Showing papers in "Contributions to Indian Sociology in 1970"
TL;DR: The notion of dominant caste was introduced by Srinivas in his analysis of the social system of Rampura, a Mysore village, and elaborated in a later paper (Srinivas 1959: 1-16).
Abstract: PROFESSOR M.N. SRINIVAS’S notion of &dquo;dominant caste&dquo;, introduced in his analysis of the social system of Rampura, a Mysore village (Srinivas 1955: 1-36), and elaborated in a later paper (Srinivas 1959: 1-16) has been ever since in wide circulation among social anthropologists working on India. It appears, however, that most of them have accepted it rather uncritically. Although some authors have offered criticisms of the concept (see, e.g., Dube 1968: 58-81; Atal 1968: igi-2oi; Mathur 1967: 262-66; Ishwaran 1965; Varma 1964: 59-81; Chattopadhyaya 1964; Bailey 1960: 257-63; Dumont and Pocock 1957: 23-41), yet there would seem to be scope for a somewhat more extended critique, particularly on theoretical grounds. ’
24 citations
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TL;DR: The Backward Classes are a vast, amorphous and highly differentiated collection of people in India as mentioned in this paper and together they add up to more than a third of India's population.
Abstract: other measures designed to enable the traditionally underprivileged to gain social and economic equality with the more advanced sections of society. The Backward Classes are a vast, amorphous and highly differentiated collection of people. Together they add up to more than a third of India’s population. In this context the word &dquo;classes&dquo; is a misnomer for &dquo;castes&dquo; or &dquo;tribes&dquo;, and the word &dquo;backward&dquo; a polite short-hand for those who were low in the traditional social hierarchy. Membership in the Backward Classes, then, is ascribed
24 citations
TL;DR: In this article, the authors examined the applicability of some of the concepts to data drawn from a Punjabi village, namely, caste, socio-economic status (hereafter referred to as SES), and class.
Abstract: SOCIOLOGICAL literature abounds in controversy about the theory of social class and, more broadly, of social stratification. Alan concepts and frameworks have been used to analyze systems of stratincation which, in general, denote a hierarchical arrangement of groups in a society or community. One of the objectives of this paper is to examine the applicability of some of the concepts to data drawn from a Punjabi village. The concepts chosen for empirical validation are caste, socio-economic status (hereafter referred to as SES), and class. The second aim, linked with the above, is to analyze and describe the system of stratification of a Punjabi village-Jalpana-which in many ways is representative of a large rural area in West Punjab (Pakistan). The data on which this paper is based were collected from the village over a period of eight and a half months, during 1964-6), through participant observation and interviews with some knowledgeable members of the villager Quantitative data were collected by means of a census guide and an interview schedule. At an early stage of my stay in the village, I collected information of a demographic nature from each of the 274 households. Tables I and 2 use the data from this survey. After about 6 months, I developed an interview schedule to collect systematic information on the social life of the villagers. These data were collected from a 40 per cent sample of heads of households, but some of them did not answer all the question resulting in a lower N than 40 per cent of the total. Tables I and 2 on the ranking of quoms (ethnic and or social economic groups discussed below) are: drawn from the information gathered from the various knowledgeable persons.
19 citations
TL;DR: In the absence of such an institutional framework, at what level ought we to seek continuities between the diverse elements of which it is made? as mentioned in this paper argues that if Hinduism can indeed be envisaged as a system of social behaviour (as opposed to a mere collection of heterogeneous and uncoordinated ritual activities, which we associate with each other merely through the force of tradition) then what gives coherence to this system?
Abstract: are they related to each other in terms of either common underlying values or consistency of purpose? If Hinduism can indeed be envisaged as a system of social behaviour (as opposed to a mere collection of heterogeneous and uncoordinated ritual activities, which we associate with each other merely through the force of tradition) then what gives coherence to this system? Hinduism is not sustained as a whole by any ecclesiastical or sectarian organization; in the absence of such an institutional framework, at what level ought we to seek continuities between the diverse elements of which it is made?’ .
11 citations
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors argue that structural analyses, whether within the domains of a particular culture (e.g., see Yalinan 1964: 130-37) or between those of different cultures (i.e., see L6vi-Strauss 1963), often impute the relations of inversion, sometimes of negation (or contradiction) among domains.
