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Showing papers in "European Journal of East Asian Studies in 2009"


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The potential of the migration experience to affect migrants' attitudes towards democracy, thus playing an important role in the diffuse support needed for democracies in the stage of consolidation, has been attested in this article.
Abstract: The link between development and migration has been termed the 'new development mantra'. Studies on the subject have so far mostly focused on economic remittances, and the potential consequences of return migration on democratisation have been rarely touched upon. This article attests the potential of the migration experience to affect migrants' attitudes towards democracy, thus playing an important role in the diffuse support needed for democracies in the stage of consolidation. Based on a survey among 1,000 Philippine return migrants from six destinations, the paper suggests that the migration experience may not only lead to a more critical stance towards the political system of the home country; there are also indicators of lesser support for the principles of democracy when compared to migrants about to leave the country for the first time. The political system of the destination as such seems to be a less decisive factor than the specific freedoms and restrictions experienced by migrants and a potential bias when selecting the destination. The article focuses on return migrants from Saudi Arabia, Hong Kong and Japan, which showed the most distinctive numbers in support of democracy or changes therein when compared to first-time migrants heading for that destination.

72 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
Nicola Piper1
TL;DR: In this article, the role of collective organisations in influencing and changing the direction and practice of political activism aimed at advancing the rights of migrants as foreign workers is explored. And the authors argue that the analysis and theorisation of political remittances aimed at furthering solidarity among workers and democratising of labour and human relations needs to be situated within a multi-sited landscape of collective organizations and the networks between them.
Abstract: The starting point in exploring possible linkages between migration and democratisation in this paper is the role of collective organisations in influencing and changing the direction and practice of political activism aimed at advancing the rights of migrants as foreign workers . Given the specific context of my discussion being temporary contract migration—the predominant form of (legal) economic migration in Asia today—taking a transnational perspective that links origin and destination countries is paramount, as the problem issues these contract migrants face occur at both 'ends' of the migration journey, often simultaneously. I develop a reconputalisation of the notion of 'political remittances' to analyse political activism via collective organisations that operate across borders. In doing so, I raise the question whether this activism contributes to the transnationalisation of migrant rights—a specific form of political remittances. In conclusion, I argue that the analysis and theorisation of political remittances aimed at furthering solidarity among workers and democratising of labour and human relations needs to be situated within a multi-sited landscape of collective organisations and the networks between them.

53 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors present the results of a survey conducted among Filipina domestic workers in Hong Kong (n=691) and analyze the effects of state discursive strategies designed to secure democratic legitimacy.
Abstract: Developing countries are increasingly facilitating migration as a way of generating remittances for the home economy. The Philippines serves as a paradigmatic example, inaugurating a labour export scheme in 1973 that has grown each year and resulted in nearly 25 per cent of the labour force working abroad. The institutionalization of this labour export policy, along with changes in citizenship and voting laws, has led to the increasing deterritorialization of the Philippines state, with concomitant implications for democracy and democratization. This deterritorialization presents both opportunities and challenges for the state. Among them are the possibility of securing sustained remittances and the necessity of securing democratic legitimacy from a globalized polity. This paper traces the evolution of this labour export policy and analyzes the effects of state discursive strategies designed to secure democratic legitimacy. To further this analysis I present the results of a survey conducted among Filipina domestic workers in Hong Kong (n=691). The responses indicate the discursive strategy of 'national heroes' has been effective in that majorities of OFWs view themselves as 'heroes of the nation.' However, OFWs also view themselves as making sacrifices for the nation and have concerns about government commitments to protect the rights and interests of OFWs.

36 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors argue that migrants have the potential to act as norm entrepreneurs and as agents of democratisation, and they map out three avenues of norm diffusion: migration can be the cause for changes of political attitudes at the individual level, it can be an enabling factor for collective action and it may lead to institutional change at the national and global level.
Abstract: The article provides an introduction into this EJEAS issue on democratisation and international migration. Third Wave democratisation and the recent unprecedented increase in international labour migration may have the same structural origins, but so far few attempts have been made to link the two research agendas. One explanation might be that existing research on democratisation has neglected the exogenous dimension, and that migration research was preoccupied with destination countries. By drawing from the contributions to this Issue and the literature on norm diffusion, we argue that migrants have the potential to act as norm entrepreneurs and as agents of democratisation. The article maps out three avenues of norm diffusion: Migration can be the cause for changes of political attitudes at the individual level, it can be an enabling factor for collective action and it may lead to institutional change at the national and global level. To further assess how precisely these pathways might support or impede democratisation, more theory-guided empirical studies on the subject are urgently needed.

