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Showing papers in "Comparative Studies in Society and History in 1998"


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Sokal's controversy has generated bitter divisions between academics who only a decade ago might have stood together on the left or the right and has forged equally strange alliances as mentioned in this paper, leading to the split between epistemological and ontological positions which are usually described as radical constructivism and realist positivism.
Abstract: Perhaps the fiercest conflict within the social sciences today is one that is not even articulated as a recognizable “debate.” Nevertheless, this conflict has generated bitter divisions between academics who only a decade ago might have stood together on the left or the right and has forged equally strange alliances. I am referring, of course, to the split between epistemological and ontological positions which are usually described as radical constructivism and realist positivism. The recent debate provoked by Alan Sokal's article in Social TextSee Alan D. Sokal, “Transgressing the Boundaries—Toward a Transformative Hermeneutics of Quantum Gravity,” Social Text (Spring-Summer 1996), 217–52; and idem, “A Physicist Experiments with Cultural Studies,” Lingua Franca (May-June 1996), 62–64. The key response is Stanley Fish's article, “Professor Sokal's Bad Joke,” in The New York Times (Opinion–Editorial page, May 21, 1996); see also the responses in the July-August 1996 issue of Lingua Franca; Michael Albert, “Science, Post Modernism, and the Left,” in Z Magazine (July-August 1996); Steven Weinberg, “Sokal's Hoax,” New York Review of Books (August 8, 1996), 11–15; and Tom Frank, “Textual Reckoning,” In These Times (May 27, 1996). I am grateful to Michael Rosenfeld for references to the latter two pieces. brought into sharp focus the growing sense of distrust and anger that divides these academic camps. And, yet, the heterogeneity of each supposed grouping suggests that the dichotomous model masks what is actually a much more complex, multi-dimensional field. On the one hand we find a motley assemblage of positions variously characterized as constructivism, culturalism, neo-Kantian idealism, and postmodernism; the other pole throws together a set of even stranger bedfellows, including rational choice theorists, survey researchers, and traditional historians alongside “realist” philosophers of various stripes.

170 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The reasons for the recent and simultaneous appearance, or rise in influence, in much of the world of "fundamentalist" or doctrinally and socially conservative religiopolitical mass movements have been analyzed for individual groups but rarely in a way that compares all the main religions and the regions in which they are strong as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: The reasons for the recent and simultaneous appearance, or rise in influence, in much of the world of “fundamentalist” or doctrinally and socially conservative religiopolitical mass movements have been analyzed for individual groups but rarely in a way that compares all the main religions and the regions in which they are strong. Most comparative volumes on fundamentalism are collections, with most authors discussing one area. Exceptions are Mark Juergensmeyer, The New Cold War? Religious Nationalism Confronts the Secular State (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1993) and Bruce B. Lawrence, Defenders of God: The Fundamentalist Revolt against the Modern Age (San Francisco: Harper and Row, 1989). Useful collections include the five volumes of the Fundamentalism Project of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences, edited by Martin E. Marty and R. Scott Appleby and published by the University of Chicago Press (Chicago, 1991–95; full reference in note 3); Richard T. Antoun and Mary Elaine Hegland, eds. Religious Resurgence: Contemporary Cases in Islam, Christianity, and Judaism (Syracuse: Syracuse University Press, 1987); Lionel Caplan, ed., Studies in Religious Fundamentalism (Albany, SUNY Press, 1987); John Stratton Hawley, ed., Fundamentalism and Gender (New York: Oxford University Press, 1994); and Contention, 4:2, 3, and 5:3 (1995, 1996), sections on comparative fundamentalism. Rarer still have been analyses of why such movements have expanded in most areas only since the 1970s, what causes exist in areas where these movements are strong and why they differ from those regions where they are weak or nonexistent, and what, aside from religion, produces different types of movements. Here we will try to see if there are common factors in time and in space that help explain these movements and will look for causes of their similarities and differences. Explanations presented here will stress differences between religious nationalism (or communalism) directed primarily against other religious communities and conservative religious politics directed primarily against internal enemies. Differences between types and levels of preexisting religious beliefs will be examined to suggest why some areas have such movements and others do not. World-wide factors that help to account for the recent rise of religious politics will also be explored.

134 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In the early 1990s, the per-capita income in Iran was 660 in 1988, while in Egypt it was only 50 percent of the per capita income in 1988 as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: Why did Iran of the late 1970s with a thriving economy, wealthy middle class, repressive political system, massive military might, and powerful international allies go through an Islamic revolution, while Egypt of the early 1990s with similar international allies, but poorer economy, impoverished large middle classes, and a more liberal political system did not go beyond developing an Islamist movement?In 1978 the per-capita income in Iran was 660 in Egypt in 1988. During the 1970s, some 15 percent of Tehran's population lived in the squatter areas (and about 15 percent in slums), whereas this figure for Cairo in the early 1990s was 50 percent.

