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JournalISSN: 1812-1098

Connections: The Quarterly Journal 

Procon Ltd.
About: Connections: The Quarterly Journal is an academic journal published by Procon Ltd.. The journal publishes majorly in the area(s): Terrorism & Business intelligence. It has an ISSN identifier of 1812-1098. Over the lifetime, 497 publications have been published receiving 1974 citations. The journal is also known as: Connections. Quarterly journal (Online).


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Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In the year and a half since Crimea's illegal referendum on independence, journalistic observation and scholarly analysis of the RT television network (formerly Russia Today) and others have helped raise awareness of the Kremlin's coordinated manipulation of Russian mass media as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: Preface: An AwakeningThe neatest trick of the devil is to persuade you that he does not exist.- Charles Baudelaire, 1869 1They began to appear in late February 2014. Equipped with the latest military weapons and gear, stripped of identification and riding unmarked military vehicles, they rapidly seized ground.2 While the world looked on in confusion, in a few weeks it was over; Crimea belonged to the Little Green Men.Several months later, on a beautiful July afternoon, a shower of composite and aluminum aircraft parts suddenly darkened the blue skies of Eastern Ukraine, raining down upon the sunflower fields near Hrabove. The 298 passengers and crew of Malaysia Airlines Flight 17 were all killed when their Boeing 777 was struck by a Russian-made 9M38 missile, launched by a Buk-Ml anti-aircraft system.* 3 At over 18 feet long, the missile was nearly the size of a telephone pole, and traveling three times the speed of sound.Screened by a schizophrenic torrent of state-sponsored propaganda, the Kremlin maintained innocence, distancing Russia from the controversial events and vehemently denying involvement - despite mounting evidence to the contrary.For many Western audiences, their first introduction to modern Russian propaganda was the frenetic spin cycle surrounding these dramatic events. Described as "darkly, nastily brilliant" and "so much more sophisticated than Soviet propaganda," in the year and a half since Crimea's illegal referendum on independence, journalistic observation and scholarly analysis of the RT television network (formerly Russia Today) and others have helped raise awareness of the Kremlin's coordinated manipulation of Russian mass media.4Unfortunately, RT and other state-controlled media outlets represent only one facet of a much larger influence campaign - a single tool in a range of understudied activities that constitute a concerning gap in the West's broader "soft-containment" of Putin's Russia.An Introduction to "Active Measures"In short, the Soviet approach to international relations can perhaps best be described as a form of "political warfare," with the manipulative and deceptive techniques of active measures playing an essential and important role.- USIA Report, Soviet Active Measures in the "Post-Cold War" Era, 1988-19915 6The Russian Federation is currently waging "the most amazing information warfare blitzkrieg ... in the history of information warfare," pursuing a revanchist foreign policy considered by senior diplomatic and military leaders to be a tremendous security threat for both Europe and America.7 While many in the West are by now familiar with Russia's infamous RT network, its state-sponsored media outlets are only the tip of the iceberg - the "white propaganda" component of a much broader system of influence activities designed to shape the global information space.With roots in Leninist thinking, over generations the Soviets mastered a range of techniques known as oktivnyye meropriyotiyo, or "active measures," ranging from simple propaganda and forgery to assassination, terrorism and everything in between. In the West, these politics by other means were simply referred to as "dirty tricks."8Described by Major General Oleg Kalugin, the KGB's highest ranking defector, as "the heart and soul of Soviet intelligence," these "active measures were well integrated into Soviet policy and involved virtually every element of the Soviet party and state structure, not only the KGB."9 As a major component of Soviet foreign policy, these tactics were incredibly well resourced. According to experts, the "Soviet active measures apparatus dwarfed, by a factor of perhaps 20 or 30 to one, the US governmental apparatus set up to analyze and counter its activities."10 At their peak, it is estimated that the Soviet active measures campaign employed up to 15,000 people - more than the number of diplomats serving in the post-9/11 US Department of State. …