26 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In the run-up to the Beijing 2008 Olympic Games, the number and intensity of public service advertising (PSA) increased in China as discussed by the authors, and the number of PSA advertisements increased significantly.
Abstract: Over the past three decades, Chinese media have moved away from the tight controls under which they were kept since 1949. This forced those responsible for popular education to reconsider how their messages can be presented best to the public. Written propaganda, as published in newspapers, reached less and less people and was seen as boring and ineffective; the propaganda posters of the past could not compete with the many moving images and the glossy commercial messages that entered China. Television was seen as the most effective medium to present a modernized type of propaganda. As a result, the Party became a producer of 'public service advertising' (PSA, gongyi guanggao ). Commercial advertising has inspired contents and forms of these PSA in major ways. Despite their important function in the wider framework of thought work, the production of PSA is hampered by three partially interrelated problems: financing, production and broadcasting. In the run-up to the Beijing 2008 Olympic Games, the number and intensity of PSA increased.

20 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors argue that Indonesia's current labour woes are best understood as the reflection of structural change and a demand-constrained economy, and any employment-creation strategy must therefore consider both demand and cost factors.
Abstract: [Indonesia continues to bear the scars of the 1997 financial crisis, with the highest open unemployment rate in Southeast Asia. The orthodox interpretation is that the post-crisis era in Indonesia is typified by overly generous labour legislation that has seen an aggressive pursuit of minimum wages and other provisions. The consequent rise in real wages adversely impacted the investment climate and impeded employment growth in the formal sector. Detailed sectoral analysis reveals very little evidence of a wage-driven cost squeeze on profit margins. Econometric estimation of sectoral employment functions shows that output growth plays a more significant role in determining employment than real wage. This is also confirmed by enterprise surveys which reveal that current labour legislation is not at the top of the list of concerns among investors. Thus, this paper contends that Indonesia's current labour woes are best understood as the reflection of structural change and a demand-constrained economy. Any employment-creation strategy must therefore consider both demand and cost factors., This paper reviews the evolution of the Chinese socialist regime since the early reforms introduced in 1978. It explores the revisionist concept and innovative practice of socialism with Chinese characteristics. Differently from the East Asian newly industrialized countries, the Chinese reform had to deliver from the beginning both on the economic and socio-political fronts. This explains why China has forged its own model of economic and political development through redefining the concept of Chinese socialism, learning from Western and Eastern capitalisms.]

16 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The authors explored the impact of the 1991 Mt Pinatubo eruption on the US-Republic of the Philippines military relations through the lens of disaster diplomacy and found that disaster-related activities had a short-term impact on US-Philippines diplomacy.
Abstract: This paper explores the impact of the 1991 Mt Pinatubo eruption on the US-Republic of the Philippines military relations through the lens of disaster diplomacy. Disaster diplomacy focuses on how and why disaster-related activities (e.g. mitigation, prevention and response) do and do not yield diplomatic gains, looking mainly at disaster-related activities affecting diplomacy rather than the reverse. Disaster diplomacy 'pathways', identified in previous studies, help to explain how the Filipino and US governments approached the negotiations for renewing the lease of the US military facilities in the Philippines in the context of two bases being damaged by a volcanic eruption. The paper funher addresses six underpinning questions of disaster diplomacy for this case study. These questions assist in answering this paper's central research question: how much did the 199 I eruption ofMt Pinatubo influence US-Philippines military cooperation due to the concurrent diplomatic talks between the two governments regarding the lease renewal for the US bases in the Philippines? The answer is that disaster-related activities due to the Mt Pinatubo eruption had a short-term impact on US-Philippines diplomacy. This impact was seen in the context of significant connections already existing, through the long-standing US-Philippines military links. Over the long-term, non-disaster factors had a more significant impact on US-Philippines military diplomacy than Mt Pinatubo, adding to the list of case studies for which disaster diplomacy's impact was limited. © Koninklijke Brill NY, LeiJen, 2009.

13 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors discuss how Partnerships for Sustainable Development were brokered at the 2002 World Summit for Sustainable development, in spite of initial resistance by developing countries; and whether a prevalent partnership model is emerging in China.
Abstract: Hybrid governance instruments such as public-private partnerships are increasingly applied in so-called emerging countries, in particular Brazil, India and China (the 'BRICs') With a more diverse set of influential political actors involved in global governance, the question arises whether existing global governance institutions are effective and legitimate This paper focuses on partnerships in China's sustainable development China has witnessed rapid economic transition from a plan economy to a market economy In the course of these developments, China faces increasing ecological stress and social inequity Reform and intensification of China's sustainable development governance seems necessary Are partnerships the road to go? Does China successfully appropriate the partnership model and integrate it into its domestic governance? This paper discusses how Partnerships for Sustainable Development were brokered at the 2002 Worlds Summit for Sustainable Development, in spite of initial resistance by developing countries; and whether a prevalent partnership model is emerging in China