95 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The following anecdote was related to me during my field work in Syria a few days after the event allegedly took place: One day a high-ranking officer visiting the regiment ordered the soldiers to recount their dreams of the night before, and one soldier stepped forward and announced: “I saw the image of the leader in the sky, and we mounted ladders of fire to kiss it. Darkness blanketed the face of the earth as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: The following anecdote was related to me during my field work in Syria a few days after the event allegedly took place:One day a high-ranking officer visiting the regiment ordered the soldiers to recount their dreams of the night before. A soldier stepped forward and announced: “I saw the image of the leader in the sky, and we mounted ladders of fire to kiss it.” A second soldier followed suit: “I saw the leader holding the sun in his hands, and he squeezed it, crushing it until it crumbled. Darkness blanketed the face of the earth. And then his face illuminated the sky, spreading light and warmth in all directions.” Soldier followed soldier, each extolling the leader's greatness. When M's turn came, he stepped forward, saluted the visiting officer, and said: “I saw that my mother is a prostitute in your bedroom.” The beating and discharge followed. Commenting retrospectively on his act, M explained that he had “meant that his country is a whore.”M's story was told to me by a close friend of M's, one of my most reliable sources for information about Syrian politics, during the course of what would become two and one-half years of field research in Syria. In 1985, while studying Arabic, I lived with a Lebanese family in Abu Rummaneh, an affluent neighborhood of Damascus. In 1988–89, under the auspices of an IIE-Fulbright grant, I lived in the women's dormitories at the University of Damascus, in the Palestinian refugee camps, and in a rented apartment in Salahiyya, a middle-class neighborhood near the center of town. In 1992, I rented an apartment on the border of the middle-class, conservative neighborhood of Muhajirin during a year-long stay supported by a Fulbright-Hays doctoral dissertation fellowship. And in 1996, funded by a grant from Wesleyan University, I returned for the summer and lived in the Institut Francais d'Etudes Arabes de Damas. During the course of my research, I conducted open-ended interviews with over 100 people from diverse generational, religious, sectarian, and class backgrounds. Interview subjects included prominent government officials, leaders and rank-and-file members of the “popular” organizations, peasants, sports coaches, school teachers, principals, entrepreneurs, artists, poets, film directors, economists, historians, and political dissidents.

86 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Canetti as mentioned in this paper argued that neither language nor territory or history are at the heart of what today we would call national identity, but what has contributed most to turning different individuals into conscious members of a particular nation, is a national "crowd symbol".
Abstract: Elias Canetti, in a brief passage of his Crowds and Power (first published in German in 1960), argued that neither language, nor territory or history are at the heart of what today we would call national identity. What nations can not do without, however, and what has contributed most to turning different individuals into conscious members of a particular nation, is a national “crowd symbol.” Canetti then went on to show that most European nations possessed one such symbol around which a popular feeling of national belonging could be generated and sustained. In the case of England, he maintained, it was the sea that took this function; while for the Germans it was the forest. In France, on the other hand, it was the Revolution that came to play this very role. And in Switzerland—the case Canetti probably knew best from his own experience—it was the mountains (see Canetti 1960:191–203).

67 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the relative importance of material and ideal factors for social action in philosophy and social theory has been discussed, and the importance of idealism in both actor-oriented (that is, phenomenologist, ethnomethodologist, symbolic interactionist) and structure-oriented theorists has been examined.
Abstract: Perhaps the most vexing problem in philosophy and social theory concerns the relative importance of material and ideal factors for social action. Karl Marx, for instance, with his notion of base and superstructure and his materialistic interpretation of the dialectic process, made a clean break from the idealism of his Hegelian heritage (McLellan 1977:390; Swingewood 1991:62–63). Nevertheless, idealism proved resilient and later came to inform the thinking of both actor-oriented (that is, phenomenologist, ethnomethodologist, symbolic interactionist) and structure-oriented (that is Functionalist, Structuralist) theorists.

65 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
Ellen Furlough1
TL;DR: This paper pointed out that le tourisme de masse au cours du XX e siecle n'est pas ne ineluctablement de l'industralisation mais plus precisement de choix politiques and de facteurs pluriels which different d'un pays a un autre.
Abstract: Cet article veut montrer que le tourisme de masse au cours du XX e siecle n'est pas ne ineluctablement de l'industralisation mais plus precisement de choix politiques et de facteurs pluriels qui different d'un pays a un autre. Dans le cas de la France, le tourisme populaire etait un choix du gouvernement du Front Populaire dans les annees 1930 qui a permis de developper une opposition consciente et collective face a la montee du fascisme italien et allemand. Les vacances sont percues en France comme un droit a la citoyennete, a l'oppose des Etats-Unis ou elle sont concues comme un contrat de compensation economique et un avantage social. Cette particularite francaise renforca, apres la seconde guerre mondiale, la securite sociale (associee etroitement a la politique des conges) et le tourisme comme pratique de consommation. Les vacances ont acquis une pluralite de significations qui sont etroitement determinees par l'histoire politique.

