scispace - formally typeset
Search or ask a question

Showing papers in "European Journal of East Asian Studies in 2011"


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the complex relationship between Tehran, Beijing and Washington on the Iranian nuclear issue is analyzed, and a closer analysis shows that China is using Iran as a bargaining chip with the United States on two key security issues, i.e., Taiwan and the oil supply.
Abstract: This article analyses, the complex relationship between Tehran, Beijing and Washington on the Iranian nuclear issue. Indeed, China's policy towards Iran has often been described as ambiguous, in supporting Washington, on the one hand, while protecting Tehran, on the other hand. In this article, we argue that, in fact, Beijing policy vis-a-vis Tehran depends on the state of its relationships with Washington. Indeed, a closer analysis shows that China is using Iran as a bargaining chip with the United States on, among others, two key security issues, i.e., Taiwan and the oil supply. The guarantee of a secured oil supply from the Middle-East in addition to a comprehensive policy of the US with regard to Chinese security interests in Taiwan as well as the use of smart sanctions against Tehran, which would thus take into account, to a certain extent, Beijing economic interests in Iran, are, indeed, the guarantee of Beijing's support to the US policy towards Iran.

14 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, a sequential process of question profiling is identified, in which some personal questions are asked first and others later, depending on the outcome of the first stage, which is systematically linked to features of job openings and business conditions in which companies operate.
Abstract: Most Korean employers use discriminatory practices in hiring workers. They enquire about facts not directly related to applicants' skills and qualifications but correlated with their protected statuses, in order to discriminate among them based on these factors. This study uses a unique dataset of companies' application forms, and probability models to investigate the prevalence and economic determinants of such profiling. A sequential process of question profiling is identified, in which some personal questions are asked first and others later, depending on the outcome of the first stage. Profiling is systematically linked to features of job openings and business conditions in which companies operate. At the local market level, composition of labour, labour costs, structure of mandatory and discretionary compensation, and hours worked determine hiring practices. Firm size, industry and location contribute significantly.

10 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In the case of Indonesia, the authors investigates how the public staging of ethnic cultures has changed in the reform era (since 1998) and how ethnic groups are defined as being constitutive for the Indonesian nation and how are they represented in the central theme park, Taman Mini, in Jakarta.
Abstract: The organisation and representation of diversity is a crucial challenge for all countries and especially for post-colonial nations. Accordingly, the politics of multiethnic representation as well as multicultural rhetoric is constantly reformulated and adapted to new conditions, both locally and globally.Cultural theme parks are a typical arena for the display of multiculturality. In the case of Indonesia it is of special interest to investigate whether and in what ways the public staging of ethnic cultures has changed in the reform era (since 1998). This includes aspects of inclusion and exclusion. Which ethnic groups are defined as being constitutive for the Indonesian nation and how are they represented in the central theme park, Taman Mini, in Jakarta? In which ways are the political processes of democratisation and decentralisation reflected in the organisation of Taman Mini, which used to be a main icon of Suharto's New Order regime?This paper suggests that there is a need for Indonesia to re-imagine itself and to refashion a globally oriented multicultural—or, even better, transcultural—identity for the future. Popular public spaces like cultural theme parks have the potential to be appropriate places for such innovative visions.

10 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors investigate the expectations of the EU business community in Korea regarding the impact of the FTA and find that there is considerable overlap in terms of the anticipated economic, political and diplomatic benefits such as an increase in trade and investment, the implementation and enforcement of international commercial regulations, and the enhancement of the European Union's position and profile in Korea and within the region.
Abstract: In October 2009 the European Commission (EC) and South Korea initialled a free trade agreement (FTA); this article seeks to determine to what extent the expectations of the EU business community in Seoul regarding the impact of the FTA are aligned with the motivations and benefits identified in the academic literature. We conclude that there is considerable overlap in terms of the anticipated economic, political and diplomatic benefits such as an increase in trade and investment, the implementation and enforcement of international commercial regulations, and the enhancement of the European Union's (EU's) position and profile in Korea and within the region. Additionally, interviews with the EU business community revealed that their main expectation of the FTA was that it would herald the development of a 'relationship of intent', enhance mutual understanding and provide new tools to resolve the problems they faced in the Korean market.

6 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors argue that we are now witnessing a new form of soft multilateralism emerging in Asia, in which ASEAN is both well placed and very experienced, and that norms and principles are seldom made explicit, and are even less made constraining, but act as guiding sets of behaviours.
Abstract: At different rates and following different patterns, Asian multilateralism, particularly in Southeast Asia, is under construction. For observers, the dynamics of regional cooperation have been transformed (or have accelerated) over recent years. This new dynamism is the result of three shocks: the end of the Cold War and the acceleration of economic liberalisation; the Asian financial crisis of 1997–1998; and the events of 11 September 2001. These events modified regional processes and enabled the emergence of new forms of regional cooperation. These are characterised by the proliferation of free trade agreements, greater financial cooperation, a renewal of dialogue initiatives on security issues, and the multiplication of formal and informal regional institutions. In this article, we argue that we are now witnessing a new form of 'soft multilateralism' emerging in Asia, in which ASEAN is both well placed and very experienced. In such multilateralism, norms and principles are seldom made explicit, and are even less made constraining, but act as guiding sets of behaviours.

