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Showing papers in "European Journal of International Relations in 2007"


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The authors argue that the risk society thesis problematically views risk within a macro-sociological narrative of modernity, and that governing terrorism through risk involves a permanent adjustment of traditional forms of risk management in light of the double infinity of catastrophic consequences and the incalculability of the risk of terrorism.
Abstract: The events of 9/11 appeared to make good on Ulrich Beck's claim that we are now living in a (global) risk society. Examining what it means to ‘govern through risk’, this article departs from Beck's thesis of risk society and its appropriation in security studies. Arguing that the risk society thesis problematically views risk within a macro-sociological narrative of modernity, this article shows, based on a Foucauldian account of governmentality, that governing terrorism through risk involves a permanent adjustment of traditional forms of risk management in light of the double infinity of catastrophic consequences and the incalculability of the risk of terrorism. Deploying the Foucauldian notion of ‘dispositif’, this article explores precautionary risk and risk analysis as conceptual tools that can shed light on the heterogeneous practices that are defined as the ‘war on terror’.

540 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The authors argue that rhetorical coercion is theoretically and methodologically problematic and propose a stylized model that illustrates how rhetorical coercion operates, explains why it works, and identifies key scope conditions, and subsequently illustrate their relevance through a detailed examination of a hard case.
Abstract: While scholars of International Relations and comparative politics have usually treated rhetoric as epiphenomenal, one strand of constructivism has recently returned rhetoric to the heart of political analysis, especially through the mechanism of persuasion. We too maintain that rhetoric is central to political processes and outcomes, but we argue that persuasion is theoretically and methodologically problematic. We aver that rhetoric’s role may be more usefully conceptualized in the context of coercion, and we advance a stylized model that illustrates how rhetorical coercion operates, explains why it works, and identifies key scope conditions. We subsequently illustrate our model’s relevance through a detailed examination of a ‘hard’ case. This article’s agenda is twofold. First, it advises scholars in these fields to avoid focusing on unanswerable questions about actors’ motives and to examine instead what actors say, in what contexts, and to what audiences. Second, it lays the groundwork for a ‘coercive constructivism’, complementing the liberal version so prevalent today.

499 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors argue that rather than providing a consolidated position, the discourse on securitization has only just begun to transform the new idea into a more comprehensive security theory.
Abstract: One of the most important and controversial contributions to a vibrant body of new security theories since the 1990s has been the idea of securitization. However, rather than providing a consolidated position the discourse on securitization has only just begun to transform the new idea into a more comprehensive security theory. This article argues that such a theory needs to go beyond the current reflections on securitization by the Copenhagen School. Through internal critique and conceptual reconstruction the article generates an alternative framework for future empirical research and identifies two centres of gravity as a first step towards a more consistent understanding of securitization as a comprehensive theory of security.

478 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The structural components of a state are regularly conflated with a state's national identity as mentioned in this paper, and the assumption that the boundaries of states and their national identity are co-existing is incorrect.
Abstract: The structural components of a state are regularly conflated with a state's national identity. In reality, however, the assumption that the boundaries of a state and its national identity are coter...

212 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The UN has been accused of hypocrisy for failing to act in accordance with the ideals it espouses in post-Cold War peacekeeping missions as mentioned in this paper, and this inconsistency can arise from...
Abstract: The UN has been accused of hypocrisy — failing to act in accordance with the ideals it espouses — in post-Cold War peacekeeping missions. This article argues that such inconsistency can arise from ...