64 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The lack of work in the field of family history in the Middle East has been identified as a major barrier for the study of women's history and women's empowerment in the Arab world as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: Unlike in Europe and the United States, where the writing of family history has become a growth industry over the past thirty years, only recently have historians of Greater Syria during the Ottoman period (1516–1917) started investigating this topic.Also referred to as the Levant, or Bilad al-Sham, Greater Syria for the purposes of this article is today's Syria, Lebanon, Jordan and Palestine-Israel. As of yet, there is not a single published monograph in the English language on this topic. Two useful overviews are Haim Gerber, “Anthropology and Family History: The Ottoman and Turkish Families,” Journal of Family History, 14:4 (1989), 409–21; and Judith Tucker, “The Arab Family in History,” in Arab Women: Old Boundaries, New Frontiers, Judith Tucker, ed. (Washington, D.C.: Center for Contemporary Arab Studies, 1993), 195–207. For monographs related to family history in Greater Syria, see Linda Schatkowski-Schilcher, Families in Politics: Damascene Factions and Estates in the 18th and 19th Centuries (Stuttgart: Franz Steiner Verlag Wiesbaden GMBH, 1985); and Annelies Moors, Women, Property and Islam: Palestinian Experiences: 1920–1990 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995). Almost two years ago, Margaret L. Meriwether kindly shared with me the rough draft of her book manuscript, The Kin Who Count: Family and Society in Ottoman Aleppo, 1770–1840 (forthcoming, University of Texas Press), which promises to be a pioneering contribution to this topic. Two important studies on family history in the Middle East outside Greater Syria—the first following the demographic approach of the Cambridge School and the second much more in the tradition of historical anthropology—are Alan Duben and Cem Behar, Istanbul Households: Marriage, Family and Fertility, 1880–1940 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991); and Martha Mundy, Domestic Government: Kinship, Community and Policy in North Yemen (London: I. B. Tauris, 1995). Of course, Jack Goody has written extensively on family history in the Middle East from a comparative perspective. See, for example, chapters one and two of his book, The Development of the Family and Marriage in Europe (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983). Finally, some of the issues raised in this article were subjected to careful scrutiny by Vanessa Maher, Women and Property in Morocco: Their Changing Role in Relation to the Process of Social Stratification (Cambridge, 1974). Not surprisingly, this uncharted landscape is covered by a thick fog of generalizations about the “traditional Arab family.”It is perhaps not a coincidence that the equally glaring absence of family history in the field of South Asian Studies is also combined with ubiquitous generalizations about the “traditional Hindu joint family.” Indeed, Indian society, like Arab society, is said to begin with the family; but the Indian family, like the Arab family, is central to novels not to histories. Nor is it surprising that while the number of articles on the Arab and Indian families in the last twenty-odd volumes of the Journal of Family History are in the single digits, there is a plethora of studies on women's history. Perhaps, as Louise Tilly suggests, this is due to the fact that women's history is, in many ways, a movement history; while the family has long been viewed as the fundamental site of male oppression (“Women's History and Family History: Fruitful Collaboration or Missed Connection?,” Journal of Family History, 12:1–3 [1987], 303–15). That I make these comparative assertions with some confidence is due to the insightful and thorough bibliographical research of Ian Petrie, a graduate student at the University of Pennsylvania, on the Indian family. Usually defined as a patrilineal, patrilocal, extended social unit, this family type is assumed to have remained the norm well into the twentieth century.Raphael Patai's definition is the one cited most often (Society, Culture, and Change in the Middle East, 3rd ed. [Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1971], 21). For critiques of this view, see Mundy's erudite analysis in Domestic Governments, 89–92. See also the articles by Gerber and Tucker cited in note 1.

62 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors present evidence from ancient Western Asia and Egypt to demonstrate that disembedded capitals were a well-understood and frequently used option in developed state systems.
Abstract: Disembedded capitals are urban sites founded de novo and designed to supplant existing patterns of authority and administration. While a controversial topic in New World archaeology, there is ample evidence from ancient Western Asia and Egypt to demonstrate that disembedded capitals were a well-understood and frequently used option in developed state systems. Ethnohistoric examples from Egypt and Mesopotamia are presented to show the common organizational, ideological, and ecological features of disembedded capitals, and their varying historical and imperial contexts. Disembedded capitals were typically founded by new elites, either usurpers or reformers, as part of innovations designed to simultaneously undercut competing factions and create new pattterns of allegiance and authority. But while intended to break away from existing power relationships, in order to function disembedded capitals were necessarily reembedded back into those structures, In an evolutionary sense disembedded capitals were short-lived phenomena which tended to create long-term societal problems.

