Showing papers in "European Journal of Political Research in 2003"

The theory of human development: A cross-cultural analysis

Abstract: This article demonstrates that socioeconomic development, emancipative cultural change and democratization constitute a coherent syndrome of social progress - a syndrome whose common focus has not been properly specified by classical modernization theory. We specify this syndrome as 'human development', arguing that its three components have a common focus on broadening human choice. Socioeconomic development gives people the objective means of choice by increasing individual resources; rising emancipative values strengthen people's subjective orientation towards choice; and democratization provides legal guarantees of choice by institutionalizing freedom rights. Analysis of data from the World Values Surveys demonstrates that the linkage between individual resources, emancipative values and freedom rights is universal in its presence across nations, regions and cultural zones; that this human development syndrome is shaped by a causal effect of individual resources and emancipative values on freedom rights; and that this effect operates through its impact on elite integrity, as the factor which makes freedom rights effective.

Satisfaction with democracy: A note on a frequently used indicator in comparative politics

Abstract: This article offers a critical investigation of one indicator of support for democracy frequently used by comparativists Departing from a theoretical multidimensional model of political support, a

The diffusion of new environmental policy instruments

Abstract: . New Environmental Policy Instruments (NEPIs) are becoming increasingly attractive. From a global perspective, there has been a rapid diffusion of these market-based, voluntary or informational instruments. This article examines the spread of four different NEPIs – eco-labels, energy or carbon taxes, national environmental policy plans or strategies for sustainable development, and free-access-of-information (FAI) provisions. The adoption of NEPIs by national policy makers is not simply a reaction to newly emerging environmental problems or to real or perceived deficits of traditional command and control regulation, rather the use of NEPIs can also be ascribed to the inner dynamics of international processes of policy transfer or policy diffusion. These processes make it increasingly difficult for national policy makers to ignore new approaches in environmental policy that have already been put into practice in ‘forerunner’ countries.

Cooperative forms of governance: Problems of democratic accountability in complex environments

Abstract: . Various schools of research in public policy (the literature on ‘governance’ and its continental counterparts) are converging to focus on the growth of policy styles based on cooperation and partnership in networks, instead of on vertical control by the state. This article focuses on issues of democratic accountability and responsiveness with these governance arrangements. It argues that until recently the legitimacy of governance networks was not at the forefront of theoretical developments, even though the ‘democratic deficit’ of governance is problematic both for normative and for pragmatic reasons. There is now increased sensitivity to this problem, but the remedies presented in the literature are unsatisfactory, and critiques of governance presuppose a somewhat idealised image of representative democracy in terms of accountability or responsiveness of decision-makers. They also fail to offer adequate solutions to some of the central legitimacy problems of policy-making in complex societies.

Comparative presidencies: The inadequacy of the presidential, semi-presidential and parliamentary distinction

Abstract: . The role of the president is presumed to vary amongst presidential, semi-presidential and parliamentary systems. However, there are a variety of subtypes within semi-presidential systems. Debate often hinges on the prime minister and government, and to whom they are more accountable. However, the accountability of prime ministers and governments to presidents can be rather ‘fuzzy’. This article looks through the prism of the president rather than that of the government. After examining definitions of presidential, parliamentary and semi-presidential systems, several dispositional categories of political regimes will be established. Then presidential power will be assessed through a series of dichotomous measures, and for all electoral democracies with a president. Finally, the character of each category will be assessed. The concept of ‘semi-presidentialism’ is rejected in favour of more meaningful labels: presidential systems, parliamentary systems with presidential dominance, parliamentary systems with a presidential corrective and parliamentary systems with figurehead presidents.

Protest or mainstream? How the European anti-immigrant parties developed into two separate groups by 19991

Abstract: . In their 1994 study of electoral preferences for anti-immigrant parties, Van der Brug et al. (2000) concluded that most voters consider anti-immigrant parties to be normal parties. In this replication using 1999 data, the main conclusions of the 1994 study are confirmed for FPO, Alleanza Nazionale, Dansk Folkeparti and Vlaams Blok. Preferences for these parties are largely determined by the same variables that determine preferences for other parties. Votes for these parties should not be interpreted as protest votes. Things turned out to be different for the Lega Nord, the Centrumdemocraten, the Fremskridtspartiet, the French Front national, the Republikaner and the Wallonian Front National. The motivations to vote for any of the latter parties turn out to be substantially different in 1999 than they were in 1994. In 1999, these parties attracted more protest votes, or rather they lost their ideological and pragmatic votes. This article ends with a discussion of the implications of these findings for our theoretical understanding of electoral support for these parties, as well as for the ongoing political debate about the appropriate strategy to fight them.

