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Showing papers in "China Report in 2002"



Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The most striking feature of this complex social change was the sprouting of new sets of practices that brought back symbols that belonged to an older culture as discussed by the authors, which appeared that China had fallen back on the traditions and rituals of its distant past.
Abstract: itself in ways different than those that existed earlier. The most striking feature of this complex social change was the sprouting of new sets of practices that brought back symbols that belonged to an older culture. It appeared that China had fallen back on the traditions and rituals of its distant past. Myths and legends, hitherto considered as lores of superstition, entered everyday lives. Confucianism again became a popular faith. This return of traditional culture, however, coincided with the market-facilitated celebration of Western modernity. These trends, which began in the wake of economic reforms, later found their way into official discourse as well. The ancient splendour of China was celebrated with official sanction and sponsorship against a vastly transformed urban landscape. The leaders of the Party and the government, in televised public rituals, paid homage at the Confucius Temple. It appeared that at both levels, that of popular imaginery and idioms of the state, China was trying to redefine its identity outside the canons of socialism. This article reviews and analyses the recent debates that have occurred, both within China and amongst Western scholars, on China’s changing perspective

7 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The Spratly Islands territorial disputes rank high on the controversy list as discussed by the authors, and no less than six governments-China, Vietnam, Taiwan, Malaysia, Philippines, the Philippines and Brunei-claim part or all of the South China Sea.
Abstract: The South China Sea is a hotbed of trouble.’ The littoral states of the South China Sea-China, Taiwan, the Philippines, Brunei, Indonesia, Singapore, Thailand, Cambodia and Malaysia-have much to argue about: oil rights, territorial claims, economic zone and national security concerns are all contentious issues which lead to intractable problems. The Spratly Islands territorial disputes rank high on the controversy list. No less than six governments-China, Vietnam, Taiwan, Malaysia, the Philippines and Brunei-claim part or all of the Spratly Islands.’ The disputes have defied solution through compromise’ and have attracted unilateral military actions.4

4 citations



Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The nature of the pre-reform Maoist regime in China was often characterised as "totalitarianism" or as a system of "totalism"1 or "organised dependence".
Abstract: The nature of the pre-reform Maoist regime in China was often characterised as ’totalitarianism’, or as a system of ‘totalism’1 or ’organised dependence’.~ Undoubtedly, the combined economic and political reform of the past two decades has served to dilute the totalistic control of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) over society as a whole. Nowadays, students of Chinese politics have tried hard to capture the political reality of the post-Mao Zedong era. Subsequently, a wide profusion of labels or catchwords have appeared, with the result of mystifying minds rather than clarifying the picture. Some examples are ’consultative authoritarianism’,’ ’market Leninism’,’ ’Leninism without Marx’,5 ’market Stalinism’,6 ’socialist corporatism , . 1 7

3 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The revised marriage law in China is one such example as discussed by the authors, which prohibits bigamy, domestic violence and protects the rights and interests of women and children. But, it does not provide any protection to women's personal rights.
Abstract: China has constructed a legal system to protect the interests of women in various ways. Legally, women are given equal rights with men in the political, economic and social spheres. Further, a criminal law was also promulgated to protect women’s personal rights. The Chinese government has also revised its laws from time to time in keeping with the changing socio-economic conditions of the country. The revised marriage law in China is one such example. This law prohibits bigamy, domestic violence and protects the rights and interests of women and children. This note seeks to analyse these issues with reference to their treatment in the revised marriage law, said to have been passed to maintain

3 citations




Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors argue that these positive and dynamic aspects of decentralisation coexist with growing inequalities, corruption, criminalisation and insecurity at the local levels, all tendencies which have an important impact on everyday life and the perceptions of rural as well as urban Chinese.
Abstract: China’s economic dynamism. Chinese flexibility at the territorial level is certainly influenced by the inheritance of a very incomplete urbanisation and statesocialist economy, and by the present day local state corporatism, which combines public intervention with market-oriented growth.’ However, these positive and dynamic aspects of decentralisation coexist with growing inequalities, corruption, criminalisation and insecurity at the local levels, all tendencies which have an important impact on everyday life and the perceptions of rural as well as urban Chinese.

2 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The reform of the domicile registration system (hukou zhidu) has been discussed in this paper, which is bound to have several ramifications within China's social and political system.
Abstract: Reform has been the word most associated with post-Mao China. Apart from its one-Party rule, almost every other aspect of governance in China has been put under the microscope of reform. The BeijingReview, on 13 September 2001, carried an article on a new reform which has recently been announced. This is the reform of the Domicile Registration System (hukou zhidu). This is bound to have several ramifications within China’s social and political system. This comment attempts to put the reform of China’s domicile system in perspective. The Chinese Communist Party, like its erstwhile Soviet counterpart, evolved several methods and promulgated several laws to control and supervise its citizens. In China, the domicile system (hukou zhidu), administered by the Public Security Bureau, was meant to be an instrument both of control and of planning for a growing urban population. The domicile system was promulgated on 9 January 1958 when the Standing Committee of National People’s Congress promulgated the Regulations on Residence Management and Registration. It stipulates that citizens who move from the countryside to cities shall have one of the following three certificates.