62 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors discuss the historical production of a national space and economy in late nineteenth century colonial India and discuss the nationalization of conceptions of economy and territory at once engages with and departs from received approaches to national territory.
Abstract: Our present historical moment is marked by a complex interlocking between processes of globalization and the proliferation of nationalisms. Contemporary processes of globalization have attenuated the institutional capacities of nation-states to regulate their national economies See Harvey (1989), Held (1990, 1995), Hirsch (1995), Sassen (1991, 1996). and challenged the spatial correspondence between nation, state, economy, culture, and people that has long defined the nation-state. See Agnew (1994), Appadurai (1996, 1997), Gupta and Ferguson (1992), Malkii (1992), Robertson (1992). The inherited hyphenization of nation and state, forged during the late-nineteenth century, now appears “less as an icon of conjuncture than an index of disjuncture.” Appadurai (1996:39). The increasing visibility of the strains in the union between nation and state has been matched by a remarkable burst in analyses of nationalism and the nation-state. In particular, the territorial bases of nationhood has emerged as a major theme in studies of nationalism. This essay seeks to extend and broaden this line of enquiry through an analysis of the historical production of a national space and economy in late nineteenth century colonial India. My discussion of the nationalization of conceptions of economy and territory at once engages with and departs from received approaches to national territory.

48 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The Law and Society Review and to a lesser extent, Law and Social Inquiry are the main outlets of the legal pluralism movement as discussed by the authors, and these journals are published in these journals and increasingly so, since its founding in 1981, in the Journal of Legal Pluralism.
Abstract: In recent years, approaches to legal pluralism have shifted dramatically. One shift comes from within a school of fieldwork-oriented anthropologists, historians, and sociologists known as the law-and-society movement.The Law and Society Review, and to a lesser extent, Law and Social Inquiry, are the main outlets of the movement. Studies of legal pluralism are published in these journals and increasingly so, since its founding in 1981, in the Journal of Legal Pluralism. Before the turn, law-and-society scholars viewed local, national, and transnational legal systems as coexisting but essentially separate. Criticisms of the inherent stasis of this formulation and its failure to explore interactions between the systems or power inequalities among them motivated the shift (Griffiths 1986; Starr and Collier 1994; Merry 1988, 1992). The new legal pluralism, as it is called, now includes an expanded range of normative ordering systems, often labeled private governance, found in all societies, not only those with colonial histories but also those produced by transnational processes (Galanter 1981; Merry 1992). It addresses the dialectic, mutually constitutive relations of these systems rather than their separateness (Arthurs 1985; Benda-Beckman andStrijbosch 1986; Fitzpatrick 1983; Henry 1985; Vanderlinden 1989).

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The contemporary occupation of portering in mountain regions has largely been structured through transcultural contact, contact between two groups historically symbolized by the oppressive dialectic of power relations: master/ servant, "sahib"/coolie, trekker/porter, "him who rides"/"him who carries" as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: The contemporary occupation of portering in mountain regions has largely been structured through transcultural contact, contact between two groups historically symbolized by the oppressive dialectic of power relations: master/ servant, “sahib”/“coolie,” trekker/porter, “him who rides”/“him who carries.” The relative position of these groups within the power relations that characterize adventure tourism has altered through time. The oppression exercised by the superordinate group has likely lessened, while the status enjoyed by the subordinate group has likely increased. Here I refer to portering, the carrying of person or baggage for others, specifically as it relates to the adventure travel industry (trekking, mountaineering, and so forth). There are, of course, circumstances in which the lot of the porter has not increased significantly over the past two centuries. A case that springs immediately to mind is the use of forced labour in the construction of a physical infrastructure in the interior of Burma. Nonetheless, these two groups still operate within radically asymmetrical relations of power. Invariably, “the porter” occupies the lower position; “the employer,” the upper. In this essay, I investigate the historical constitution and evolution of these relations in a region of the Karakoram mountain range of what is now northern Pakistan. Many of the insights upon which this essay are based stem from time spent in villages of the upper Braldu valley of Baltistan. These villages, particularly that of Askole, are strategically situated in relation to the adventure tourism industry. Askole, for example, is the last permanently inhabited village on the trail to K2 (8,611 meters). Despite a recent expansion in tourism, many Baltis have long been familiar with the hardships of carrying the baggage of others along mountain trails.

