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Showing papers in "Feminist Formations in 2014"


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The authors argued that the biopolitical stratification of human beings through the intersection of race, gender, and class is a central neoliberal governing technique to facilitate the global division and migration of labor.
Abstract: The article argues that the biopolitical stratification of human beings through the intersection of race, gender, and class is a central neoliberal governing technique to facilitate the global division and migration of labor. Also, the intersectional cultural contours of race, gender, and class provide a fundamental discursive repository for the justification of the globalizing process. These governing parameters are not simply the essential conduits to enable neoliberal globalization, but they are also crucial sites to normalize it. Focusing on the Asia-Pacific Rim in general and China in particular, the article attempts to unpack the different values laden with the discourses about Asia and Asian to illustrate how the intersection of race, gender, and class is invoked to facilitate and justify the transnational movement of capital and labor in this area. In an interlocking relationship with one another, these categories create a matrix of power that sustains the dominance of neoliberalism as the single world order. As the article suggests, within this matrix, any attempt to challenge one form of oppression without considering the overarching structure would reproduce other forms of domination and reinforce neoliberal global control on a different level.

46 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, a conceptual analysis of managerialism and its implications for women faculty in the United States is presented; it examines how managerial culture and practices adopted by universities have revived, reinforced, and deepened the discourse of masculinity.
Abstract: Through its increasing corporatization in the last two decades, the university in the United States has implemented an organizational ideology that has created a climate unfavorable for women faculty. By overvaluing and intensifying managerial principles, the university in the United States has strengthened discursive masculinity and has worsened women faculty’s likelihood of professional advancement. Consequently, the adoption and implementation of managerialism in higher education in the United States is a question of gender equity for the academic profession. Feminist educational scholars have been relatively quiet on the growth of managerialism in the university and its impact on gender equity. In particular, feminist scrutiny of managerialism’s discursive masculinity and its effects on gender equity in the university has been lacking. This conceptual article presents a feminist analysis of managerialism and its implications for women faculty in the United States; it examines how managerial culture and practices adopted by universities have revived, reinforced, and deepened the discourse of masculinity.

34 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors point to the field of women and incarceration and this current carceral moment to identify the current context within US prisons and the nation, and outline the strong interdisciplinary research that identifies why women including those who identify as transwomen, are locked up.
Abstract: The article has four goals. First, we point to the field of “women and incarceration” and this current carceral moment to identify the current context within US prisons and the nation, and to outline the strong interdisciplinary research that identifies why women, including those who identify as transwomen, are locked up. Second, building from this survey of what we know about women who are locked up, we argue that one central and problematic way that “women and prison” scholarship has informed public policy is through frameworks related to gender responsive programming. Third, we draw on abolition as a framing tool for feminist scholarship and organizing surrounding women in prison. Last, cognizant that the practices of teaching and research are contested and potentially valuable sites for abolition struggles, we explore our “home” site of the university to imagine what shifts at our sites could contribute to building abolition futures. We consider how we may continue to deepen this teaching and learning work within our classrooms.

28 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The case of the coalition, it argues, illustrates how grassroots feminist opposition to incarceration produced an epistemology of "violence against women" that complicated and contested liberal feminist demands for more aggressive criminalization and law enforcement of sexual and domestic violence during this period as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: The article examines the grassroots organizing efforts of the Coalition to Stop Institutional Violence, a broad-based alliance of prisoners’ rights, mental patients’ rights, and feminist groups in Greater Boston that opposed the expansion and medicalization of maximum-security units for women in Massachusetts’s prisons and state mental hospitals in the 1970s. The case of the coalition, it argues, illustrates how grassroots feminist opposition to incarceration produced an epistemology of “violence against women” that complicated and contested liberal feminist demands for more aggressive criminalization and law enforcement of sexual and domestic violence during this period. The coalition forged an understanding of institutional violence that linked the politics of mental health to the repressive punishment of women prisoners’ agency, and the expansion of medicalized incarceration to hierarchies of race, gender, class, and sexuality. The article explores how activists’ critique of what they termed the “prison/ psychiatric state” engendered alternative conceptions of health, safety, and justice that, in turn, suggest the need for a more capacious understanding of opposition to gendered violence in the feminist 1970s.

