Showing papers in "China Report in 2014"
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors fill a gap in the literature by focusing on the growing economic links between China and Sri Lanka starting from the 1952 Rubber-Rice Pact, the economic relations between the two cou...
Abstract: This article fills a gap in the literature by focusing on the growing economic links between China and Sri Lanka. Starting from the 1952 Rubber-Rice Pact, the economic relations between the two cou...
21 citations
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors study the evolution of the structural dimension in South Korean foreign policy through a study of middle-power diplomacy in the post-2008 financial crisis period, which propounds a global role for South Korea assuming leadership and substantially increasing international contribution.
Abstract: The article documents the evolution of the structural dimension in South Korean foreign policy through a study of middle-power diplomacy in the post-2008 financial crisis period. This article argues that middle-power diplomacy, which propounds a global role for South Korea assuming leadership and substantially increasing international contribution is a paradigm shift in South Korean foreign policy posture, which until recently was limited to issues of the Korean peninsula. Through the middle power discourse South Korea projects its role in international affairs as a facilitator, interlocutor and norm entrepreneur focusing on international security, development and environment and is aims to create a space for Korean diplomatic entrepreneurism in the emerging international order.
20 citations
TL;DR: In this paper, there has been a conspicuous balancing behavior against China's economic interests in the Middle East since the Arab spring and the changing balance of power in the region, where China has economic interests.
Abstract: Since the event popularly termed the ‘Arab spring’ and the changing balance of power in the Middle East, where China has economic interests, there has been a conspicuous balancing behaviour against...
12 citations
TL;DR: This paper examined the UK media's representation of China through the prisms of ideology, history and geopolitics, and found that the media's narrative on China was prejudiced by ideological differences, biases traceable to historical presuppositions, and anxieties emanating from China's resurgence on the world stage.
Abstract: This article examines how the United Kingdom’s media represents contemporary China. Using the context of the Beijing Olympics, the article examines the UK media’s representation of China through the prisms of ideology, history and geopolitics. Using Content Analysis, the inquiry examines news reports on the Olympics published in the UK’s ‘national newspapers’ (as classified by Lexis Nexis) between 9 May 2008 and 8 August 2008, the three-month period immediately preceding the games. The article finds the UK media’s narrative on China prejudiced by ideological differences, biases traceable to historical presuppositions, and anxieties emanating from China’s resurgence on the world stage.
10 citations
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors look at the way the French invention of sinology in the nineteenth century was under the influence of the concomitant rise of philosophy as a specifically European academic discipline.
Abstract: At a time when Chinese intellectuals and academics are more and more interested in the way Westerners, especially sinologists, approach and study Chinese culture, it seems relevant to pause and reflect on the critical and diversified approaches contributed by European sinologies. Special attention should be paid more particularly to the French tradition, which was the very first to be set up in the early nineteenth century within various prestigious academic institutions that are still very much alive today, but which has been somewhat pushed to the background by the powerful thrust of American, and more generally Anglophone, sinology ever since the aftermath of the Second World War. This article proposes to look at the way the French invention of sinology in the nineteenth century was under the influence of the concomitant rise of philosophy as a specifically European academic discipline.
10 citations
TL;DR: The decision of the CPC Central Committee on Some Important Questions Concerning Comprehensively Deepening Reform (CPC-2013) as discussed by the authors was the most important reform document to have been passed by the CPC since the landmark Third Plenum in December 1978.
Abstract: At the Third Plenum held in November 2013, the Communist Party of China (CPC) adopted a comprehensive reform programme containing no less than 300 reform proposals. It is potentially the most important reform document to have been passed by the CPC since the landmark Third Plenum in December 1978. Entitled ‘The Decision of the CPC Central Committee on Some Important Questions Concerning Comprehensively Deepening Reform’, the programme upgrades the role of the market in the general economic system from ‘basic’ to ‘decisive’. It also stipulates a number of reform measures within finance, banking, tax, real estate, hukou, urbanisation, government administration, family planning, etc., and establishes two new important leading bodies. One is The Central Leading Group on Comprehensively Deepening Reform and the other is the National Security Council. Xi Jinping is named chairman of both of these new powerful institutions. This indicates his increasingly dominant role in Chinese politics. The reform programme a...