Journal ArticleDOI
Lynne Haney1
TL;DR: In the last decade, a voluminous literature has emerged that addresses gender and the welfare state as discussed by the authors, with a focus on maternalism and motherhood, as well as gender bias in state re/distribution.
Abstract: It has been nearly a decade since Linda Gordon published her influential review of the “new” feminist scholarship on the welfare state. Linda Gordon, “The New Feminist Scholarship on the Welfare State,” in L. Gordon, ed., Women, the State and Welfare (Wisconsin, 1990). In the essay, Gordon traced the contours of the then-blossoming feminist literature on the welfare state and encouraged feminists to move beyond a critique of gender-blind welfare analyses to construct their own, less deterministic historiographies of state formation. In the last ten years, feminists have not only heeded this call but have largely surpassed it, developing a voluminous literature that now addresses gender and the welfare state. Feminist historians have written new origin stories to reveal how female reformers, motivated by both maternalism and professionalism, participated in the building of Western welfare states. For an excellent review of feminist work on maternalism and motherhood, see Lisa Brush, “Love, Toil, and Trouble: Motherhood and Feminist Politics,” Signs (1996), 21:21. For feminist analyses of maternalism and the origins of the welfare state, see Robyn Muncy, Creating a Female Dominion in American Reform, 1890–1935 (Oxford, 1991); Theda Skocpol, Protecting Soldiers and Mothers (Harvard, 1992); Linda Gordon, Pitied But Not Entitled: Single Mothers and the History of Welfare (Cambridge, 1995); Molly Ladd-Taylor, Mother-Work: Women, Child Welfare, and the State, 1890–1930 (University of Illinois, 1994); Seth Koven and Sonya Michel, eds., Mothers of a New World: Maternalist Politics and Origins of Welfare States (Routledge, 1993); Gisella Bock and Pat Thane, eds., Maternity and Gender Policies: Women and the Rise of European Welfare States, 1880s–1950s (Routledge, 1991); Lori Ginzberg, Women and the Work of Benevolence: Morality, Politics, and Class in Nineteenth- Century United States (Yale, 1990); and Regina Kunzel, Fallen Women, Problem Girls: Unmarried Mothers and the Professionalization of Social Work, 1890–1945 (Yale, 1993). They have also unearthed the gendered scripts adhered to by male politicians, policy makers, and class-based movements. In addition, feminist social scientists have explicated the re/distributive outcomes of welfare states to illuminate how states allocate resources in gendered and racialized ways. For feminist analyses of the gendered underpinnings of state re/distributive practices, see Nancy Fraser, Unruly Practices (Minnesota, 1989); Linda Gordon and Nancy Fraser, “Dependency Demystified: Inscriptions of Power in a Keyword of the Welfare State,” Social Politics, 1:14–31; Virginia Sapiro, “The Gender Bias of American Social Policy,” Political Science Quarterly (1986), 101:221–38; Barbara Nelson, “The Origins of the Two-Channel Welfare State: Workman's Compensation and Mothers' Aid,” in L. Gordon, ed., Women, the State, and Welfare (Wisconsin, 1990); and L. Bryson, Welfare and the State (Macmillan, 1992). For studies of the racialized undercurrents of state re/distribution, see Gwendolyn Mink, Wages of Motherhood (Cornell, 1994); Jill Quadagno, The Color of Welfare: How Racism Undermined the War on Poverty (Oxford, 1994); and Eileen Boris, “The Racialized Gendered State: Constructions of Citizenship in the United States,” Social Politics, 2:16–80.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors discuss the 1946 Indian provincial elections in the two largest Muslim-majority provinces, Bengal and Punjab, and argue that the success of the Muslim League in these elections laid the foundations for the emergence of Pakistan.
Abstract: In 1940, Muhammad ‘Ali Jinnah, the leader of the Muslim League, first suggested that the Muslims of India were not simply a religious community but a nation. But it was only after the triumph of the Muslim League in winning the overwhelming majority of Muslim seats in the 1946 Indian provincial elections, particularly in the two largest Muslim-majority provinces, Bengal and Punjab, that Jinnah could argue convincingly to others that he, and the Muslim League, represented the voice of that nation. In critical ways, the elections of 1946 thus laid the foundations for the emergence of Pakistan. For a good discussion of the 1946 elections in the Punjab, see I. A. Talbot, “The 1946 Punjab Elections,” Modern Asian Studies, 14:1 (1980), 65–91. A state predicated on the existence of a Muslim nation, Pakistan occupies a position of unusual importance in the history of the Muslim world and of colonial nationalism, for it represents the first post-colonial nation created on the basis of a self-consciously Muslim nationalist program.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The colonisation of the tropical lowlands of South America was until fairly recently often portrayed by historians as a straightforward catalogue of genocide, epidemics, and forced catechisation.
Abstract: The colonisation of the tropical lowlands of South America was until fairly recently often portrayed by historians as a straightforward catalogue of genocide, epidemics, and forced catechisation. See, for example, the work of John Hemming: Red Gold (London: Macmillan, 1978), Amazon Frontier (London: Macmillan, 1983), “Indians and the Frontier” in L. Bethell, ed., Colonial Brazil (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987), 145–89. In its emphasis on the undeniable fact of the violent subjection of much of Amerindia, this orthodoxy obscured the vital detail of the varieties of historical experience in the Amazon and Orinoco basins and the Guianas, projecting an illusion of uniformity and direction to historical processes which were in fact much more complicated and open-ended. N. Whitehead, “Ethnic Transformation and Historical Discontinuity in Native Amazonia and Guayana, 1500–1900,” L'Homme, 126–8, 13:4 (avril–decembre 1993), 285–305. A particularly good example of the complexity of “conquest” from the Indian perspective in the period immediately prior to the Cabanagem is N. Farage, As Muralhas dos Sertoes: Os Povos Indigenas no Rio Branco e a Colonizacao (Rio: Paz e Terra, 1991). Historians, anthropologists, and archaeologists have more recently emphasised the historically contingent nature of ethnic identity and traced out its empirical consequence, the interweaving of identity construction and ethnicity with colonialism, economic expansion and state formation from the sixteenth century onwards. General volumes covering all or most of the tropical lowlands are