28 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, a group of women responded to a comment by a local police officer who equated women's "slutty" dress with the probability of sexual assault by planning a “slut walk,” and the tactic of slut walks literally spread throughout the world.
Abstract: ���� ��� In January 2011, Toronto activists reacted to a comment by a local police officer who equated women’s “slutty” dress with the probability of sexual assault. A group of women responded by planning a “slut walk” protesting what they termed “sexual profiling” and “slut shaming.” In a short period of time, the tactic of slut walks literally spread throughout the world. The article examines the rise of slut walks and their rapid spread. By focusing on the initial Toronto protest, it argues that the slut walk is an emerging micro-cohort within contemporary feminism. Through an analysis of the Toronto SlutWalk, the article proposes that along with structural factors, the discursive legacy of feminism contributed to the rise of this micro-cohort. That legacy includes the anti-victim–blaming focus of Take Back the Night, an emphasis on reclaiming language, and the aftermath of the feminist sex wars. It then draws on critiques of slut walks to illustrate the multiplicity and vibrancy of micro-cohorts within North American feminism.

22 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The authors examines a few appropriations of the main women characters in the Indian epics, the Ramayana and the Mahabharata, by ordinary women in their folk songs, as well as by women writers and artists in the feminist domain.
Abstract: This article examines a few appropriations of the main women characters in the Indian epics, the Ramayana and the Mahabharata, by ordinary women in their folk songs, as well as by women writers and artists in the feminist domain. The appropriations dip into already existing associations about the epic heroines, but rearticulate these to create greater space for the elaboration and positioning of postcolonial Indian feminisms. While the appropriation of the epics carries certain risks, such as unintentional complicity with right-wing conservative projects and the positioning of Indian feminism as exclusive of caste and class concerns, it is contended here that the risk is worth taking because the epics continue to be an important and contested part of the cultural field, and because the feminist appropriations are able to absorb and respond to the critiques to some degree. The appropriations in the folk domain are juxtaposed with those in the feminist domain: those of Sita from the Ramayana are juxtaposed with those of Draupadi from the Mahabharata. In addition, all appropriations are placed within the debate in Indian feminism over the use of traditional narratives in order to garner insight into the potential of the narratives as a resource for feminist projects.

19 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: This paper argued that the medieval Scandinavian valkyrie and shield-maiden are best understood as a third gender, a hybrid of masculine and feminine attributes, and they further argued that shieldmaiden who chooses a male spouse subsequently transitions from the third gender to the feminine gender, losing many of the powerful abilities of a warrior woman, along with her armor and weapons.
Abstract: This article argues that the medieval Scandinavian valkyrie and shield-maiden, overlapping categories of warrior, are best understood as a third gender, a hybrid of masculine and feminine attributes. Found in a variety of texts, myths, and legends of heroes, for example, these figures are clad in masculine attire, armor, and weapons, and exercise masculine power as they fight and choose who will die in battle. At the same time, linguistic markers, literary devices, and other of their activities mark them as feminine. The article further argues that the shield-maiden who chooses a male spouse subsequently transitions from the third gender to the feminine gender. As a consequence, she loses many of the powerful abilities of a warrior woman, along with her armor and weapons. Furthermore, her subjectivity is altered so that it is founded and dependent on that of her husband. When he dies, she is left with a diminished social network that, given the construction of subjectivity in this medieval context, leaves her personhood diminished as well.

14 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: This paper examined patterns of earnings inequality at the intersection of gender, race, and nativity, comparing cohorts of African-born Black and white immigrants to their US-born counterparts over multiple time-points.
Abstract: Feminist concerns about the epistemological problems of quantitative methods have resulted in an underdevelopment of quantitative approaches that could contribute to existing intersectional theory. Further, feminist scholars commonly consider the effects of gender as it intersects with race or class, but relatively little of this research has included nativity (being either an immigrant or native-born to a society). This article addresses these shortcomings by examining patterns of earnings inequality at the intersection of gender, race, and nativity, comparing cohorts of African-born Black and white immigrants to their US-born counterparts over multiple time-points. Further, the depressive effects of gender are large enough so that while there are differences in women’s earnings across race and nativity, nearly all groups of men still earn more than nearly all groups of women. The article’s results demonstrate that privilege has a magnifying effect, with the advantages conferred from one privileged status increasing the effects of other privilege statuses, which become larger over time. These findings contribute to how feminists understand privileges and oppressions emerging from the intersections of gender with other social statuses, and how such intersections shape economic inequality.