Voter turnout dynamics in post-Communist Europe

Abstract: . Declining levels of turnout recently observed in some East European elections have generated concerns about the performance of the newly emerging democracies. Theories developed to explain turnout in industrialized democracies emphasize the importance of two major groups of factors: institutional and socioeconomic. This article argues that a comprehensive model of voter participation in post-Communist settings should also include a dynamic component to account for temporal changes generated by the transitional process. I test a model of voter turnout that incorporates explanations of temporal (sequence of elections) and spatial differences (electoral system type, party system characteristics and economic development). Multivariate regression is used to estimate the model, with data from fifteen East European countries over four consecutive elections.

To defect or not to defect? National, institutional and party group pressures on MEPs and their consequences for party group cohesion in the European Parliament

Abstract: This study analyzes party group cohesion and patterns of defections of national party delegations from party group lines in the European Parliament (EP), using a total of 2,582 roll call votes. The study confirms previous findings according to which party groups in the EP show (surprisingly) high levels of cohesion. Nevertheless, it reveals the circumstances under which Members of the EP (MEPs) and their national delegations are more likely to defect, using the candidate selection process, the electoral system and relationships between MEPs and their home parties as explanatory variables. Assuming that MEPs have three different goals (re-election, office and policy), and want above all to secure re-election, one can expect that those MEPs whose chances of re-election are more dependent on national parties than others are more willing to vote against the party group line if a conflict between party group and national party emerges. Empirically, this is confirmed.

The politics of liberalisation: Privatisation and regulation-for-competition in Europe's and Latin America's telecoms and electricity industries

Abstract: . This article sheds some light on the interaction between politics and learning in the diffusion of liberalisation. It does so by specifying the conditions and ways in which politics and learning interact and thus sustain cross-national and cross-sectoral variations in the spread of liberalisation. The process of liberalisation is analysed against data from 32 European and Latin American countries and two sectors. The indicators employed cover the issue of privatisation as well as regulatory reform. An analytical framework is presented that, for the first time, allows a systematic quantitative examination of the contrasting predictions of the Policy Sector Approach (PSA) and the National Patterns Approach (NPA). Four different combinations of variations and similarities across sectors and nations are identified and explained. These explanations are grounded in actor-centred historical institutionalism. The empirical evidence points to the failure of Latin America to become ‘European’ despite the appearance of sweeping and comprehensive liberalisation. In addition, the article demonstrates how rational actors act in different institutional environments while accommodating the process of learning to their advantage, and how their actions are constrained by different historical legacies of state formation and varied levels of risks and rewards inherent in different sectors.

Technological revolution meets policy and the market: Explaining cross‐national differences in agricultural biotechnology regulation

Abstract: . The development and marketing of agricultural biotechnology applications has led to controversies over whether and how to regulate this new technology. The European Union (EU) has imposed severe restrictions on agricultural biotechnology, particularly in terms of approval and labeling of genetically modified organisms (GMOs) in food. The United States has adopted a far more permissive approval policy and has not required labeling. This article explains these differences in terms of the collective action capacity of consumer and producer interests, and the institutional environment in which regulation has taken place. We find that the regulatory outcome in the EU can be traced back to nongovernmental organizations’ (NGOs) increased collective action capacity due to public outrage, an institutional environment favorable to anti-biotechnology NGO interests (multilevel regulatory policy making) and a disintegration of the producer coalition due to NGO campaigns and differences in industrial structure. Biotechnology politics in the United States has been dominated by a strong and cohesive coalition of pro-biotechnology upstream and downstream producers and farmers. Because of lower public outrage and a less favorable institutional environment (centralized regulatory policy making), anti-biotechnology NGOs in the United States have been largely excluded from agricultural biotechnology policy making.

Moving up, moving down: Political careers across territorial levels

Abstract: In the sparse literature on political careers in federal systems, regional positions are often seen as mere stepping stones on the way to federal office. But are they really? The recent professionalization of state politics in federal systems and the regionalization of former unitary states point to the strengthening of the regional level as a career arena in its own right. Could this lead to the emergence of a regional political class with a set of career interests distinct from those of national politicians? This article takes a first, comparative look at current patterns of career movements between regional and national parliaments in a wide range of federal and newly regionalized systems. The study shows that, contrary to general belief, the number of deputies actually moving from the regional to federal level is generally relatively low. While some cases show fairly integrated career structures, others exhibit a pattern of career development in which state or regional office functions as the main focus of political careers. The territorial structure of the political class is dependent upon a whole range of social, cultural and institutional factors. At the same time, it is also an important factor in the mechanics and institutional development of each federal system in question.

