Criminology and public policy 

About: Criminology and public policy is an academic journal published by Wiley-Blackwell. The journal publishes majorly in the area(s): Poison control & Suicide prevention. It has an ISSN identifier of 1538-6473. Over the lifetime, 1198 publications have been published receiving 31894 citations. The journal is also known as: Criminology and public policy.

“police don't like black people”: african‐american young men's accumulated police experiences*

Abstract: Research Summary This study examined 40 African-American young men's direct and vicarious experiences with police harassment and violence, and their impact on perceptions of police. Study findings highlight the value of using comprehensive and nuanced measures of police/citizen encounters and underscore the importance of examining the impact of accumulated adverse experiences. Policy Implications The findings have implications for police oversight policies. In particular, police organizations should work toward developing complaint review processes that are not merely accessible to citizens but also inspire confidence among them. These efforts are crucial toward improving the image of police in minority communities and positively impacting citizen trust of, and satisfaction with, the police.

Reforming to preserve: compstat and strategic problem solving in american policing*

Abstract: Research Summary: This paper provides the first national description of Compstat programs, considered in the framework of strategic problem solving. Relying on a survey of American police departments conducted by the Police Foundation, we examine the diffusion of Compstat programs and the nature of Compstat models throughout the United States. We also assess the penetration of models of strategic problem solving more generally into American policing. Our findings document a process of “diffusion of innovation” of Compstat-like programs in larger police agencies that follows a rapid pace. At the same time, our data suggest that many elements of strategic problem solving had begun to be implemented more widely across American police agencies before the emergence of Compstat as a programmatic entity, and that such elements have been adopted broadly even by departments that have not formally adopted a Compstat program. Policy Implications: Compstat holds out the promise of allowing police agencies to adopt innovative technologies and problem-solving techniques while empowering traditional police organizational structures. However, our analysis suggests that at this stage, what most characterizes Compstat departments and distinguishes them from others is the development of the control element of this reform. This leads us to question whether the rapid rise of Compstat in American police agencies can be interpreted more as an effort to maintain and reinforce the “bureaucratic” or “paramilitary” model of police organization (that has been under attack by scholars for most of the last two decades) than as an attempt to truly reform models of American policing.

Imprisonment and crime

Abstract: Since 1972, the rate of incarceration in U.S. state and federal prisons has increased every year without exception from a rate of 96 prisoners per 100,000 population in 1972 to 504 prisoners per 100,000 in 2008 (BJS, 2008).1 Counting those housed in jails, the nation’s total incarceration rate has surpassed 750 per 100,000 (Liptak, 2008). Accompanying the 40-year increase in imprisonment has been a companion growth in corrections budgets from $9 billion in 1982 to $69 billion in 2006, which is a 660% increase (BJS, 2008). Much research has been done on the effect of this increase in incarceration on crime rates as well as on the social and economic costs of the ensuing fivefold increase in the nation’s imprisonment rate. The point of departure for this article is the recognition that sanction policies that reduce both crime and punishment have the desirable feature of avoiding not only the costs of crime but also the costs of administering punishment. As a theoretical matter, this observation is certainly not new and was recognized at least as long ago as Becker (1968). Of course, the policy question is whether, relative to the status quo, alternative policies exist that can achieve these simultaneous effects. In this article, we argue that it is a realistic possibility that crime, prison costs, and imprisonment numbers can be

Does correctional program quality really matter? the impact of adhering to the principles of effective intervention*

Abstract: Research Summary: This study analyzed data on 3,237 offenders placed in 1 of 38 community-based residential programs as part of their parole or other post-release control. Offenders terminated from these programs were matched to, and compared with, a group of offenders (N = 3,237) under parole or other post-release control who were not placed in residential programming. Data on program characteristics and treatment integrity were obtained through staff surveys and interviews with program directors. This information on program characteristics was then related to the treatment effects associated with each program. Policy Implications: Significant and substantial relationships between program characteristics and program effectiveness were noted. This research provides information that is relevant to the development of correctional programs, and it can be used by funding agencies when awarding contracts for services.

Mass imprisonment and racial disparities in childhood behavioral problems

Abstract: Research Summary This essay provides estimates of the influence of mass imprisonment on racial disparities in childhood well-being. To do so, we integrate results from three existing studies in a novel way. The first two studies use two contemporary, broadly representative data sets to estimate the effects of paternal incarceration on a range of child behavioral and mental health problems. The third study estimates changes in Black–White disparities in the risk of paternal imprisonment across the 1978 and 1990 American birth cohorts. Our research demonstrates the following: 1) The average effect of paternal incarceration on children is harmful, not helpful, and consistently in the direction of more mental health and behavioral problems. 2) The rapid increase in the use of imprisonment coupled with significant racial disparities in the likelihood of paternal (and maternal) imprisonment are linked to large racial disparities in childhood mental health and behavioral problems. 3) We find that mass imprisonment might have increased Black–White inequities in externalizing behaviors by 14–26% and in internalizing behaviors by 25–45%. Policy Implications Our results add to a growing research literature indicating that the costs associated with mass imprisonment extend far beyond well-documented impacts on current inmates. The legacy of mass incarceration will be continued and worsening racial disparities in childhood mental health and well-being, educational attainment, and occupational attainment. Moreover, the negative effects of mass imprisonment for childhood well-being are likely to remain, even if incarceration rates returned to pre-1970s levels. Our results show that paternal incarceration exacerbates child behavioral and mental health problems and that large, growing racial disparities in the risk of imprisonment have contributed to significant racial differences in child well-being. The policy implications of our work are as follows: 1) Estimates of the costs associated with the current scale of imprisonment are likely to be severely underestimated because they do not account for the significant indirect effects of mass incarceration for children, for families, and for other social institutions such as the educational system and social service providers. 2) Policies that reduce incarceration rates for nonviolent offenders with no history of domestic violence will most dramatically reduce the effects of mass incarceration on childhood racial inequality. More research is needed to detail other important factors (e.g., crime type, criminal history, or gender of parent) that condition the effect of paternal incarceration on children. 3) Paternal incarceration effects target the most disadvantaged and vulnerable of children and are likely to result in long-term behavioral health problems. We propose a strengthening of the social safety net—especially as it applies to the poorest children—and programs that address the complicated needs of children of incarcerated parents.