189 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors apply the analytical tools of international regime theory to the history and role of subsidiarity as a norm in the competence regime of the European Union between 1991 and 2005, and find that the issue of subsidy was not a matter of norm internalization, but concerned a recurrent battle between old and newly empowered actors over its precise meaning, eventually favouring the member states' prerogative.
Abstract: Theories on the role of norms in international relations generally neglect the possibility that after their adoption a new battle over their precise meaning ensues, especially when a norm remains vague and illusive. Norm implementation is not only a matter of internalization and compliance, but also of redefinition. Building on insights from rationalist and constructivist approaches, this article advances the idea of recurrent battles for and over norms in international politics. It argues that the analytical tools of international regime theory are instrumental in tracking such battles. This framework is applied to the history and role of subsidiarity as a norm in the competence regime of the European Union between 1991 and 2005. Its main finding is that the issue of subsidiarity was not a matter of norm internalization, but concerned a recurrent battle between old and newly empowered actors over its precise meaning, eventually favouring the member states’ prerogative.

134 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The balance of power is one of the most influential theoretical ideas in international relations, but it has not yet been tested systematically in international systems other than modern Europe and its global successor as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: The balance of power is one of the most influential theoretical ideas in international relations, but it has not yet been tested systematically in international systems other than modern Europe and its global successor. This article is the product of a collective and multidisciplinary research effort to redress this deficiency. We report findings from eight new case studies on balancing and balancing failure in different international systems that comprise over 2000 years of international politics. Our findings are inconsistent with any theory that predicts a tendency of international systems toward balance. The factors that best account for variation between balance and hegemony within and across international systems lie outside all recent renditions of balance-of-power theory and indeed, international relations scholarship more generally. Our findings suggest a potentially productive way to reframe research on both the European and contemporary international systems.

123 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The lack of world-historical perspective is particularly conspicuous in relation to the non-European world, and arguably I... as discussed by the authors argues that IR's turn towards historical sociology is yet to overcome its ahistoricism.
Abstract: IR's turn towards historical sociology is yet to overcome its ahistoricism. This lack of world-historical perspective, particularly conspicuous in relation to the non-European world, and arguably I...

72 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: This article argued that EU accession politics operates in the legacies of 19th-century imperial rule and that understanding the EU in terms of an (new) empire might enrich the discussion of the perception and categorization of the EU as an international order.
Abstract: International Relations benefits from historical comparative research. Although a historical comparative method can be fruitfully applied to the study of the European Union (EU), it is rarely undertaken. In this article, EU accession politics, particularly its 2004 enlargement, is compared with 19th century ‘standards of civilization’ developed by European states concluding treaties with non-European nations. This article argues that EU accession politics operates in the legacies of 19th-century imperial rule. Understanding the EU in terms of an (new) empire might enrich the discussion of the perception and categorization of the EU as an international order.

68 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors argue that despite repeated calls since the inception of these fields, this interdisciplinary gap has never been bridged, arguing that while intellectual convergence may be a necessary condition for interdisciplinarity, only a shift in epistemic grounds within which fields understand their scholarship can bring this about, and that this in turn requires a change in the way knowledge is organized and produced.
Abstract: Although International Relations and Middle East Studies share an interest in several aspects of Middle East politics, interdisciplinary research remains surprisingly scarce. This article asks why, despite repeated calls since the inception of these fields, this interdisciplinary gap has never been bridged. It supplements conventional approaches which emphasize a simple intellectual history, with elements of a political economy of the organization and production of knowledge, arguing that while intellectual convergence may be a necessary condition for interdisciplinarity, only a shift in epistemic grounds within which fields understand their scholarship can bring this about, and that this in turn requires a shift in the way knowledge is organized and produced. First, the article provides a genealogy of calls for interdisciplinary scholarship. Second, it locates interdisciplinary relations in the universalist organization of knowledge within which they emerged and which still (re)produce inter- and intra-d...

67 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: This article argued that social and economic policy decisions are increasingly being taken in a global public domain in which national/transnational boundaries are blurred, and the ''public'' domain includes non-state actors.
Abstract: Social and economic policy decisions are increasingly being taken in a global public domain in which national/transnational boundaries are blurred, and the `public' domain includes non-state actors...