A. Roosevelt, ed., Amazonian Indians from Prehistory to the Present (Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 1994); E.V. de Castro and M.C. da Cunha, eds., Amazonia: Etnologia e Historia Indigena (Sao Paulo: FAPESP, 1993); M.C. da Cunha, ed., Historia dos Indios no Brasil (Sao Paulo: Companhia das Letras 1992) and G. Urban and J. Sherzer, eds., Nation States and Indians in Latin America (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1991). For the Orinoco and Guianas, see chapters by Whitehead and Arvelo-Jimenez and Biord in Roosevelt, Amazonian Indians ; Dreyfus, in Castro and da Cunha, Amazonia ; and N. Whitehead, Lords of the Tiger Spirit: A History of the Caribs in Colonial Venezuela and Guayana, 1498–1820 (Dordrecht and Providence: Foris Publications, 1988). Price's trilogy on the Saramaka Maroons of Surinam, First Time (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1983), To Slay the Hydra (Ann Arbor: Karoma Publishers, 1983), and Alabi's World (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press 1990) is an example of a similar approach to an Afro-American ethnic formation. As a result, in certain parts of the tropical lowlands—notably the Guianas—it has been possible to produce a much more sophisticated reading of regional history, a “thick description” which can relate the fluidity and specificity of local circumstances to wider historical processes and can thus serve as the basis for a properly comparative mapping of the past.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The authors analyzed monetary and debt practices among the Rejang from Lebong in Sumatra, Indonesia, and compared the results of their own research with examples of monetary practices from elsewhere in the Malay archipelago and from Kenya.
Abstract: In this analysis of monetary and debt practices among the Rejang from Lebong in Sumatra, Indonesia, I compare the results of my own research with examples of monetary practices from elsewhere in the Malay archipelago and from Kenya. Phenomena like “hot money,” “war-debts,” ethnically exclusive credit circles, and gender-specific monetary practices reveal an underlying differentiation in notions of debt. Not all kinds of debt are expected to be repaid in the same measure. These different debt practices correspond to different regimes of transaction and result in distinct kinds of social integration. I will argue that in Lebong, differences in monetary practices along gender and ethnic lines can be traced to the way Rejang men, as well as the state's power elite, refuse to make contracts the universally accepted basis of transactions.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The Marievale mine at the far southeastern tip of the Witwatersrand goldmining crescent was the site of a major strike by African workers in 1940 as mentioned in this paper, where about 600 workers gathered together inside the Marievales Consolidated Compound on the far southeast tip of South Africa.
Abstract: On the evening of March 17, 1940, about 600 workers gathered together inside the Marievale Consolidated Compound on the far southeastern tip of the Witwatersrand goldmining crescent (see Figure 1). The workers demanded that the gates of the compound be opened, as they intended to march the forty miles to Johannesburg to present their grievances to Henry Taberer at KwaMzilikazi, the headquarters of the Native Recruiting Corporation. At about 8 pm, thirty-five policemen arrived from the nearby towns of Nigel, Springs, and Brakpan and demanded to know what was troubling the workers. After considerable discussion, the policemen discovered that the Marievale mine had run out of the regulation shift tickets normally used to record the labor of African workers and that older tickets were being used in their place. These tickets were printed with the higher wage rates received by workers during the early development of the mine: The mine officials had simply crossed out the 2 shillings and 6-pence rates and stamped the standard minimum of 2 shillings onto each slip of paper. The workers were suspicious about this conspicuous reduction of wage rates, arguing that they were due the original rate established by the Native Recruiting Corporation.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: According to as mentioned in this paper, German Biblical scholarship was critically influential as a "motivating force for the study of Islam" and that the "German form-critical techniques" developed to study the Old Testament influence on the way Western scholars interpret[ed] the Koran and the early Islamic community.
Abstract: Edward Said's Orientalism has received both praise and criticism. Among the criticisms leveled is the charge that Said's neglect of German scholarship misses an important part of Orientalism in the West. Robert Irwin, for example, notes that German Biblical scholarship was critically influential as a “motivating force for the study of Islam” and that the “German form-critical techniques” developed to study the Old Testament influence on the way “Western scholars interpret[ed] the Koran and the early Islamic community.” Bernard Lewis claims that Said's neglect of German scholarship calls into question his entire project and likens it to writing a history of European music without a discussion of the German contribution. See Robert Erwin, “Writing about Islam and the Arabs,” Ideology and Consciousness, 9 (1981–82), 108–9; Bernard Lewis, Islam and the West (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1993), 108. More generally, critics have noted that the presence of an influential Orientalist scholarship in Germany, as well as the absence of any significant Germany colonies in the Orient, calls into question Said's claim that there is a confluence between scholarship and political power in Orientalist discourse. Neither critics nor supporters, on the other hand, have given much attention to Said's claim that there is a similarity between Orientalism and anti-Semitism. Said states this in his introduction, where he notes that in “addition and by an almost inescapable logic, I have found myself writing the history of a strange secret sharer of Western anti-Semitism. That anti-Semitism, and as I have discussed it in its Islamic branch Orientalism resemble each other is a historical, cultural, and political truth that needs only be mentioned to an Arab Palestinian for its irony to be perfectly understood” (1978:27–28). Elsewhere, Said has faulted critics of his work on Orientalism for seeing “in the critique of Orientalism an opportunity for them to defend Zionism . . . and launch attacks on Palestinian nationalism,” instead of giving attention to the similarity “between Islamophobia and anti-Semitism” (1985:9).