Voter ideology in Western democracies: An update

Abstract: In this article, we update and expand the measure of voter ideology we originally proposed in this journal in 1998. Our new measure combines party manifesto data most recently updated by Budge et al. (2001) with election return data. Assuming the compa- rability and relevance of left-right ideology, we estimate the median voter position in 25 Western democracies throughout most of the postwar period. With this measure, we are able to make cross-national comparisons of voter ideology among these countries, as well as cross-time comparisons within individual countries.

Party actors and party change: Does factional dominance matter?

Abstract: Other works have asked whether parties matter; this article asks whether parties’ dominant factions matter Special focus is placed on whether change in dominant faction or coalition within the party tends to produce other significant party change, and under what circumstances Three specific hypotheses are developed and tested, one involving motivation for change and the other two involving ‘resources’ which are necessary to make dramatic change possible Empirical analysis rests upon original data covering seven changes in dominant faction and several dimensions of party change within five parties in the United Kingdom and Germany for the period 1950 to 1990 The authors conclude that not all of the hypothesized factors have equal impact on degree of party change, with ability of the newly dominant faction to control its coalition being primary

The euro, economic interests and multi‐level governance: Examining support for the common currency

Abstract: Support for a common currency and the European Monetary Union signifies that European citizens are willing to transfer power from the nation-state to the European Union (EU). Given the symbolic importance of national currencies, this willingness to give up sovereignty over currency has important implications for the further integration and development of the European Union. Drawing on a multi-level governance perspective and past research into public support for European integration, we examine how economic factors such as the value of the national currency and individual factors such as diffuse support for the EU and education condition support for the euro. We hypothesize that citizens will be less likely to support a common currency when they lack diffuse support for the EU, when their own national currency is strong or when their country's domestic agenda is squeezed by austerity measures. Using pooled Euro Barometer data from 1992 to 2000, we find support for these hypotheses indicating that citizens take into account domestic economic performance when evaluating EU institutions, but we also find that individual attitudes toward the EU play a role in support for the euro.

Explaining and predicting coalition outcomes: Conclusions from studying data on local coalitions

Abstract: Explaining and Predicting Coalition Outcomes: Conclusions from Studying Data on Local Coalitions

Beyond dichotomous explanations: Explaining constitutional control of the executive with fuzzy-sets

Abstract: What are the main variations in the constitutional control of the executive in 45 parliamentary democracies and how can these differences be accounted for? Four com- peting hypotheses, based on dichotomies, explain the degree of this control by means of contrasting institutional settings: consensus democracy versus majoritarian democracy, presidentialism versus parliamentarism, thick versus thin constitutionalism and established versus new democracies. These hypotheses are tested with the help of fuzzy-sets that allow for varying degrees of membership that go beyond the presence/absence suggested by these dichotomies. The necessary and sufficient conditions for constitutional control are specified with the help of this new methodology. The fuzzy-set analysis shows that the degree of constitutional control can be explained solely by a specific combination of institutional conditions stemming from the four dichotomies, and not by one single dimension. This con- stellation remains hidden for the traditional correlational techniques like regression. Hence, the fuzzy-set logic presents a promising new tool for comparativists that can be used to reveal causalities.

A decline of linkage? Intra-party participation in Norway, 1991–2000

Abstract: . The decline in party membership in Western Europe is generally taken as an indicator of party transformation. This article looks beyond membership figures and asks whether membership decline should be interpreted to mean that the activities and motivation of the remaining members are changing. Hypotheses on changes in party activism and motivation for party membership are tested with data from the 1991 and 2000 Norwegian party member surveys. Rather than uncovering evidence of change, most analyses point to a remarkable level of stability. Active and passive members seem to have disappeared at about the same rate. The general diagnosis of party decline is neither improved nor aggravated, but the analysis casts doubt on propositions about the transformation of the grassroots organisation. The Internet is used by party office-holders and the young, but the grassroots rarely use the new technology for political purposes. The character of the representative and participatory linkages provided by parties has, however, changed as a consequence of a shrinking party membership.