54 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The Russian approach to hybrid warfare as demonstrated by operations in Ukraine and the significance of these developments for Western security policy has been examined in this paper, where the authors examine the Russian approach and its effect on the United States and the European Union.
Abstract: IntroductionSince the Russian Federation invaded Crimea in March 2014, analysis and commentary on the concept of hybrid warfare have increased exponentially.1 An Internet search will identify hundreds of entries covering the phenomenon. Hybrid warfare has become the most common term used to try and capture the complexity of twenty-first-century warfare, which involves a multiplicity of actors and blurs the traditional distinctions between different types of armed conflict and even between war and peace. Hybrid warfare has ceased to be a topic only for military strategists, as it has now entered the broader public domain and become a major security concern for Western governments. Both NATO and the European Union (EU) are working on strategies to strengthen defensive capabilities and prevent hybrid attacks.This article seeks to clarify the different ways in which the term hybrid warfare and related terms have been used by scholars and policy analysts and summarize discussion on the topic to date. The paper will examine, in particular, the Russian approach to hybrid warfare as demonstrated by operations in Ukraine and will briefly assess the significance of these developments for Western security policy.Defining Hybrid WarfareNot surprisingly, there are many definitions of hybrid warfare. The concept has been delineated in different, if related, ways and these definitions have evolved in a relatively short period of time. Defining hybrid warfare is not just an academic exercise. The way the term is defined may determine how states perceive and respond to hybrid threats and which government agencies are involved in countering them.One approach to hybrid warfare takes an historical perspective. This defines the term simply as the concurrent use of both conventional and irregular forces in the same military campaign. Military historian Peter R. Mansoor, for example, defines hybrid warfare as "conflict involving a combination of conventional military forces and irregulars (guerrillas, insurgents, and terrorists), which could include both state and non-state actors, aimed at achieving a common political purpose."2 Viewed from this perspective, hybrid warfare is clearly nothing new. There are numerous examples of hybrid techniques and approaches at the tactical, operational and strategic levels stretching back at least as far as the Peloponnesian War and the writings of the Chinese philosopher, Sun Tzu, in the fifth century BC. Irregular fighters have proved to be the bane of numerous conventional militaries. Formidable armies such as Napoleon's Grand Armee and Hitler's Wehrmacht struggled to combat irregular fighters who understood and exploited the local human and geographical terrain and targeted vulnerable logistic bases and lines of communication. Over time, guerrilla operations had a significant and lasting impact on the broader conventional military campaigns of which they were part. Recent counter insurgency (COIN) campaigns in Iraq and Afghanistan have once again highlighted the difficulty of defeating de- termined irregular fighters without committing human rights abuses against the local population and consequently undermining domestic and international public support for the campaign.During the 2000s, the use of the term "hybrid" became a common way to describe contemporary warfare, particularly because of the increasing sophistication and lethality of violent non-state actors and the growing potential of cyber warfare. Although there was no agreement that this necessarily constituted a new form of warfare,3 definitions of hybrid warfare emphasized the blending of conventional and irregular approaches across the full spectrum of conflict. For example, in 2007 Frank G. Floffman, a leading analyst of the concept, defined hybrid warfare as "Threats that incorporate a full range of different modes of warfare including conventional capabilities, irregular tactics and formations, terrorist acts including indiscriminate violence and coercion, and criminal disorder, conducted by both sides and a variety of non-state actors. …

49 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors examine the short-and long-term effects of the COVID-19 pandemic on the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) and suggest that BRI countries should consider if they can still afford these infrastructure projects even if they take longer to finish, are more expensive, and generate a smaller economic impact.
Abstract: The article examines the short-and long-term effects of the COVID-19 pandemic on the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) The temporary shutdown of economies around the world has disrupted global supply chains, which has caused major delays in BRI infrastructure projects and increased the costs For the time being, China and BRI partner countries will have to divert attention and resources to fighting the spread of the virus and providing relief for their economies Thus, a serious slowdown for the BRI is inevitable However, the long-term consequences are still uncertain at this point and will depend, to a large degree, on how long Corona will set back the world economy China seems determined to carry on with the BRI no matter what, but the question arises if China’s economy will recover quickly enough and if Beijing has the financial reserves to keep up the high level of commitment and support for the BRI If China manages to sustain the BRI throughout the pandemic, Corona can open up opportunities to use “mask diplomacy” and BRI healthcare infrastructure projects to increase Beijing’s global standing and the local acceptance for the BRI Given the changed circumstances, BRI countries are well advised to review their participation in the BRI by giving due consideration to the short-term and possible long-term effects They should consider if they can still afford these infrastructure projects even if they take longer to finish, are more expensive, and generate a smaller economic impact © 2020, Partnership for Peace Consortium of Defense Academies and Security Studies Institutes All rights reserved

28 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The strengths and limitations of deploying UAVs along the borders and related issues for Congress are examined.
Abstract: The use of Unmanned Aerial Vehicles (UAVs) to improve border security is a technique that has garnered congressional attention. This report examines the strengths and limitations of deploying UAVs along the borders and related issues for Congress. This report is not intended to provide in-depth information regarding technical or military capabilities of UAVs, but to discuss their application at the border.

25 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors argue that the civil-military relations field has been subject to three major challenges which are in the process of dramatically redefining our understanding of how the armed services interact with civilian authorities and more generally with civil society, and indeed how it is studied.
Abstract: This article argues that the Civil-Military Relations field has been subject to three major challenges which are in the process of dramatically redefining our understanding of how the armed services interact with civilian authorities and more generally with civil society, and indeed how it is studied. First, there has been an epistemological challenge that is developing new understandings in our knowledge. At the outset it is important to highlight the plurality of ‘New’ Civil-Military Relations methods, rather than a single theoretical approach. A second ontological challenge is leading to new foci of research, as scholars retarget attention on issues that previously we overlooked. Third, there has been a practitioner and policy maker led challenge, which raises a series of new questions which have hitherto been overlooked notably the effectiveness of policy transfer, the need to better understand the changing circumstances in which war is waged, conditions for successful military engagement and the potential role of conditionally in developmental relationships. This article argues that the combination of these three challenges is creating an intellectual revolution in the redefinition of the field of Civil-Military Relations and its parameters, and there are already early signs that these challenges are moving scholars away from an old set of concerns towards a new research agenda. This article argues that the cumulative effect of these changes has the potential to deliver three developments: first, the possibility of applying new knowledge to ‘New’ empirical and theoretical issues as well as to ‘Old’ civil-military relations issues; second, enhanced opportunities for interdisciplinary research, with the possibility of combining traditions and theories which have not previously been able to relate to or have been perceived to be in conflict with each other; and third, to root the study of new civil military relations in approaches which have stronger theoretical foundations.

24 citations

Performance
Metrics
No. of papers from the Journal in previous years
YearPapers
20228
202027
20193
201814
201717
201629