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In the Aberdares forest, Mau Mau insurgents created a world composed of individuals and groups who contested the means for which positive social value could be attained as discussed by the authors, and this power was congealed in certain objects and the ability to use them.
Abstract: In this essay I hope to come closer to an understanding of how Mau Mau insurgents created a world in the Aberdares forest composed of individuals and groups who contested the means for which positive social value could be attained.' The world they created was replete with power, and this power was congealed in certain objects and the ability to use them. Many of these objects were literally stolen from the institutions which made up the colonial regime (schools and offices, for example). They circulated within and among groups of insurgents (itungati) in the forest and in some way represented and embodied the enchanted power of the colonial state apparatus.2 Yet the circulation of these objects into new social space (Mau Mau camps), whose constitution they contributed to, both changed the meaning of these objects and clarified and accelerated divisions within the movement. The circulation of literary-bureau-

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TL;DR: The slave emancipation problem in colonial contexts, such as the Igbo case in Igboland, south-eastern Nigeria, deserves attention because there are too few relevant studies as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: The slave emancipation problem in colonial contexts, such as the Igbo case in Igboland, south-eastern Nigeria, deserves attention because there are too few relevant studies (Brown 1996; Nwaka 1985; Ohadike 1988). These studies spotlight wage labor above other aspects of the emancipation question. This approach is justified because the colonial anti-slavery policy there centred on the promotion and control of wage labour. The wage labour focus is useful in explaining what the colonial state did, although it does say little about what the state avoided, and why. There was much more to the emancipation question than labour formation and control. The control of land, a critical element of class formation and reproduction in a post-emancipation agrarian situation, was the fundamental arena of conflict in post-abolition colonial Africa (see Cooper 1980; Klein 1993c). In other words, while the most effective means to achieve emancipation was land tenure reform, the colonial state chose to pursue the proletarianization strategy. This essay will examine why this was so.

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TL;DR: In this article, the authors examine the relation entre the populations indigenes Guatuso-Maleku du Nicaragua and the esclaves collecteurs de gomme a la fin du XIX e siecle qui resulta au genocide des premiers.
Abstract: Cet article examine la rencontre entre les populations indigenes Guatuso-Maleku du Nicaragua et les esclaves collecteurs de gomme a la fin du XIX e siecle qui resulta au genocide des premiers. Ces derniers tentaient de s'approprier un nouvel espace geographique afin de repondre a la demande internationale de caoutchouc et a la demande locale d'une main d'oeuvre servile (trois siecles apres l'abolition de l'esclavage dans les colonies espagnoles et 50 ans apres l'abolition de toute forme d'esclavage dans l'Amerique Centrale independante). Le rapport de l'expedition de 1882, menee par Bernardo Augusto Thiel (ne a Costa-Rica mais d'origine allemande), sur le territoire des Guatusos dans la foret meridionale du Lac Nicaragua, offre de nombreuses donnees ethnographiques mais aussi de riches informations sur la construction d'une ideologie nationaliste costaricaine ou l'image negative de l'Autre s'est formee a partir du rejet des Nicaraguayens frontaliers. Cette etude montre finalement que les projets civilisateurs de la fin du XIX e siecle en Amerique Centrale ont beneficie de l'etroite collaboration ainsi que de l'accord ideologique entre les liberaux (pronant la construction nationaliste) et le clerge conservateur dont les expeditions evangelisatrices (et ethnographiques) jouerent un role fondamental dans le discours legitimant la formation de l'Etat.

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TL;DR: In this paper, it is argued that analytical approaches that examine the issues surrounding new lending in the 1970s or, more commonly, the spate of defaults started by Mexico in 1982, are focusing attention on what is symptomatic, rather than on what was causal.
Abstract: Following the lacklustre performance of many developing countries over the last fifteen years, the problem of international debt is once again creeping back into the policy limelight. The achievements of structural adjustment and new lending programmes that have been at the heart of previous policy responses have been limited in terms of their ability to deliver new growth to debtor nations. Latin American countries are still heavily indebted to multilateral institutions with heavy debt burdens still threatening access to markets (World Bank 1995; Langfield 1995; and UNCTAD 1995). Similarly, some of the Asian “success stories” are once again becoming exposed to dangerously high levels of sovereign debt, especially to Japan (Ana and van Hees 1995). Such developments are naturally a renewed challenge to policy makers and to the accepted understandings of the causes of the crisis and its sustenance. It is postulated that analytical approaches that examine the issues surrounding new lending in the 1970s or, more commonly, the spate of defaults started by Mexico in 1982, are focusing attention on what is symptomatic, rather than on what is causal. By doing so, there is a danger that such analyses will provide a new inheritance of misinterpreted policy developments and limited future options.

