witnessed major changes under the new development strategy and economic reform program.
Abstract: The launch of an economic reform drive in China in 1978 marked a new stage in China’s economic development. The Chinese economy has witnessed major changes under the new development strategy and economic reform programme. The new development strategy emphasised increase in living standards rather than industrialisation perse. It called for a pattern of development which involved a shift from heavy industry dominated, unbalanced growth to more balanced growth with considerable emphasis on agriculture and light industry; from extensive to intensive growth; and from self-sufficiency to opening up to the outside world. The reform process has been gradualist and experimental in several ways; by decentralising economic management; gradually introducing market mechanism; promoting the development of non-state sectors; and establishing macroeconomic management system based on indirect con-
2 citations
2 citations
TL;DR: Li et al. as discussed by the authors presented a case study of the effects of ordinary citizens at the grassroots level on the Chinese political system, focusing on an individual response to a particular rural policy (shangshan xiaxiang) referred to a massive youth migration programme imposed by the Chinese government under which millions of urban residents were mobilized to settle down in remote rural areas to work on state farms or military reclamation farms.
Abstract: The paper presents a case study of the effects of ordinary citizens at the grassroots level on the Chinese political system. It examines three areas: interactions among factionalism, informalism and authoritarianism and a mechanism by which the three features work together to produce a combined effect in Chinese politics; the connection between elite politics and local politics; and how the combination has had devastating effects on individual players who are not at the elite level. The focus is on an individual response to a particular rural policy (shangshan xiaxiang) referred to a massive youth migration programme imposed by the Chinese government under which millions of urban residents were mobilized to settle down in remote rural areas to work on state farms or military reclamation farms. This manipulation was achieved through ideological indoctrination, administrative coercion and material compensation. Serious problems arose and in 1973 a letter was written to Mao by Li QingLin, a schoolteacher in Putian county of Fujian Province, complaining about the loss of his sons to the migration programme. The central part of the paper relates 'the rise and fall of Li QingLin' following Mao's sympathetic response to the letter. A programme of rural reform was initiated in Putian county and Li was raised to the forefront of regional politics, where he attacked the privileged elite who escaped rural migration. Thereby he became involved in national politics and was ultimately imprisoned on the downfall of the Gang of Four. The final section of the paper analyses the broader political and economic lessons to be learnt from the Li incident. It concludes that informal, grassroots movements are a result of the lack of formal channels for the expression of political differences. Factional politics in Mao's China was inherently related to informalism, which was directly related to authoritarianism. There is at present some continuity in the particular trinity, which has considerable significance for contemporary rural policy.
2 citations
TL;DR: It was the colonial-imperial context of the relationship introduced by the British East India Company from the middle of the nineteenth century, namely, the Opium Wars, which led to a rediscovery of each other by the Indian and Chinese peoples as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: It was the colonial-imperial context of the relationship introduced by the British East India Company from the middle of the nineteenth century, namely, the Opium Wars, which led to a rediscovery of each other by the Indian and Chinese peoples. The two civilisations, it may be recalled, had a relationship dating back to the second century BC. The cultural dimensions of this relationship affected almost the entire Far East, mainly through the spread of Buddhism from its original home in India. The period from the seventh to the tenth centuries AD witnessed the peak of political, cultural and trade encounters between India and China. The cultural contacts, however, began to weaken after the tenth century, largely because of decline of Buddhism in India as well as in China. After the twelfth century, political and trade intercourse between the two countries also declined because of the political developments in both countries. Thus, after the twelfth century, contacts between the two civilisations ceased to approximate the broad relationship of the earlier centuries. In the subsequent centuries even these residual contacts were to be lost as India and Asia fell under the control of Western
2 citations
TL;DR: The post-Cold War period has left Hanoi anchorless with the disintegration of the Soviet Union and its alliance system, in which the former had figured prominently as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: promising revolutionary Marxist ideology professing ’People’s democracy’ encompassing democratic centralism, nationalised economy and the predominance of the Communist Party, is fighting a lonely battle today to keep at least some of the old socialist remnants alive in the face of the onslaught of the west-sponsored agenda of global liberalisation. The post-Cold War period has left Hanoi anchorless with the disintegration of the Soviet Union and its alliance system in which the former had figured prominently. A significant part of this process was a volte face Vietnam had
2 citations
TL;DR: The history of Chinese and Persian civilisational encounters and interactions has encompassed wide-ranging religious, cultural, economic and political relations as mentioned in this paper, but little record is available about this relationship during the centuries prior to the second century BC, when the two vast empires were proximate neighbours, during the magnificent rule of the Achaemenids in Persia and the Chous (Zhous) in China.