9 citations
TL;DR: In this article, Li et al. proposed that parental love is one of the world's greatest emotions, regarded as the premise of the filial piety (Xiao in Chinese pinyin) of Chinese people.
Abstract: Without doubt, parental love is one of the world’s greatest emotions, regarded as the premise of the filial piety (Xiao in Chinese pinyin) of Chinese people. However, to enhance filial duties, the ...
9 citations
TL;DR: This article attempts to trace this transformation in insurance schemes through three distinct phases and draws lessons for access to health services in China.
Abstract: Health insurance has been one of the major forms of health financing in China since the 1950s. Health insurance in China has seen dramatic shifts given the different economic and political contexts. From an almost universal coverage and access to health services in the pre-reforms period, China witnessed tremendous inequities in access with the breakdown of its collective financing structures and rising costs of health care in the 1980s and 1990s in both rural and urban areas with the onset of economic reforms. As a result policies in the late 1990s and 2000s shifted towards universalising access by introducing different insurance schemes for the urban and rural population. This article attempts to trace this transformation in insurance schemes through three distinct phases and draws lessons for access to health services.
7 citations
TL;DR: The authors provide a critical review of some of the themes that emerge from Wang's The End of Revolution as a means of situating his position in China's intellectual landscape, with a particular mind to exploring the historicity of Wang's thought as it informs his views.
Abstract: Wang Hui is a significant contemporary Chinese thinker and a key representative of Chinese New Left thought. This article provides a critical review of some of the themes that emerge from Wang’s The End of Revolution as a means of situating his position in China’s intellectual landscape, with a particular mind to exploring the historicity of Wang’s thought as it informs his views. The essay engages some of the key discursive threads in The End of Revolution and provides a critical overview of Wang’s positions on neoliberalism, the tension between Western articulations of modernity and China’s own self-image.
6 citations
TL;DR: This paper analyzed shifts in economic power over the last five decades or so, showing that there has been little change in the rankings of the 25 largest economies in 2011, while developing countries and regions have increased their share of incremental world income and incremental world exports over this period.
Abstract: This article analyses shifts in economic power over the last five decades or so. While developing countries (DCs) and regions have increased their share of incremental world income and incremental world exports over this period, there is very little shift in the relative rankings according to size of GDP of the 25 largest economies in 2011. The economies of South Korea and Brazil have become relatively much larger; the other changes have been minor. The correlations between the ranks over the years are very large showing that there has been little change in the rankings. Also, the GDP and per capita GDP of other countries and regions have increased relative to the US but this increase has been slow, particularly after 1982. The GDP of most of the large DCs has increased relative to that of the US but far fewer have increased their relative per capita GDP suggesting slow rates of growth of productivity and limited structural change of shift in economic activity from low productivity to high productivity se...
5 citations
TL;DR: This article argued that it is misleading to present the Chinese community as one that has always been marginalised and discriminated against in India and examined the applicability of concepts such as "sojourning", "corridors", and "middleman minority" to the community and its different subgroups, both in British India and in post-independence India.
Abstract: The Chinese community has been settled in India for more than two centuries. Its relationship to the host society and to the authorities, first British and then Indian, has gone through different stages with different forms. It is important to examine the lives, traditions and attitudes of the Chinese community to understand its development and its changing character. This study argues that it is misleading to present this community as one that has always been marginalised and discriminated against in India. It examines the applicability of concepts such as ‘sojourning’, ‘corridors’ and ‘middleman minority’ to the community and its different sub-groups, both in British India and in post-independence India.
TL;DR: In this paper, the role of the government in promoting China's RD developing science parks; encouraging private firms to undertake RD and attracting foreign-invested enterprises, in particular those bringing advanced technologies.
Abstract: This article explains the role of the government in promoting China’s RD developing science parks; encouraging private firms to undertake RD and attracting foreign-invested enterprises, in particular those bringing advanced technologies. As a result of government policies to promote R&D activities and develop technology-intensive industries, there has been an apparent improvement in human capital, innovation, and the production and export of output produced in technology-intensive industries. Finally, this article talks of the implications for developing countries pursuing an R&D promotion policy.
TL;DR: Hu Shih was one of the most significant philosophers and intellectuals of China during the early twentieth century as discussed by the authors, as a professor of philosophy at Peking University, as a leader of the ‘bai-hua’ m...