3 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
Shaohua Hu1
TL;DR: In this article, the authors argue that the EU's role will remain limited for three structural reasons: the European Union's sui generis system will continue to constrain its policy towards cross-strait relations.
Abstract: Since the beginning of the twenty-first century, many people have called for a more active role for the EU in cross-Taiwan Strait relations. While acknowledging its immense power and influence, this paper argues that the EU's role will remain limited for three structural reasons. Despite the Lisbon Treaty, the EU's sui generis system will continue to constrain its policy towards cross-strait relations. With 27 countries of varying interests, power and perspectives, it is difficult to expect the EU to change its current policies, which consist of the 'one-China' notion and the principle of a peaceful solution. Second, the regional structure along the strait is so complex that the EU can hardly come up with new initiatives. Given the fact that China is more important than Taiwan, the EU can hardly make its policy more favourable to Taiwan. However, supporting Chinese unification, especially in a non-peaceful way, will run counter to the EU's interests and principles. Even if it is willing to play a more active role, the EU lacks power to do so. Finally, the global structure will limit the EU's freedom of action. The EU does not live in a care-free environment, and nearby stability tops its security agenda. In its dealing with global issues, the EU may benefit from Chinese cooperation. Although the EU has close relations with the US, the American factor can hardly be expected to cause major changes in the EU's policy towards cross-strait relations.

3 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: This article studied the link between the economic regeneration and the political transformations of two cities in Zhejiang: Yongkang and Yiwu, and found that the huge development observed there was due not only to economic factors, but also to a broad continuous movement of political and local reorganisation from the bottom up, promoting a new social and political dynamism, first locally then gradually provincewide: relegitimisation of the social 'intermediary bodies', construction of new social agreements, building of new political compromises using slogans to set up new practices of economic and social innovation
Abstract: While it is acknowledged that in recent years China has taken an amazingly huge economic leap, completely transforming and liberalizing its economic system, its model of political organisation and absence of democracy remain a stumbling block for a number of westerners. The absolute domination of the Communist party, operating in an extremely organised and centralised system and without free general elections is the opposite of the models advocated by western nations. This governance from the top thus seems to exclude forms of expression and practices at the grass roots: it would even appear to be its complete opposite. But it is far from clear that this first reading can explain with any exactitude the practical reality of Chinese politics and its changes. This paper looks into the links between the economic regeneration and the political transformations of two cities in Zhejiang: Yongkang and Yiwu. Studying the incredible advances of these two cities over a period of 30 years, it is quite astonishing to discover that the huge development observed there was due not only to economic factors, but based also on a broad continuous movement of political and local reorganisation from the bottom up, promoting a new social and political dynamism, first locally then gradually province-wide: re-legitimisation of the social 'intermediary bodies', construction of new social agreements, building of new political compromises using slogans to set up new practices of economic and social innovation and new forms of governance. A huge and profound change developed in a very specific way. Is this a premonitory model or announcement of the specifically Chinese methods of incorporating economic and political changes coming from the grass roots, which, still today affect certain sectors of the social and political spheres of Chinese society?

3 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors suggest a target-oriented "inclusive globalisation" policy to ensure an equitable share of the benefits of specialisation and globalisation to the developing countries.
Abstract: Globalisation is the economic policy of the integration of national economies with the global economy on the basis of free market competition. It is a neoliberal prescription for industrialisation and growth of the emerging economies of the South, and a project of capital accumulation for the capitalist North through a process of securing a disproportionate share of the benefits at the expense of the developing South. The content analysis and Malaysia's globalisation experience support the hypothesis that globalisation has great potential to contribute to the industrialisation and growth of emerging economies, while at the same time showing that the way it is practised indicates that it is a deceptive game of the North and cannot be entirely trusted to emancipate the developing economies. The paper suggests a policy of target-oriented 'inclusive globalisation' to ensure an equitable share of the benefits of specialisation and globalisation.

2 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, a case study of the Japan-led tuna sanction in 2005 is used as a case-study to gauge overall bilateral relations thus far in the twenty-first century, showing that the DPP government took a pragmatic approach, solving the tuna crisis without harming Japan-Taiwan relations, as evidenced by the fact that during the tuna disputes visa-free privilege was granted to Taiwan nationals.
Abstract: Over the last decade bilateral relations between Japan and Taiwan have been strained over the issue of tuna fishery management. In 2005, when Taiwan was still under the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) administration, Japan proposed punitive measures against Taiwan's tuna industries in an international fisheries management body for the Atlantic Ocean. The DPP government took a pragmatic approach, solving the tuna crisis without harming Japan–Taiwan relations, as evidenced by the fact that during the tuna disputes visa-free privilege was granted to Taiwan nationals and the Japanese government openly stated that Taiwan has been a main security objective for Japan and the US. In this paper the Japan-led tuna sanction in 2005 is used as a case study to gauge overall bilateral relations thus far in the twenty-first century.

1 citations