11 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: This article explored what counts today as an "emergency" in maternal healthcare in rural Guatemala and argued that the creation and circulation of Planes de Emergencia (emergency plans) for birthing shape the possibilities for biomedical maternity care in this context.
Abstract: The article explores what counts today as an “emergency” in maternal healthcare in rural Guatemala. It argues that the creation and circulation of Planes de Emergencia (Emergency Plans) for birthing shape the possibilities for biomedical maternity care in this context. Drawing on fieldwork carried out in Santiago Atitlan, Guatemala, and on recent feminist scholarship on “emergency thinking,” the article suggests that Emergency Plans, and the forms of care of which they are a part, generate their own forms of knowledge and ignorance. In so doing, these planning systems reconfigure both the sociality and temporality of biomedical maternity care in Guatemala today. This “technology of emergency” shifts moral responsibilities among care providers and mothers, engenders new intimate relationships while obviating other forms of collective security, and positions biomedical birth as the only possible outcome of moral action. Considering how this technology of emergency works as a mode of “reproductive governance” points to the ways in which reproduction is understood and managed in contexts beyond Guatemala.

10 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, a frame analysis of news coverage of two high-profile criminal cases that are cited as the cause celebre legitimizing the passage of The Citizen's Arrest and Self-defence Act, and the interventions of critical race feminism and postcolonial theory are attentive to how gender and race thinking are co-imbricated in necropolitical forms of power within white settler societies.
Abstract: The article reveals how particular mass-mediated journalistic discourses of white mid- dle-class "respectability" are normalized and rendered invisible by dominant media institutions. It explores how Canadian mainstream journalism not only interprets reality in ways that reflect reactionary ideologies and prevailing views of "common sense," but is responsible for constructing that reality. This reality also reflects how Canadian productions of gendered racial citizenship and white supremacy are cur- rently being reconstituted and revivified by the neoliberal "anti-state state," and are fueling the discursive and physical violence that drives "necropolitics." The article engages in a frame analysis of news coverage of two high-profile criminal cases that are cited as the cause celebre legitimizing the passage of The Citizen's Arrest and Self-defence Act, and engages with the interventions of critical race feminism and postcolonial theory, which are attentive to how gender and race thinking are co-imbricated in necropolitical forms of power within white settler societies. Since the dualist "construct of respectability and degeneracy" determines who possesses the rightful claim to citizenship and who is excluded from belonging to the nation, it remains important in uncovering interlocking structures of domination.

9 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: This paper analyzed media accounts about and by international hip-hop artist M.I.A. to theorize the cultural production of racialized girlhood within transnational discourses on gender and sexuality.
Abstract: The article analyzes media accounts about and by international hip-hop artist M.I.A. to theorize the cultural production of racialized girlhood within transnational discourses on gender and sexuality. As a Sri Lankan Tamil refugee, M.I.A. is positioned as an exotic outsider to dominant discourses on race and gender in popular culture, and to the emerging canon of girlhood studies. Using a transnational feminist framework, the article illustrates the complicated tensions of racialized and gendered subjectivity in the context of the globalization of media and post-9/11 identity politics. Through an analysis of M.I.A.’s representation in mainstream media, as well as her reception in the South Asian diasporic community, it demonstrates how the artist actively resists binary constructions projected on and through her body, which is constituted by “refugee chic.” Specifically, it illustrates how M.I.A. rearticulates her outsider position to challenge the boundaries of both racialized girlhood and transnational citizenship. The article argues that M.I.A.’s self-identified mode of “digital ruckus” is a form of guerilla pedagogy that provides an important space for critical sociopolitical debate in the global youthscape.