Abstract: Hu Shih was one of the most significant philosophers and intellectuals of China during the early twentieth century. As a professor of philosophy at Peking University, as a leader of the ‘bai-hua’ m...
TL;DR: The authors discusses how, owing to the commonalities in thoughts and actions of Indian and Chinese nationalists, they forged close ties not only at the individual, but also at the organizational levels, and posits that there was much in common in the struggle carried out in different colonial countries, including the unification drive in China in the 1920s, and therefore there was a need to forge close ties to support each other's struggles.
Abstract: This article discusses how, owing to the commonalities in thoughts and actions of Indian and Chinese nationalists, they forged close ties not only at the individual, but also at the organizational, levels. It posits that while the early Indian nationalists sought to pursue the path of armed struggle to dislodge the British from India, in the second phase leaders of the Indian National Congress (INC) sought to establish links with the Kuomintang (KMT), the ruling party in China. The Indian leadership, especially Nehru, was of the view that there was much in common in the struggle carried out in different colonial countries, including the unification drive in China in the 1920s, and that therefore there was a need to forge close ties to support each other’s struggles. It was this thinking of Nehru and others national leaders including Gandhi that culminated in Nehru’s China visit in 1939 and Chiang Kai-shek’s India visit in 1942, although Chiang’s prime objective was to muster India’s support for the Allied...
TL;DR: Luo Jialun (1897-1969) was the first Ambassador of the Republic of China to India as mentioned in this paper, who had intensive interactions with leaders of newly independent India.
Abstract: Luo Jialun (1897– 1969) was the first Ambassador of the Republic of China to India. In his tenure as Ambassador to India (1947– 9), he had intensive interactions with leaders of newly independent India. He was also often consulted for his expertise and opinions related to nation building. Unfortunately, his ambassadorship ended in December 1949 after New Delhi decided to recognise the communist-ruled People’s Republic of China and break off diplomatic ties with the Republic of China. Acknowledging that Luo’s diplomatic career in India has not received much publicity, this article tries to establish the significance of his India mission. The article argues that Luo should not be blamed for the severance of diplomatic relations between India and the Republic of China, which was affected by the global and regional systemic changes resulting from the defeat of the Nationalist government in China. Despite the eventual severance of ties, Luo’s passage to India from May 1947 to January 1950 was largely productiv...
TL;DR: In this article, the authors present a map accompanying the voices of women of various backgrounds in the Manipur-Myanmar border trade town of Moreh, which depicts the location of Chandel district without indicating the actual location of moreh township itself or the arterial Highway 39 referred to in the text.
Abstract: China Report 50, 4 (2014): 373–396 and the courageous Meira Paibis (the women human rights activists of Manipur) ‘who can dare to warn and scold the people in under-ground movement for their accesses’ (p. 215). The many missing or inaccurate references in the consolidated bibliography are annoying for the conscientious reader, as are several of the inadequately labelled maps. The map accompanying the presentation of the voices of women of various backgrounds in the Manipur–Myanmar border trade town of Moreh, for instance, depicts the location of Chandel district without indicating the actual location of Moreh township itself or the arterial Highway 39 referred to in the text. Packed with interesting circumstantial detail, the same piece also unfortunately jumbles up the authoritative voice-over of the interviewer and the first-person narration of the woman interviewee: a methodological and presentational frailty which editorial oversight should have corrected.
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors analyse the potential trade effects for India from its deepened trade relationship with ASEAN through the proposed Indo-ASEAN comprehensive economic cooperation agreement (CECA) covering trade in services and investment provisions.
Abstract: Since the initiation of economic reforms in 1991, ‘Look East Policy’ has been a major component of India’s trade diplomacy. During the first decade after inception of WTO, India relied heavily on the multilateral trade reforms for securing export growth, but slow progress of the Doha Round negotiations caused it to shift focus on the regional trade agreements (RTAs) instead from 2004 onwards. The Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) in Southeast Asia emerged as India’s natural trade partner with its lucrative market but the negotiations proved to be a complex exercise. The Indo-ASEAN Free Trade Agreement (FTA) covering merchandise products has boosted bilateral trade flows, but the balance of trade has improved in ASEAN’s favour. The current article attempts to analyse the potential trade effects for India from its deepened trade relationship with ASEAN through the proposed Indo-ASEAN comprehensive economic cooperation agreement (CECA) covering trade in services and investment provisions.