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TL;DR: Turn-of-the-last-century liberals believed that democracies were more likely to engage in trade than absolutist monarchies (Doyle 1986:1161; Thomson 1966:462).
Abstract: Are democracies more likely to pursue free trade than autocracies? Turn-of-the-last-century liberals believed that democracies were more likely to engage in trade than absolutist monarchies (Doyle 1986:1161; Thomson 1966:462). “The majority consists of bread eaters,” wrote the French economist Frederic Bastiat (1862: 102–3). The argument according to which democracy is less bellicose than autocracy does sometimes rest on the assumption that democracy is more prone to commercial intercourse than autocracy. For a criticism of this line of argument, see Gowa (1995: 519). The electioneering work of the Anti-Corn Law League in Britain in the 1840s confirmed English radicals' belief that the franchise would mitigate corruption and rent seeking. However, subsequent history falsified these expectations. The simultaneous moves of autocratic France toward free trade and of democratic United States toward protection confounded any simple association between regime type and trade policy. No one has found a straightforward relation between democracy and trade. With one recent exception. Geoffrey Garrett and Peter Lange (1995) argue that democracies are quicker to adjust to changes in their economic environment than autocracies because of the popular constraint. The present essay revisits the liberals' insight.

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TL;DR: In this paper, a comparison between the Bouddhisme Shin and the protestantisme is made, and the analogies shin-occidentales sont a l'evidence fausses, mais de telles analogies sont partielles and suggestives.
Abstract: Une analogie comparant le Bouddhisme Shin et le protestantisme a toujours ete clairement limitee a une rencontre christianisme-shinisme. Le present article aborde directement les comparaisons au niveau de la pensee. Il etudie des questions qui impliquent des themes de politique religieuse institutionnelle et d'economie. A ce niveau, la deconstruction est necessaire. L'A. examine deux situations (La theorie politique chretienne et la Reforme en Europe) dans lesquelles les analogies shin-occidentales sont a l'evidence fausses, mais presente deux autres situations (La politique protestante aux Etats-Unis et les questions weberiennes sur les liens entre la religion et l'economie) dans lesquelles de telles analogies sont partielles et suggestives.

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TL;DR: In this article, the authors present trois ouvrages relatifs a la formation des Etats au XIX e siecle en Amerique hispanique : The constitution of tyranny : regimes of exception in Spanish America de Brian Loveman (1993), Peasant and nation : the making of postcolonial Mexico and Peru de Florencia E. Mallon (1995), and States and social evolution : coffee and the rise of national governments in Central America de Robert G. Williams (1994).
Abstract: L'A. revise trois ouvrages relatifs a la formation des Etats au XIX e siecle en Amerique hispanique : The constitution of tyranny : regimes of exception in Spanish America de Brian Loveman (1993), Peasant and nation : the making of postcolonial Mexico and Peru de Florencia E. Mallon (1995), et States and social evolution : coffee and the rise of national governments in Central America de Robert G. Williams (1994). Ces ouvrages offrent de nouvelles approches historiques en apportant une perspective comparative sur la formation etatique entre les Ameriques hispaniques (Centrale et du Sud) et le modele liberal et democratique de l'Amerique du Nord.

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TL;DR: In the 19th century, Catholics and Jews were two religious minorities in the midst of an intolerant majority society as discussed by the authors, and they were perceived by wide sectors of the German society as "a state within a state,” "a knife in the nation's back", and as a group of "betrayers" of national policy.
Abstract: In imperial Germany, Catholics and Jews were two religious minorities in the midst of an intolerant majority society. Although there were considerable differences in size (Catholics were about 35 percent of the German population and Jews about 1 percent), their positions as minorities vis-e-vis the Protestant majority had clear similarities. While they were officially free to integrate themselves into the Protestant society surrounding them, they were nevertheless targets of religious persecution and of social and cultural discrimination. They were perceived by wide sectors of the German society as “a state within a state,” “a knife in the nation's back,” and as a group of “betrayers” of the German national policy. Even Germans who did not use such expressions, considered these minorities “marginal groups” inasmuch as their religious principles or their cultural heritages seemed outdated and unimportant and thus easily cast off in the name of assimilation.

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TL;DR: Liisa Malkki's extraordinarily powerful book as mentioned in this paper joins the study of violence and the body with history and nationalism through detailed ethnographic work and a strong grasp of theory, and it is perhaps that it is burdened with too many themes, since it is also about displacement, marginality and invisibility; narratives of the self and the conditions of narrative making; and, not least, about the politics of ethnic violence in Burundi from 1972 until the present.
Abstract: Liisa Malkki's extraordinarily powerful book joins the study of violence and the body with history and nationalism through detailed ethnographic work and a strong grasp of theory. If there is a weakness in the book, it is perhaps that it is burdened with too many themes, since it is also about displacement, marginality and invisibility; about narratives of the self and the conditions of narrative making; and, not least, about the politics of ethnic violence in Burundi from 1972 until the present.