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The authors argue that women's and gender studies, as a discipline, needs to reflect more fully on the limitations of classroom discussions conducted in English and to develop more instructional strategies to engage multilingual voices.
Abstract: In the past thirty years, great strides have been made to diversify the curriculum in women's and gender studies in terms of race, class, nationality, gender, and sexual- ity; however, linguistic diversity, perhaps not surprisingly, often remains an inherent stumbling block. What Adrienne Rich famously characterized in the 1970s as "the dream of a common language," unfortunately often defaults to English in feminist classrooms throughout North America. This article argues that women's and gender studies, as a discipline, needs to reflect more fully on the limitations of classroom discussions conducted in English and to develop more instructional strategies to engage multilingual voices. To this end, the article suggests that lessons based on multilingual and vernacular poetry by women can be used to disrupt the desires for a transparent univocal language, and to transform the widespread perception that multilingualism fosters disengagement and miscommunication. A key aspect of the approach involves using vernacular English poems to introduce students to the borderlands between different languages. By focusing on classroom strategies, the article demonstrates the value of small-scale acts, in addition to broader curricular changes for transforming systems of oppression.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The authors explored the role of domestic work and affective labor in the social reproduction of the Indian American diaspora through the story of Laxmi Soni, who worked as a nanny in my family for over eighteen years.
Abstract: Like my parents, many post-1965 professional Indian migrants to the United States brought with them live-in domestic workers who were formative in the raising of second-generation South Asian diasporics like myself, often referred to in the literature as ABCDs, or "American-Born Confused Desis." Yet, both in explorations of second-generation South Asian diasporic identity and in more recent work that implicates class in the formation of NRI (Non-Resident Indian) subjects, this population has received little to no attention. Weaving together autoethnography with scholarly literature on both diaspora and domestic work, this article explores the role of domestic work and affective labor in the social reproduction of the Indian American diaspora through the story of Laxmi Soni (via my recollections), who worked as a nanny in my family for over eighteen years. I suggest academic approaches to nannies and other care workers that complicate the class- and race-based analyses that currently exist within the literature on globalization, the feminization of labor, and the so-called "chain of care."

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: This article examined how citizenship classes for adult immigrants use normative messages about gender practice and ideology to discipline prospective citizens and to draw symbolic boundaries that define the nation, and explored how discipline and exclusion in modern Germany are twinned, historically situated processes that draw heavily on gender and racialized framings of religion and culture.
Abstract: The article, based on ethnographic and interview-based research in Germany, looks at how citizenship classes for adult immigrants use normative messages about gender practice and ideology to discipline prospective citizens and to draw symbolic boundaries that define the nation. These gendered practices and ideologies fall into three categories: those linked with work; those associated with sex, relationships, and body display; and those connected to smoking. Each of these sets of behaviors has become salient in response to Germany’s largest migrant group, Muslims, but each has also been used as a gendered resource in past citizen-making projects. The article thus explores how discipline and exclusion in modern Germany are twinned, historically situated processes that draw heavily on gender and racialized framings of religion and culture. It concludes with an examination of the strategic ways that immigrant students themselves use gendered rhetoric to make their own inclusion and exclusion claims, and a discussion of both the benefits and pitfalls of embracing feminist principles as features of national identity.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The authors explored intersections between June Jordan's and Suheir Hammad's work to show how their writing is inscribed in a comparative analytic inspired by women of color critique, which names formations like minority and bourgeois nationalism to make evident their connection to neoliberal modes of power, as well as notions of normativity and value.
Abstract: The article aims to explore intersections between June Jordan’s and Suheir Hammad’s work to show how their writing is inscribed in a comparative analytic inspired by women of color critique, which names formations like minority and bourgeois nationalism to make evident their connection to neoliberal modes of power, as well as notions of normativity and value. In highlighting such an analytic, the article draws on Grace Kyungwon Hong and Roderick A. Ferguson’s reading of women of color critique as a practice that “question[s] nationalist and identitarian modes of political organization and craft[s] alternative understandings of subjectivity, collectivity, and power” (2011, 2). In its stress on the impact of Jordan’s politics, philosophy, and thought on Hammad’s writing, the article paves the way for understanding the forms of influence and affiliation underlying the commitment to revisionary goals among women writers of color, whose history has been overlooked in the context of a broader American literary history. Arguably, by drawing links between these authors using an alternative model of anti-colonial, anti-racist, and feminist struggle, the article offers an alternative framework to understand literary tradition and genealogies, apart from normative paradigms and approaches.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, a case study of the unionization of San Francisco's Lusty Lady strip club in 1996 demonstrates how law is both productive and not inherently opposed to politics; it not only shows how law and politics are dynamically connected, but also how law can, at times, bolster politics.
Abstract: Although feminists have historically engaged the law for political purposes, this article traces critiques of such engagements from early feminist legal theory to poststructuralist feminist thought. While early feminist legal theorists understood the law as patriarchal and oppressive, poststructuralists suggest that the law is productive. This theory of law would seem to necessitate reimagining how feminists might engage law. However, poststructuralist feminist thinkers argue that activists should eschew legal tactics in favor of political practices of resignification, collectivity, and agonistic democracy. Thus, these thinkers construct an opposition between law and politics that fundamentally contradicts their understanding of law as productive. Through an examination of this contradiction, the article shows that these thinkers implicitly share a conception of law as oppressive with early feminist legal theorists. Therefore, the poststructuralists fail to fully develop the insights of their own theory. Through a case study of the unionization of San Francisco’s Lusty Lady strip club in 1996, the article demonstrates how law is both productive and not inherently opposed to politics; it not only shows how law and politics are dynamically connected, but also how law can, at times, bolster politics. Thus, the article rethinks the place of law in feminist politics.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The Body and the City Project as discussed by the authors, a performance ethnographic initiative active between 2009 and 2011 with Black women and girls in Newark, provides a model for disrupting the neoliberal co-optation of public space, and the brown and Black female bodies that move through and occupy these spaces.
Abstract: The article considers how The Body and the City Project, a performance ethnographic initiative active between 2009 and 2011 with Black women and girls in Newark, provides a model for disrupting the neoliberal co-optation of public space, and the brown and Black female bodies that move through and occupy these spaces. It explains how the project emerged as a response to the ways in which Black women and girls experience the changing nature of safety, access, mobility, ownership, and belonging in postindustrial Newark. Tracing the project’s development demonstrates how the integration of performance methodologies within the context of feminist ethnographic practices provides the space to centralize collective identities and community accountability in ways that directly challenge notions of competition, individualism, and the capitalist consumption of space that define the contours of contemporary neoliberal practices, particularly in urban areas experiencing actual or perceived demographic shifts. The article seeks to centralize performance as a mode of investigation in feminist ethnography; better understand and more concretely identify what nurtures Black women and girls’ community engagement; and inspire new solutions to the issues they identify as examples of injustice, with distinctly neoliberal roots, in their local communities.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors examine the different narratives of healing by post-colonized women writers in order to reflect on their sensual spiritual intercon nection in the global, material, interdependent world.
Abstract: ���� ��� By thinking through the relation between racialized women’s writing, spirituality, and sensuality, the article explores how creative and critical writing can offer a kind of “spiritual medicine” for women in general and ethnic minority women in particular, and how creative expressions can serve to develop individual and collective consciousness around healing, political resistance, and social transformation. The article is concerned with how writing and the creative arts can help women make sense of individual and collective pain by offering profound relief for the writer, the reader, and the larger community. Here, it will examine the different narratives of healing by postcolonial women writers in order to reflect on their sensual spiritual intercon nection in the global, material, interdependent world. It argues that it is critical for women, particularly ethnic minority women, to take the stance of self-love and self-care, including the active seeking of affirmative self-actualization and liberation. The article suggests that in order to create ethical cultures of positive transformation, recovery, respect, and dignity, women need to gather their sages, mentors, and healers to produce knowledge that can transform them into more holistic, organic, sensual, spiritual, intellectual, interconnected, and accountable beings.