Comparing political orientations: Grid‐group theory versus the left‐right dimension in the five Nordic countries

Abstract: The left-right dimension and grid-group theory differ in their empirical track records and the complexity of their conceptual structures As regards the former, the left-right dimension is the clear winner With respect to the latter, grid-group theory comes out ahead The parsimony of the unidimensional left-right dimension may result in a conflation of, or failure to account for, important political distinctions which grid-group theory accounts for through its four political biases or orientations: hierarchy, egalitarianism, individualism and fatalism The degree to which grid-group theory holds ‘excess empirical content’ compared to the left-right dimension is tested by way of nine hypotheses The analysis draws on a 1999 survey in the five Nordic countries (N=4,832) and demonstrates excess empirical content Except in Norway, the left-right dimension is found to be a surrogate for the conflict between egalitarianism's equality of outcome and individualism's equality of opportunity Sweden and Denmark are prototypical cases Conservatism conflates individualism and hierarchy, whereas radicalism conflates egalitarianism and fatalism Confirmed excess empirical content is a necessary step Theoretical complexity must also demonstrate enhanced causal power

The political economy of intergovernmental grants: The Norwegian case

Abstract: The centralization of local public finance is commonly justified in terms of equal- ity. The welfare state regulates local government and allocates grants in a way that sacri- fices efficiency to achieve equality. The political economy model suggests that democratically elected national politicians may pursue policies that diverge from this. This article outlines a version of the political economy model based on seat-maximizing politicians in central and local government. Both parliamentary policy making and local government lobbying may generate disparities in grant allocation. On the basis of data on central grant distribu- tion in Norway, we observe persistent disparities in local government revenues that cannot be accounted for by regional policy aims or egalitarian objectives. Extensive data on local governments, the lobbying activities of local council members and the Storting (the Norwegian Parliament) allows us to test the political economy hypotheses. Disparities in the number of seats allocated to the national election districts, and differences in the local lobbying activities, influence the distribution of grants between municipalities and counties.

Reordering the French election calendar: Forecasting the consequences for 2002

Abstract: . French politicians sometimes change election rules for political advantage. In the Spring of 2001, the ruling Socialists pushed through the inversion of the 2002 election calendar despite stiff opposition. What were the consequences of scheduling the presidential election before the legislature elections? Employing new techniques for French election forecasting, we show that the inversion brought great vote gains to the Socialist-led coalition in both the legislative and presidential arenas. One advantage of this forecasting methodology is that it allows counterfactual comparisons in advance of the actual election contest. Comparing the scenarios ‘inversion’ versus ‘no inversion’, the Socialist leadership appeared highly strategic and successful.

Liberalized capital markets, state autonomy, and European monetary union

Abstract: The conventional wisdom is that capital market integration and now monetary union have limited the options available to macroeconomic policy makers in Europe. The question considered here, therefore, is why many prominent Europeans insist that mone- tary union is a rational response to capital market integration. Monetary union eliminates exchange rate volatility - but only at a cost in terms of tightening the constraints on macro- economic policy. Using a combination of macroeconomic theory and (descriptive) statisti- cal analysis of European performance, I find that: capital market integration has increased macroeconomic flexibility through a mitigation of the current account constraint; European states have combined macroeconomic policies in a manner that has taken advantage of greater flexibility on the current account; the cost of such flexibility in terms of the impact of financial volatility on the real economy manifests differently in different countries; and monetary union both enhances flexibility on the current account and mitigates financial volatility.

Beyond corporatism: A configurational theory of policy concertation

Abstract: Policy concertation (defined as making policy by means of agreements struck between government officials and representatives of employer associations and trade unions) is a major policy style in Western Europe. This article seeks to explain the political dynamics of policy concertation in terms of the varying configurations of three variables: perceived problems, the degree of shared economic understanding among the participants and the perceived implementation capacity of the participants. It is found that the incidence of broad policy concertation over the twentieth century in nine West European countries can be explained almost completely in terms of this configurational theory.

Dynamics of support for European integration in post‐communist Poland

Abstract: . This study examines the dynamics of citizen support for European integration in Poland. Using data from 1995 and 1998 surveys and from a three-wave panel study, we find that, as in Western Europe, both utilitarian calculations of self-interest and political considerations are equally important determinants of support for membership in the European Union. Moreover, between 1995 and 1998 there was considerable polarization of opinion along economic, partisan and ideological lines. We also consider the impact of pro-democratic and pro-capitalist values on support for integration. Our results show that, all things being equal, such values are significant predictors of European Union support. In addition, they have a strong impact on individual-level stability and change in attitudes toward Poland joining the European Union.