Abstract: are usually not), they tend to live in terms of cultural rules that are organized in a manner not dissimilar from the rules of &dquo;textbook&dquo; logic. Thus, structural analyses, whether within the domains of a particular culture (e.g., see Yalinan 1964: 130-37) or between those of different cultures (e.g., see L6vi-Strauss 1963), often impute the relations of inversion, sometimes of negation (or contradiction) among domains. And from this, I believe, follows all of the properties of relationships put forward in the formal logic of relations; i.e., contradictions are intransitive, symmetrical, and irreflexive.1 A similar argument
9 citations
TL;DR: In this paper, a very short outline of emics and etics as heuristic devices is given, these two being the core terms of the &dquo;new ethnography.
Abstract: not criticizing them for giving short shrift to some of the more formalistic approaches to social analysis which have originated’ in this country. I do, however, suggest that there is nothing wrong, on principle, in trying out new methodologies, and to test them over a period of time, as to their fertility, accuracy, and capacity to supplement or replace in part some older methodologies which have run their course. I shall begin therefore by giving a very short outline of emics and etics as heuristic devices, these two being the core terms of the &dquo;new ethnography&dquo;. Claude L6vi-Strauss may or may not have been one of the inspirers of this scheme: his notion that social research should proceed on the thematic model of structural Iiiaguistics is akin to the basic postulates of ethnoscience and ethnosemantics, terms which, for our purpose at least, are rough synonyms of the &dquo;new ethnography&dquo;. The terms emics and etics were coined by Kenneth Pike (1954),&dquo; one of the living fathers of modern linguistics. Pike’s concern, of course, was more purely linguistic than that of cultural anthropologists who took their cue from him. Marvin Harris’s monumental, controversial book (1968) is, at this time, a sine qua non for all serious students of anthropology.
8 citations
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors compare statistics on family structure collected in 1819, 1958, and 1967 for the village of Lonikand, Haveli Taluka, Poona District, Maharashtra.
Abstract: IN THIS PAPER, I compare statistics on family structure collected in 1819, 1958, and 1967 for the village of Lonikand, Haveli Taluka, Poona District, Maharashtra. The 1819 figures reported by Surgeon Thomas Coats represent a rare find (Coats 1823), brought to the attention of our generation by G.S. Ghurye in his book, After a Century and a Quarter (Ghurye ig6o). It is the rareness, almost non-existence, of such data that has made it impossible to make
7 citations
TL;DR: Abdullah Rasul as mentioned in this paper provides a personal as well as a partisan account of the Krishak Sabha and the All India Kisan Sabha, particularly when the account relates to those years in which the All-India body held its annual conference at some place in Bengal.
Abstract: cal account of the peasant association or organization known in Bengal as the Krishak Sabha and elsewhere, generally, as the Kisan Sabha. The account is confined largely to Bengal although reference is occasionally made to the All India Kisan Sabha, particularly when the account relates to those years in which the All-India body held its annual conference at some place in Bengal. West Bengal (along with Kerala) has clearly the most important state unit of the larger association in terms of both membership and range and effectiveness of action. The book provides a personal as well as a partisan account. Abdullah Rasul has been associated with the Bengal Krishak Sabha since its inception in 1936, has for long periods occupied important positions in its State Committee (as either Secretary or member of the Council of Chairmen) and has thus created for himself a unique position in a particular wing of the peasant front, i.e., the
4 citations
TL;DR: In the controversy on the nature and scope of a Sociology of India initiated by Dumont and Pocock as mentioned in this paper, the issue of nationalism versus internationalism in the formulation of problems and priorities for research has been frequently raised in the recent past in terms of academic colonialism in the new nations.
Abstract: THERE ARE two separate questions involved in the controversy on the nature and scope of a Sociology of India initiated by Dumont and Pocock. The first pertains to theory and method in sociology: whether theory in sociology comprises a system of general propositions and concepts or whether it is a descriptive-analytic account of particular social or cultural phenomena in terms of a hierarchy of value-premises derived from some unifying principles. This is the point of contention between Dumont and Pocock and Bailey (see Dumont and Pocock 1957: 7-22; Bailey 1959: 88-iOI; Dumont and Pocock ig6o: 82-89). The second question relates to the issue of nationalism versus internationalism in the formulation of problems and priorities for research. It has geopolitical and historical dimensions and has been frequently raised in the recent past in terms of &dquo;academic colonialism&dquo; in the new nations. This perspective
4 citations