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The authors examined early twentieth-century discourses of reproduction, kinship, and citizenship through the lenses of feminist geopolitics and queer temporality, and illustrated how Ellis's articulations of alternative kinships and queer eugenics might move current work in queer theory to consider the embedded structure of racial hierarchies in discussions of futurity, and the relationship of normative and oppositional kinship structures to the geopolitical.
Abstract: Edith Lees Ellis, now remembered most for her marriage to sexologist Havelock Ellis, produced a suite of political essays and fiction at the turn of the twentieth century that explored questions of racial citizenship, reproductive politics, and women’s rights through the discourse of eugenics. Reading Ellis’s 1906 My Cornish Neighbours in relation to current debates surrounding queer theory reveals an important relationship between the history of eugenics and current queer theories of futurity and abjection. By examining early twentieth-century discourses of reproduction, kinship, and citizenship through the lenses of feminist geopolitics and queer temporality, the article illustrates how Ellis’s articulations of alternative kinships and queer eugenics might move current work in queer theory to consider the embedded structure of racial hierarchies in discussions of futurity, and the relationship of normative and oppositional kinship structures to the geopolitical.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Lin et al. as discussed by the authors have published a special issue on transnational Indigenous feminism for the 2016 issue of Lectora, a peer-reviewed journal based at University of Barcelona, and they republished and foreworded Ayako Ishigaki's 1940 memoir Restless Wave (2004).
Abstract: Yi-Chun Tricia Lin is the director and professor of women’s studies at Southern Connecticut State University. She is also president of the National Women’s Studies Association (NWSA), 2012–14. Among her current projects is a special issue on transnational Indigenous feminism for the 2016 issue of Lectora, a peer-reviewed journal based at University of Barcelona. She republished and foreworded Ayako Ishigaki’s 1940 memoir Restless Wave (2004), with Greg Robinson, and coedited, with Cheryl Fish, the Women’s Studies Quarterly special issue on women’s studies, “Women’s Studies Then and Now” (2003). She can be reached at liny4@southernct .edu.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The Arizona Pathways to Life Success (APLUS) study as mentioned in this paper ) is a longitudinal study of a group of young adults to understand how financial practices develop and the factors that shape those practices.
Abstract: What happens when a qualitative/theoretical scholar of gender/sexuality and cultural studies and a quantitative behavioral scientist step outside the boundaries of our respective disciplines, risking disruptions to our normal procedures and cherished political and theoretical commitments? Our unlikely collaboration allowed each of us to explore and challenge the possibilities, limitations, and consequences of our approaches to the study of gender and finance and, ultimately, to make new knowledge. The occasion for this collaboration is the Arizona Pathways to Life Success (APLUS) study, a longitudinal study of a group of young adults to understand how financial practices develop and the factors that shape those practices. We begin by presenting our respective research agendas and our concerns about “engaging the opposition.” We then narrate the sequence of our efforts: to talk and think together, generate analyses and interpretations, and then interrupt ourselves—only to begin again. Ultimately, despite (or perhaps because of) our divergent backgrounds, our final set of findings, which reveals the changeability of participation in gendered constellations of financial attitudes and behaviors over time, challenges dominant scientific and popular understandings of the relation of gender to financial behavior and attitudes, with implications across many domains of research, policy, and educational practice.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: This paper used fantasy-theme criticism to analyze reaction to the repeal as it chained out on social media sites in order to locate the strategies that enable a progressive movement to become entwined with US imperialism.
Abstract: On July 22, 2011, President Barack Obama certified the repeal of the military’s “Don’t Ask, Don’t Tell” (DADT) policy. The fight for the repeal of the homophobic policy has become a defining issue for the national LGBT civil rights movement. The repeal of the policy has been widely heralded as a civil rights victory, but it also raises questions about the complex meanings of justice, fairness, and equality under neoliberalism. Thus, the fight for the repeal of DADT provides a vital site of critique for rhetoricians as a location where neoliberal discourses of equality mask an imperialist US agenda. The article uses fantasy-theme criticism, as popularized by Ernest G. Bormann, to analyze reaction to the repeal as it chained out on social-media sites in order to locate the strategies that enable a progressive movement—that is, LGBT civil rights—to become entwined with US imperialism. This analysis illustrates how popular discursive crafting of DADT as a US civil rights issue masks the many ways that the construction “gays in the military” shores up homonormativity and sexual exceptionalism that assist in the deployment of US imperialism.