2 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The self-identity movement is a powerful force for assertion of the self as mentioned in this paper, and it has attracted a great deal of attention in the last few decades, but the phenomenon is much wider than that.
Abstract: ments for assertion of the self. Even though ethnic movements have engaged our attention a great deal, the phenomenon is much wider than that. Identities ranging from nation, region, race, class, caste and gender to linguistic, religious, cultural, ethnic and sexual groups as well as many identities still in the making seek the right to look at the world from their vantage point and transform it to

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors analyzed the potential for strategic partnership between the two countries, and the common vision of the development of the system of international relations was determined by the inner logic of dynamics of Russian-Chinese relations, as well as by understanding of responsibility for the future of the world on the part of great powers having the territories covering a larger part of the Eurasian mainland.
Abstract: On 25 April 1996 the Joint Russian-Chinese Declaration signed in Beijing set forth the idea of a possible Russia-China strategic interaction in the twentyfirst century. Initially, the idea had been formulated to sustain and develop the ’long-term and stable relations of good neighbourliness, friendship and mutually beneficial cooperation’ between the two states that would ’correspond to the vital interests of the two nations and facilitate preservation and consolidation of peace, stability and development in Asia and in the world at large’.’ The Joint Russian-Chinese Communique of 26 June 1997 went further to address the active and mutually beneficial cooperation between the two countries in various spheres, in conformity with the principles as fixed in the two RussianChinese Declarations. In 1996 the two parties, while assessing the prospects of RF-PRC relations, applied the new formula: ’to develop relations of equalright confidential partnership, aimed at strategic interaction in the twenty-first century’.3 Understanding of such events and the common vision of the prospects of development of the system of international relations were determined by the inner logic of dynamics of Russian-Chinese relations, as well as by understanding of responsibility for the future of the world on the part of great powers having the territories covering a larger part of the Eurasian mainland. While analysing the prospects for strategic partnership between the two countries, it is necessary to take account that construction of strategic partnership relations is a creative process leaving no room for any dogmatic approach

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: A well-organized campaign has been going on in China to develop its vast but hitherto underdeveloped western region, thereby shifting the focus from coastal provinces of the east, which have, as is well known, become relatively prosperous during the two decades of reforms as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: A well-organised campaign has been going on in China to develop its vast but hitherto underdeveloped western region, thereby shifting the focus from coastal provinces of the east, which have, as is well known, become relatively prosperous during the two decades of reforms. The western region, for the Chinese government’s policy purposes, refers to the nine provinces/autonomous regions-Shaanxi, Gansu, Qinghai, Ningxia, Xinjiang, Sichuan, Yunnan, Guizhou and Xizang (Tibet)-plus the municipality of Chongqing. One could add Guangxi too. Even without Guangxi, this region accounts for 56 per cent of China’s territory and about 23 per cent of its population. There is quite a bit of diversity within the western provinces, economic as well as otherwise. There is Xinjiang and Tibet, both politically ’problem provinces’ in their own right. There is Shaanxi in the north-west and Yunnan in the south-west. Then there is Sichuan, which has its own identity politically. Yet these provinces share some distinctive features. The area is very rich in natural resources, especially minerals. It is all landlocked (sharing international boundaries with Afghanistan, Bhutan, Myanmar, India, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Laos, Nepal, Pakistan, Russia, Tajikistan and Vietnam). The density of population in these provinces is lower than in the east. And this region is home to most of the poor in China. Table 1 shows that per capita incomes in these

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Since 1979, when China started to implement the policy of reform and openness to the outside world, FDI inflows have gone through different stages of growth and decline mainly by the changes in state policy, laws and regulations as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: Since 1979, when China started to implement the policy of reform and openness to the outside world, FDI inflows have gone through different stages of growth and decline mainly by the changes in state policy, laws and regulations. At the outset, the inflows of FDI increased steadily but the total volume was very limited because the space for FDI was confined within the boundaries of four small ’Special Economic Zones’ (SEZs). In the middle of the eighties, the large territory of the coastal belt, including major industrial and financial centres,

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The economic focus of the visit might be beneficial for advancing bilateral relations in the current international context, it nevertheless needs to be examined carefully in the light of the overall political situation between the two countries as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: inflationary spiral, maintained its growth rate even during the East Asian crisis and brought the economy to its present commanding position. The media was also somewhat focussed on the stated Chinese desire to build strong economic and business ties with India. And, preoccupied as it was with the continuing India-Pakistan tension, the media did not raise those concerns that had strained India-China relations for a long time. While the economic focus of the visit might be beneficial for advancing bilateral relations in the current international context, it nevertheless needs to be examined carefully in the light of the overall political situation between the two countries. Not so long ago, a Chinese India expert had identified six areas of concern in Sino-Indian relations, as the ’six Ts’, namely: territory, triangular relations (China-India-Pakistan and China-India-US), Tibet, threat perceptions, .


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The world economy grew by less than 2.5 per cent in the year 2001 as discussed by the authors, a rate that is understood to be the breaking point between economic progress and slippage.
Abstract: The world economy grew by less than 2.5 per cent in the year 2001-a rate that is understood to be the breaking point between economic progress and slippage. The world’s major economies-the United States, Japan and Europe-have either been contracting or growing at a rate close to zero. The GDP growth of the US economy for the four quarters of the year 2001 is estimated to have been 1.3 per cent, 0.3 per cent, -0.4 per cent, and 0.2 per cent respectively (revised estimates for the third and fourth quarters put it at -1.3 per cent and 1.4 per cent. See Tables 1 and 2 for the general picture of the state of economies in different regions/countries as reflected in GDP growth rates around the middle of 2001).