Showing papers in "European Journal of International Relations in 1997"
TL;DR: In recent years, a great deal has been written about a ''constructivist'' approach in International Relations, which argues that international reality is socially constructed by cognitive structures as mentioned in this paper, which is called Constructive International Relations (CIR).
Abstract: In recent years, a great deal has been written about a `constructivist' approach in International Relations, which argues that international reality is socially constructed by cognitive structures ...
1,302 citations
TL;DR: The authors make a distinction between compliance with norms and the diffusion mechanisms empowering them domestically, explaining variance in the latter with an institutional argument that captures key dynamics portrayed in other prominent accounts, illustrated by considering the domestic impact of norms embedded in the European human rights regime.
Abstract: In recent years, students of regimes and norms have paid greater attention to domestic politics. Both liberals and constructivists are `unpacking' the state in ways that further our understanding of how international norms work their effects in the domestic arena. A crucial next step is for adherents of these two schools to engage in dialogue. This article contributes to such an enterprise by developing scope conditions that predict when norms will have the constraining or constitutive effects favored, respectively, by liberals and constructivists. I make a distinction between compliance with norms and the diffusion mechanisms empowering them domestically, explaining variance in the latter with an institutional argument that captures key dynamics — rationalist or social constructivist — portrayed in other prominent accounts. The argument is illustrated by considering the domestic impact of norms embedded in the European human rights regime.
479 citations
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors examine some significant problems found in current discussions of the ''agent-structure'' problem in international relations, suggesting that they result in serious gaps and silences, and also argue that important openings can be found that point to a more critical, if unsettling, way of conceptualizing agents and structures and the relations between them.
Abstract: In this article I examine some significant problems found in current discussions of the `agent-structure' problem in international relations, suggesting that they result in serious gaps and silences. However, I also argue that important openings can be found that point to a more critical, if unsettling, way of conceptualizing agents and structures and the relations between them. Specifically, I interrogate the issues of practices, discourse, and contexts of meanings that are implicit in existing approaches and argue that taking seriously the indeterminancy and undecidability of practice has important implications for the agent-structure problem both in terms of ontological assumptions as well as concrete empirical research.
240 citations
TL;DR: The authors argue that the metaphors structuring rationalist analyses lead them to conceptualize 'ideas' as objects and propose a constructivist account of ideas as ''symbolic technologies' that enable the production of representations.
Abstract: As presently constituted, the analysis of `ideas' is deficient in two key respects. First, despite presenting itself as an alternative to the dominant rationalist perspective on international relations and foreign policy, the turn to `ideas' represents only a minor modification of that tradition, rather than a serious challenge to it. Second, the retention of the rationalist framework has had problematical implications for how `ideas' are conceptualized. Although explicitly defined as shared beliefs, we argue that the metaphors structuring rationalist analyses lead them to conceptualize `ideas' as objects. As an alternative, we offer a constructivist account of ideas as `symbolic technologies' that enable the production of representations. This different metaphor enables us to address directly the difficulties for analysis stemming from a conception of ideas as objects. It also opens up for examination a range of empirical phenomena overlooked by rationalist analysts.
188 citations
TL;DR: The claim that the ending of the Cold War signifies the triumph of Western liberalism, irrespective of whether this is celebrated or deplored, overlooks the extent to which the liberal tradition of the United States can be traced back to the early 20th century as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: The claim that the ending of the Cold War signifies the triumph of Western liberalism — irrespective of whether this is celebrated or deplored — overlooks the extent to which the liberal tradition,...
76 citations
TL;DR: Recently, concerns have been raised among a growing and diverse group of IR theorists that the basic concepts and categories we employ to describe, interpret and explain the world around us are no longer sufficient as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: Recently, concerns have been raised among a growing and diverse group of IR theorists that the basic concepts and categories we employ to describe, interpret and explain the world around us are no ...
55 citations
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors explore the communication networks of negotiators in the working groups of the Council of Ministers of the European Union and employ data collected by interviewing diplomats and civil servants.
Abstract: This article explores the communication networks of negotiators in the working groups of the Council of Ministers of the European Union. We employ data collected by interviewing diplomats and civil...
50 citations
TL;DR: In this paper, the recent change of the global regime controlling ocean dumping of low-level radioactive waste was discussed, and it was concluded that the actions of a global environmental non-governmental organization (ENGO) were decisive in the regime change process, independent of state interests or epistemic communities.