12 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the implications of international migration on the research of democratisation processes are explored, focusing on the notion of democratic citizenship as a set of rights, which links the entitlement of rights to national belonging.
Abstract: The contribution explores the implications of international migration on the research of democratisation processes. It focuses on the notion of democratic citizenship as a set of rights. Democratisation processes are thus conceptualised as processes in which rights are acquired, institutionalised and expanded. Expansion has two aspects: one is the inclusion of new groups of persons into the community of those entitled to rights, the other is the inclusion of new types of rights such as liberal, political, social, economic or cultural rights. Citizenship, which links the entitlement of rights to national belonging, must be rethought in the light of international migration. The repercussions of migration on citizenship rights and citizenship concepts have been explored in the context of labour immigrant incorporation within Western liberal democracies. For East Asia, however, these issues are largely unexplored. Labour migration in East Asia differs in several aspects from the Western template: labour-receiving countries in East Asia include authoritarian regimes as well as democracies in different states of consolidation. Furthermore, labour migration is predominantly temporary. Drawing on the theoretical insights of 'Western' debates, the article identifies the legitimate democratic representation as well as the conditions, the characteristics and the effects of struggles for migrants' rights as important fields of research on the nexus between labour migration and democratisation in East Asia.

9 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: This paper addresses the main characteristics of NRCMS as an example of 'transformative state capacity' in decentralised policy fields and its feature 'responsiveness' as a market-based means of its introduction.
Abstract: In 2002, the Chinese leadership announced a turnaround in national welfare policy: Local insurance at county level, called the New Rural Cooperative Medical System (NRCMS), was to cover all counties by 2010. This paper addresses the main characteristics of NRCMS as an example of 'transformative state capacity' in decentralised policy fields and its feature 'responsiveness' as a market-based means of its introduction. Reviewing the modes of governance and comparing the introduction of local schemes based on two case studies of western China since 2006, this paper argues that the flexibility shown by local administrators in considering structural and procedural adjustments is the result not only of central directives but also of local initiatives. Forms of locally embedded responsiveness to the needs and perceptions of health care recipients are crucial in enhancing the accountability and responsiveness of local cadres. These new modes of 'responsiveness' or responsive regulation are important in understanding and conceptualising the transformative state capacity. Responsive settings using centrally defined local feedback loops are different from hierarchical control and the formal institutionalised representation of the interests of the local population, and are a rough but effective means of enhancing both flexibility and the efficiency of control and financing by the central state. These feedback loops, which are based on voluntary enrolment and on central state subsidies made dependent on contributions received from participants and local government, are complementary forms of governance at grassroots level.

6 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In the central Visayas Islands of the Philippines, insertion into the global economy has been a patchy process, creating remarkably different production networks in the three neighbouring provinces of Bohol, Cebu and Negros Oriental as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: In spite of economic globalisation and new technologies that 'shrink' the world, locality and proximity remain important for businesses. Many firms may increasingly be inserted into global chains of production, but the local environment in many ways remains the key playing field for entrepreneurs. Embedded in a relational economy, 'the local' presents powerful institutional opportunities and constraints for firms. In the central Visayas Islands of the Philippines, insertion into the global economy has been a patchy process, creating remarkably different production networks in the three neighbouring provinces of Bohol, Cebu and Negros Oriental. Despite their geographical proximity and shared national institutional framework, these provinces have clearly distinct economic structures and development paths. They thus allow a comparative analysis of the role of regional institutions. How is this diversity reflected in terms of regional differences in inter-firm networks, both in vertical production chains and in regionally embedded horizontal networks? And how do differences in networking affect economic activity and development in the provinces? Using key elements of Whitley's comparative business systems approach at the sub-national level, this paper seeks answers to these questions.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: This paper explored how the Hmub may be a special case of allowing for a private personal emotional zone to be created within a highly structured or institutional setting that honors social status, age and gender separation.
Abstract: The Miao in Eastern Guizhou, Hmub is providing an alternative in the theorizing of courtship and marriage, since they have a flirtation zone for continued expression of personal desire within a larger context of social restraint. Today, much like before 1949, there are two forms of institutional flirt as manifested in everyday and ritualized settings. One is the long term flirtation alliance lasting during the life time of one's own marriage, while the short term will end either with a break up or marriage. The textual description of the Hmub courting songs also reveals there are no necessary relations between marriage and courtship, and the hybrid display of flirtatious physical contacts are among courting men and women with diverse genealogical ties, affinal relations and marital status—unmarried and married. Along this direction, this article explores how the Hmub may be a special case of allowing for a private personal emotional zone to be created within a highly structured or institutional setting that honors social status, age and gender separation. Institutionalized flirting of the Hmub does serve as a means to an end—marriage, a sociological identity. It is also the psychological reassurance of one's personal identity in the form of a viable, sexual and desirable human being.