TL;DR: In this article, the key characteristics of the diplomacy of India and China are discussed. But the authors do not consider the role of the number of diplomats in the management of a country's foreign policy.
Abstract: What are the key characteristics of the diplomacy of India and China? To what extent is diplomatic capacity an issue in the management of a country’s foreign policy? For example, the number of executive level officials in the diplomatic machinery of China and India (the foreign ministries, embassies, consulates and other subsidiary offices) varies greatly in size, composition and work methods. Compared to about 1200 diplomat-rank officials in India, China has over 6500 diplomats—not counting new recruits who serve as non-diplomatic staff for their first three years, before being promoted as ‘attaches’ under their ‘3-3-4’ system. This and several other elements (structure, competence and capability) constitute a country’s ‘diplomatic capacity’; this concept has drawn new attention in the past five years. Another example is that both are large countries with a number of provinces;1 the methods used to bring them into the external policy process offers rich material for comparison, with some clear learning. ...
TL;DR: Ching Kwan Lee et al. as discussed by the authors describe the long march of China towards the rule of law and their experiences with labour protests in rural China, including rightful resistance in Rural China.
Abstract: Ching Kwan Lee. 2007. Against the Law: Labour Protests in China. California: University of California Press. O’Brien, Kevin J. and Lianjiang Li. 2006. Rightful Resistance in Rural China. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Peerenboom, Randon. 2002. China’s Long March Toward Rule of Law. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Potter, Pitman. B. 2001. The Chinese Legal System-Globalization and Local Legal Culture. London and New York: Routledge Publications.
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors discuss the influence of the United States and the United Kingdom on Korea's foreign policy in specific contexts of bilateral questions, rather than reviewing this issue as a specific theme.
Abstract: in the twentieth century when the two new superpowers also became involved in the region, ending in the division of Korea into two irreconcilably hostile entities. Therefore, these big power intrigues and interference and the constant anxieties about North Korea became givens, which have limited and complicated the RoK’s diplomatic efforts and consumed most of its diplomatic energy. These factors have impinged on India–RoK relations. These issues are alluded to in various contexts in the book. In India’s case, there has also been the constant concern in New Delhi over avoiding misunderstanding with the North. It is the author’s choice that he has opted to deal with the question of superpower influence of Korean policy in specific contexts of bilateral questions, rather than reviewing this issue as a specific theme. While discussing the spread of Buddhism through China to Korea, there is a reference (p. 4) to an emperor of the Qin dynasty who sent one of the pioneering religious missions to Korea in 372 CE. In fact, the Qin dynasty and even the succeeding Han had long been gone by the fourth century CE. Qin ruled much before Buddhism even crossed the borders of the present day Afghanistan to Central Asia. This is perhaps a misprint for Jin which ruled northern China in the fourth century CE, but still a noticeable error. Similarly, in the discussion of the consideration of recognition of the RoK by India in 1949–50 (pp. 51–53), the statement that ‘India had not recognised Israel’ (p. 51) could convey the impression that India did not recognise Israel at all at that time. India did in fact extend recognition to Israel in 1950, while refraining from doing so in the case of the RoK. The book is a pioneering effort on India’s relations with a country with whom India has burgeoning economic relations, with still an untapped potential, despite the limitations on what may be called ‘politico-military’ cooperation, because of RoK’s geopolitical situation. The book will hopefully also become a catalyst for stronger people-to-people contacts with a country that has substantial goodwill towards India.
TL;DR: Mosca as mentioned in this paper made full use of both Chinese and Manchu documents, and of both official and private scholarly writings to fill a major gap in our understanding of the Chinese perception of India and made a bold and cogent argument about the transformation of China's geographical and geostrategic thinking in the early modern and modern period.
Abstract: China Report 50, 4 (2014): 373–396 understanding of India. Nevertheless, Mosca’s book is a formidable work of scholarship. It makes full use of both Chinese and Manchu documents, and of both official and private scholarly writings. In fact its discussion of these sources is so thorough that at times it makes for heavy reading. The book fills a major gap in our understanding of the Chinese perception of India. At the same time, it advances a bold and cogent argument about the transformation of China’s geographical and geostrategic thinking in the early modern and modern period, making a valuable contribution to the growing corpus of scholarship on this subject.