Abstract: This article deals with the recent change of the global regime controlling ocean dumping of low-level radioactive waste. Why did this regime, which originally permitted ocean dumping of low-level radioactive waste, undergo a regime change that resulted in this activity being outlawed? It is concluded that the actions of a global environmental non-governmental organization (ENGO) were decisive in the regime change process, independent of state interests or epistemic communities. Four primary roles for ENGOs in environmental regimes are suggested — mobilizing international public opinion, transnational coalition building, monitoring of states' environmental commitments and advocating precaution and protection of the environment. It is concluded that regime studies should pay more attention to ENGOs and interaction between ENGOs, states and epistemic communities.
28 citations
TL;DR: In a case study of Chile from 1973 to 1980, this article found that extensive international pressures and a soft-line faction combined to alter the political strategy of the authoritarian regime in ways not foreseen or intended by international actors.
Abstract: International pressures on authoritarian regimes to respect human rights are increasingly common yet their impact is relatively unknown and hotly debated. Recent studies suggest that international pressures can have a limited yet important effect when they strengthen and reinforce favorable domestic processes. I identify three domestic conditions conducive to a limited impact — low costs of easing repression; responsive regime factions; and relatively strong societal human rights norms. In a case study of Chile from 1973 to 1980, I find that extensive international pressures and a soft-line faction combined to alter the political strategy of the authoritarian regime in ways not foreseen or intended by international actors. The research suggests that scholars should more carefully consider the normative dimensions of international pressures and their role in undermining the legitimacy of domestic regimes.
28 citations
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors show how the gendered construction of sovereignty in the Elizabethan period helped to make marriage dangerous for female rulers, in a society with firmly held convictions about a h...
Abstract: In this study, I show how the gendered construction of sovereignty in the Elizabethan period helped to make marriage dangerous for female rulers. In a society with firmly held convictions about a h...
28 citations
TL;DR: In this article, the authors explain Germany's function and role in European monetary cooperation and refutes two popular hypotheses that Germany serves as a regional hegemon comparable to the United Kingdom.
Abstract: This article explains Germany's function and role in European monetary cooperation. It refutes two popular hypotheses in this context — (1) that Germany serves as a regional hegemon comparable to t...
TL;DR: In this paper, an analytical model of bargaining between asymmetric players is developed to show how cooperation can be achieved through the strategic use of side payments, which helps explain the shift in Mexican policy from nationalism to liberalization.
Abstract: Why has Mexico shifted from a defecting free-rider on the international trading system to a conceding free-trader? An analytical model of bargaining between asymmetric players is developed to show how cooperation can be achieved through the strategic use of side payments. Mexico made concessions beyond the conventional agenda of trade negotiations (liberalizing investment rules, financial services, intellectual property rights, labor and environmental standards) in an effort to alter the payoff for the United States, and thereby create a game with a more optimal solution for both countries. Market liberalization between Mexico and the United States is analyzed over three periods (the 1980 GATT decision, GATT accession in 1986, and NAFTA and supplemental negotiations in 1991-3), and changes are identified leading to different types of games. The model achieves two results — (1) it helps explain the shift in Mexican policy from nationalism to liberalization, and (2) it shows how side payments can be used as...
TL;DR: In this article, the problem of collective identity formation in the Peloponnesian War is addressed from a rhetorical point of view, i.e. discursive practices which serve to delineate collective subjects.
Abstract: If different identities and national characters matter in explaining foreign policy choices and outcomes, as some studies of Thucydides suggest, then it must be important to understand how these identities and characteristics are created and maintained. This article addresses the problem of collective identity formation in Thucydides' narrative from a rhetorical point of view. The analysis focuses on identitydefining practices, i.e. discursive practices which serve to delineate collective subjects. It is demonstrated that the Peloponnesian War is comprehensible not only in conventional political terms as a struggle over territory, trading interests or leadership, but also as a struggle over identity in which the foundations of collective identification provide both an exploitable resource and a bone of contention per se. Superimposed on other levels of conflict, the issue of collective identification emerges as a sometimes unconscious yet always central concern to Thucydides and the leaders of his time.
TL;DR: In this article, the authors argue that nationalist concerns not only hindered but also helped to promote change in the direction advocated by internationalists, and that ''nationalist internationalism'' may be as significant as deliberate internationalism in world politics.
Abstract: When the Cold War ended, permanent peace based on close interdependence and strong institutions appeared within reach in Europe. What had been achieved by the mid-1990s fell short of this internationalist vision. The question raised in this article is to what extent the realization of the vision was inhibited by nationalist concerns often ascribed to governments and peoples alike. The conclusion is that nationalist concerns not only hindered but also helped to promote change in the direction advocated by internationalists. `Nationalist internationalism' may be as significant as `deliberate internationalism' in world politics.