Corporatism and income inequality in the global economy: A panel study of 17 OECD countries

Abstract: . The conventional wisdom of domestic politics in the global economy holds that that the globalization of the market economy has spelled the imminent collapse of corporatist bargaining institutions and the corporatist goal of economic equality. This conventional wisdom, however, highlights an interesting puzzle: it was the process of internationalization and economic openness itself that generated corporatist institutions. This study examines whether corporatist institutions are still effective in ensuring the corporatist goal of equality in the ‘global’ economy. Income inequality from the early 1980s to the middle 1990s is used as a measure of institutional effectiveness. It is argued that corporatism, as a form of interest mediation, is a path-dependent institution that generates increasing returns in terms of equality in the most internationalized economies. Results of a panel study of 17 Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) countries indicate that corporatism reduces income inequality and, contrary to the conventional wisdom, income inequality is lowest in the most ‘global’ national economies.

Referenda voting in Portugal, 1998: The effects of party sympathies, social structure and pressure groups1

Abstract: According to numerous recent cross-national studies of public support for democ- racy, citizens of both well-established and newer democracies continue to share a strong commitment to the ideals and principles of representative democracy. Paradoxically, however, these same citizens are increasingly 'critical' of and 'dissatisfied' with the per- formance of their national democratic institutions. One response has been to call for the 're-invention of government' through the use of referendums and ballot initiatives. This article explores what happens when the national referendum was introduced in Portugal in 1998 - a polity that only recently consolidated its transition to democracy. We examine in some depth the context under which the referendum was introduced and its results in terms of electoral behaviour. The main goals are to explain both abstention and vote choice in the 1998 Portuguese referendums, analysing the role of political parties, social structural factors and pressure groups on those phenomena.

Factional rivals and electoral competition in a dominant party: Inside Japan's Liberal Democratic Party, 1958–19901

Abstract: Formally organized factions in dominant parties face an electoral dilemma - namely, they need to cooperate sufficiently to ensure party control of government while competing with each other for members. This article examines the efforts of Japan's Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) factions to reconcile these conflicting interests during the period 1958-1990. In particular, we are interested in how institutional constraints imposed both by the electoral system and the party affected the ability of the various factions to increase membership. Following the literature, which identifies incumbency, the party endorsement and mainstream faction status as important determinants of electoral success, we investigate the relative ability of individual factions to increase membership by refocusing analysis on the party's non-incumbent candidates. Consistent with earlier research, we confirm the importance of the party endorsement and mainstream faction status for the electoral success of these candidates. Contrary to current belief, however, we establish empirically that the electoral advantage enjoyed by the non-incumbent candidates of mainstream factions is not due to a disproportionate number of party endorsements, but rather is heavily influenced by their disproportionate assignment to run in districts with attributes that enhance their electability.

Europeanisation, mesogovernments and ‘safety nets’

Abstract: . This article examines two processes: the adaptation of national systems of social protection to operate within a European framework and the decentralisation of ‘safety net’ policies at the meso-level in order to favour territorial subsidiarity and democratic accountability. It reviews the concepts and assumptions involved in welfare state research before moving on to reflect upon the so-called ‘European social model’. Decentralisation and a greater regional say in areas of policy making closer to citizens’ perceptions, such as the creation of ‘safety nets’, have often been linked to cultural or identity considerations. However, demands are also based on claims for policy innovation and more effective management, as illustrated by Spain's devolution of welfare powers to the regions. This article concludes that in order to build up a macro-community based on trust in the ‘Old Continent’, more attention should be paid to the increasing role of medium-size layers of government.

Differentiating the democratic performance of the West

Abstract: . It is a commonplace of comparative politics that the democratic performance of the established democracies of the West is both uniform and superior to that of other democracies across the globe. This commonplace both reflects and reinforces the mainstream measures of democracy, like those of Freedom House or Polity III, that fail to differentiate the democratic performance of the West. This article examines this commonplace by deploying the measures of democratic performance contained in the newly constructed Database of Liberal Democratic Performance, and uses descriptive statistics (means and variance) to compare the performance of individual Western democracies, as well as the West overall with the ‘rest’. The Database is designed to capture a wider normative range of performance than the mainstream measures, and shows that the performance of the West is neither uniform nor superior in every respect, especially with regard to civil and minority rights. These findings are explored and confirmed by comparative case studies of minorities in the criminal justice systems of those Western democracies that tend to perform worst in this respect. In conclusion, it is suggested that the findings may begin to change the way we view the relationships between economic growth and democracy, political culture and democracy, and even constitutional design and democracy.