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The perceived legitimacy of US foreign policy plummeted in the wake of the US-led 2003 invasion of Iraq Most commentators would agree that international law, or at least US actions in relation to as discussed by the authors
Abstract: The perceived legitimacy of US foreign policy plummeted in the wake of the US-led 2003 invasion of Iraq Most commentators would agree that international law, or at least US actions in relation to

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Theories of International Relations have often shied away from apprehending the historicity of modern nationalism and have not spent much time theorizing the inter-national The analysis of the relationships among social relations, international orders and nationalism has fallen in the cracks between the field of international relations and comparative nationalism In the context of a renewal of interest for the historical sociology of the international, the analysis of these relations remains of particular relevance as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: Concepts like `nation', `society', and `culture' name bits and threaten to turn names into things Only by understanding these names as bundles of relationships, and by placing them back into the field from which they were abstracted, can we hope to avoid misleading inferences and increase our share of understanding (Wolf, 1997: 3)Theories of International Relations have often shied away from apprehending the historicity of modern nationalism Inversely, theories of nationalism have not spent much time theorizing the inter-national The analysis of the relationships among social relations, international orders and nationalism has fallen in the cracks between the field of IR and the field of comparative nationalism In the context of a renewal of interest for the historical sociology of the international, the analysis of these relations remains of particular relevance In this article, the author builds on Benno Teschke, Justin Rosenberg and Hannes Lacher's theorization of modern sovereignty, capitalism a

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors investigate the development of moral sensibilities via an imaginative act he called ''sympathy'' in interpersonal relationships in which the potential for one person to do harm to another is ruled out because their respective imaginations are in perfect accord.
Abstract: A consistent theme of the existing literature is that fair trade consumption practices represent acts of justice. In this article I investigate such an equation from the perspective of the moral theory of Adam Smith. Smith explains the development of moral sensibilities via an imaginative act he calls `sympathy'. For Smith, justice prevails in interpersonal relationships in which the potential for one person to do harm to another is ruled out because their respective imaginations are in perfect accord, thus creating a situation of mutual sympathy. I advance two main conclusions. First, I argue that fair trade consumption is undoubtedly a moral act in the manner described by Smith, as it involves consumers responding to fair trade campaigns in order to trigger their moral sensibilities through exercising their imaginative faculties. Second, though, I argue that fair trade consumption is not specifically a moral act of justice in the manner described by Smith. The structure of fair trade invites the First World consumer to display sympathy for the Third World producer, but it provides no means for that sympathy to be reciprocated. As such, instances of genuine mutual sympathy do not arise. From a Smithian perspective, fair trade consumption practices are an act of beneficence rather than an act of justice. They thereby reside in the realm of private virtue rather than the realm of public duty, with significant implications for the way in which trade justice is conceptualized and studied in IPE.

Journal ArticleDOI
Ulrich Krotz1
TL;DR: Parapublic underpinnings of international relations are cross-border interactions that belong neither to the public world of states nor to the private world of societies as mentioned in this paper, and they underpin relations among specific states and construct social purpose in the international realm.
Abstract: Parapublic underpinnings of international relations are cross-border interactions that belong neither to the public world of states nor to the private world of societies. They underpin relations among specific states and construct social purpose in the international realm. Focusing on Franco-German parapublic underpinnings reveals a particular and neglected kind of `Europeanization'. Such parapublic activity includes massive state-financed youth exchanges, some two thousand municipal partnerships, and a host of institutes and associations. In their entirety, these parapublic interactions have developed into structural components of the European polity. Rather than directly affecting domestic political affairs, this kind of Europeanization connects French and Germans in a certain way. It makes Europeans more European, but without making them less national. This article contributes a concept to properly capture a distinct and substantial type of international activity and to identify its characteristic effe...