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Rossiter, Margaret W. as mentioned in this paper, and Orly Shachar, Orly, 2000. “The Matthew Matilda Effect in Science.” Social Studies of Science 23 (2): 325-41.
Abstract: Rossiter, Margaret W. 1993. “The Matthew Matilda Effect in Science.” Social Studies of Science 23 (2): 325–41. Shachar, Orly. 2000. “Spotlighting Women Scientists in the Press: Tokenism in Science Journalism.” Public Understanding of Science 9 (4): 347–58. Terrall, Mary. 2011. “Heroic Narratives of Quest and Discovery.” In The Postcolonial Science and Technology Studies Reader, edited by Sandra Harding, 84–102. Durham, NC: Duke University Press.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors draw on documents from both working organizations and one-time conferences, as issued by grassroots and inter-governmental groups from local, regional and international gatherings, that are both wide-ranging and issue-specific.
Abstract: From the Seneca Falls Convention on Women’s Rights in 1848 through gatherings and organizations around the world today, feminists have systematically and collectively analyzed the character and range of existing gender-related problems in their societies, envisioned more equitable and inspiring alternatives to the status quo, and explored a variety of methods for change. This article is the first to look comparatively at a wide range of documents emanating from these meetings and groups, and to read them as one would any significant political treatise. The remarks here draw on documents from both working organizations and one-time conferences, as issued by grassroots and inter-governmental groups from local, regional, and international gatherings, that are both wide-ranging and issue-specific. While the documents are not evenly distributed over time, they do represent over a century and a half of feminist organizing. What follows includes a consideration of the scope of issues raised by feminists across time and place, and then, in greater detail, examines specific ideas about politics and education. Finally, in the search for something that might be called “feminist traditions,” the article looks especially at connections and continuities in the documents.