Abstract: The history of Chinese and Persian civilisational encounters and interactions has encompassed wide-ranging religious, cultural, economic and political relations. The Chinese and Persian empires were neighbours intermittently for almost 2,000 years. However, little record is available about this relationship during the centuries prior to the second century BC, when the two vast empires were proximate neighbours, during the magnificent rule of the Achaemenids in Persia and the Chous (Zhous) in China. There are, however, concrete and reliable accounts of their relationship some 2,100 years ago, during the period of the Han dynasty in China and the Arsacid (Ashkani) dynasty in Persia.’ The first historical evidence of a Chinese envoy being sent by the great Han emperor Wu-ti (Wudi) to the court of the Persian monarch Mehrdad II is recorded in the year 115 BC.2 The Chinese envoy, who had come to solicit assistance, brought with him a proposal for a treaty with the Ashkani government aimed at resisting the tartars of Central Asia. This was the first treaty between Persia and China.’ At that time the Chinese referred to the land of the Ashkanis or Parths (Persia) as An-shi.4 It is only during and after the reign of the Sasanid emperors in Persia that we find mention of
TL;DR: In this paper, a comparative analysis of Indian and Chinese foreign policies in the nineties is presented, as part of a larger project, and the authors attempt to do more than compare their economic policies and performances.
Abstract: This article attempts, as part of a larger project, a comparative analysis of Indian and Chinese foreign policies in the nineties. We need not elaborate here on the contributions made by comparative methodology to the sharpness of the analysis and the formulation of theoretical propositions, or on the revival of interest in comparative foreign policy analysis by a ’second generation’ of scholars who both continue and go beyond the earlier works by James Rosenau, Maurice East, the Hermanns and others with which we are more familiar. But a pertinent question is, can we really compare India and China when each is so obviously sui generis, and especially now when the gap between the two countries in terms of international status and economic achievement appears to be so wide? In the opinion of this writer, few scholars attempt to do more than compare their economic policies and performances because the intellectual challenge of comprehending both China and India (or even one) is simply
TL;DR: The early success of Deng's rural reform policies appeared to vindicate the critique of the class struggle-based Maoist developmental socialist model of the past as discussed by the authors, and thus, rural de-collectivisation became the foundation of rural reforms, which was soon converted into a deMaoisation campaign.
Abstract: assist its smooth and unhindered progress. The early success of his rural reform policies appeared to vindicate the critique of the class struggle-based Maoist developmental socialist model of the past. Consequently, rural de-collectivisation became the foundation of rural reforms, which was soon converted into a deMaoisation campaign. Despite the euphoria generated by the so-called ’Second Revolution’, which promised to take China towards modernisation, Deng realised
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors analyse the process behind the India-China border negotiations and reach some theoretical generalisations and examine some of the generalisations reached elsewhere, but the shape of final settlement is not yet in sight.
Abstract: themselves, bilateral negotiations are of special interest. There may be external impetus or internal dynamics responsible for removal of erstwhile hindrances in the realm of ’ideas’ or ’realpolitik’. The fact that two conflicting states decide to come to the negotiating table, burying their past prejudices or relegating their differences to the background, calls for an analysis of the process which leads to it. Elements of continuity and change may be discerned in such processes. IndiaChina border negotiations fall in this category. Since some meeting ground has been found and efforts to maintain peace and tranquillity on the border areas are on, the process behind it makes an interesting study. Though the shape of final settlement is not yet in sight, it is possible to reach some theoretical generalisation and examine some of the generalisations reached elsewhere.