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors explore both the text and context of the amicus briefs submitted in the transatlantic biotech dispute and highlight their role in generating a green cosmopolitan public sphere that seeks more reflexive modernization and facilitates horizontal forms of regime accountability.
Abstract: The WTO's decision-making model of executive multilateralism has been widely criticized for its lack of accountability to civil society. However, through the mechanism of the amicus curiae brief, nongovernment organizations and other civil society actors have found a way of directly `inserting' the public interest concerns of civil society into the dispute resolution arm of the WTO, which has proved to be more amenable to `critical public reason' than the trade negotiation arm. This article critically explores both the text and context of the amicus briefs submitted in the transatlantic biotech dispute and highlights their role in generating a green cosmopolitan public sphere that seeks more reflexive modernization and facilitates horizontal forms of regime accountability. Cosmopolitan public spheres are conceptualized as specialized, intermediary structures, with multiple strategic and communicative functions, that mediate between supra-national governance structures and regional and domestic civil socie...

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: This article argued that the tragic sense of the relation between liberal ethics and the reality of politics was constructed as a reaction to a preceding set of intellectual engagements, exemplified by the political philosophies of Georg Hegel and Max Weber, with the perceived backwardness of the liberal project in Germany in comparison to that of republican France and capitalist Britain.
Abstract: By what criteria might the human condition be considered `tragic'? In this article I argue that historically contextualizing the criteria by which Morgenthau judged the human condition to be tragic requires a sensitivity to what might be called the `international dimension' of knowledge production. Specifically, I argue that Morgenthau's tragic sense of the relation between liberal ethics and the reality of politics was constructed as a reaction to a preceding set of intellectual engagements — exemplified by the political philosophies of Georg Hegel and Max Weber — with the perceived `backward' nature of the `liberal' project in Germany in comparison to that of republican France and capitalist Britain. Through this investigation I argue that inter-societal difference is not simply an object of political theory, but at a deeper level generative in the historical construction of that thought itself. This argument has implications for Morgenthau's recent resurrection as a critical voice on the separation of ...


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The authors analyzed the conflict behavior of transitioning states for the 1950-2000 period and found that "rocky" transitions or democratic reversals increase the likelihood of conflict occurrence, however, this result is driven by the conflict behaviour of autocratizing countries.
Abstract: While evidence continues to mount that democracies resort to military force reluctantly, the transition to democracy may in fact be a dangerous and conflictual one Given the emphasis now being put on democratization, a reassessment of the relationship between the stability of domestic institutions and interstate conflict seems fitting To date, the evidence remains mixed No clear consensus has emerged on whether regime transition either increases or decreases conflict propensities Employing a logit specification with splines and robust standard errors, this research analyzes the conflict behavior of transitioning states for the 1950‐2000 period The results indicate that ‘rocky’ transitions or democratic reversals increase the likelihood of conflict occurrence I demonstrate, however, that this result is driven by the conflict behavior of autocratizing countries An interaction term shows that although regime change itself may increase conflict propensities, such exacerbating effects are reversed for democratizing states

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Irredentism developed into an anomaly in post-World War II Europe and has remained an anomaly even since the end of the Cold War as discussed by the authors, contrary to dire predictions of the 1990s.
Abstract: Irredentism developed into an anomaly in post-World War II Europe and — contradicting the dire predictions of the 1990s — has remained an anomaly even since the end of the Cold War Focusing on the

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, it is argued that interventions could in principle support revolutionary movements in such a way as to facilitate democratic transition, by tracing a lack of conceptual clarity back to Mill's argument in 'A Few Words on NonIntervention'.
Abstract: Can interventions be used to assist oppressed peoples in overthrowing their governments? According to the influential non-interventionist arguments of J.S. Mill and Michael Walzer, reform interventions are incompatible with a principle of national self-determination. This article challenges Mill and Walzer, arguing that, in limited cases, interventions could in principle support revolutionary movements in such a way as to facilitate democratic transition. It does so by tracing a lack of conceptual clarity back to Mill’s argument in ‘A Few Words on NonIntervention’. In particular, it is argued that Mill’s and consequently Walzer’s account of domestic revolutionary conflicts fails to distinguish the salience of military from properly political forces. Mill’s Considerations on Representative Government provides the starting point for a clearer set of distinctions through which to reconstruct the principle of non-intervention on a stronger footing.