Showing papers in "Foreign Affairs in 1996"
1,715 citations
TL;DR: The first study of its kind based on a wide array of comparative survey data, The Radical Right in Western Europe: A Comparative Analysis provides a unifying framework to explain why rightist parties are electorally powerful in some countries but not in others as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: The rise of new political competitors on the radical right is a central feature of many contemporary European party systems. The first study of its kind based on a wide array of comparative survey data, The Radical Right in Western Europe: A Comparative Analysis provides a unifying framework to explain why rightist parties are electorally powerful in some countries but not in others. The book argues that changes in social structure and the economy do not by themselves adequately explain the success of extremist parties. Instead we must look to the competitive struggles among parties, their internal organizational patterns, and their long-term ideological traditions to understand the principles governing their success. Radical right authoritarian parties tend to emerge when moderate parties converge toward the median voter. But the success of these parties depends on the strategy employed by the right-wing political actors. Herbert Kitschelt's in-depth analysis, based on the experiences of rightist parties in Austria, Denmark, France, Germany, Italy, Norway, and Britain, reveals that the broadest appeal is enjoyed by parties that couple a fierce commitment to free markets with authoritarian, ethnocentric—or even racist—messages. The author also shows how a country's particular political constituency or its intellectual and organizational legacies may allow right-wing parties to diverge from these norms and still find electoral success. The book concludes by exploring the interaction between the development of the welfare state, cultural pluralization through immigrants, and the growth of the extreme right.
1,105 citations
TL;DR: Gerard Prunier as discussed by the authors investigated how the genocidal events in Rwanda were part of a deadly logic, a plan that served central political and economic interests, rather than a result of primordial tribal hatreds.
Abstract: Offering an up-to-date historical perspective which should enable readers to fathom how the brutal massacres of 800,000 Rwandese came to pass in 1994, this volume includes a new chapter that brings the analysis up to the end of 1996. Gerard Prunier probes into how the genocidal events in Rwanda were part of a deadly logic - a plan that served central political and economic interests - rather than a result of primordial tribal hatreds, a notion often invoked by the media to dramatize genocide.
876 citations
TL;DR: In this paper, a leaf filter cloth for a pressure vessel including a flat retaining sack or bag which encloses the leaf filter is presented, and an outlet opening is contained in the sack through which the filtered product can be extracted.
Abstract: A filter cloth for a leaf filter of a pressure vessel including a flat retaining sack or bag which encloses the leaf filter. An outlet opening is contained in the sack through which the filtered product can be extracted. A releasable closure device is provided along the greater part of one side edge of the sack to permit removal of the sack from the leaf filter for cleaning and replacement thereof. A reinforcing material is provided at the outlet opening to provide a tight seal about the outlet of the leaf filter. Preferably, the sack is substantially circular but may have any configuration conforming to the shape of the leaf filter.
708 citations
446 citations
422 citations
TL;DR: The authors argues that all schools of contemporary political thought are variations on the Enlightenment Project, the Westernizing project of a universal civilization, and that this Enlightenment Project has proved self-undermining and is now exhausted.
Abstract: Now in paperback, Enlightenment's Wake stakes out the elements of John Gray's new position. He argues that all schools of contemporary political thought are variations on the Enlightenment Project - the Westernizing project of a universal civilization - and that this Enlightenment Project has proved self-undermining and is now exhausted. Fresh thought is needed on the dilemmas of the late modern age.
383 citations
TL;DR: In this article, Anderson et al. examine the substance of particular policies, such as industrial relations, immigration, agriculture, and gender equality, in the European Union and compare them with Canada and the United States, two other multi-tiered, or federal, systems.
Abstract: As the European Union grows and matures, its movement toward a single market has been the primary focus of attention. However, other policy areas have been greatly affected by the process of European integration. This volume deals with the development of social policy in the EU. The authors examine the substance of particular policies, such as industrial relations, immigration, agriculture, and gender equality. They emphasize the distinctive nature and dynamics of integrating policy in a " multi-tiered" system--one in which individual member states share policymaking responsibilities with central authorities. They also compare social policymaking in the EU with that in Canada and the United States, two other multi-tiered, or federal, systems. The contributors are Jeffrey J. Anderson, Brown University; Keith G. Banting, Queen's University; Patrick R. Ireland, University of Denver; Jane Lewis, London School of Economics; Ilona Ostner, Gttingen University; Martin Rhodes, University of Manchester; Elmar Rieger, University of Mannheim; George Ross, Brandeis University; Wolfgang Streeck, University of Wisconsin, Madison; and Margaret Weir, Brookings.
369 citations
TL;DR: The Coca-colonization thesis as discussed by the authors claims that the West has led the world to modern society, and that as people in other civilizations modernize they also westernize, aban doning their traditional values, institutions, and customs and adopt ing those that prevail in the West.
Abstract: In recent years Westerners have reassured themselves and irritated others by expounding the notion that the culture of the West is and ought to be the culture of the world. This conceit takes two forms. One is the Coca-colonization thesis. Its proponents claim that Western, and more specifically American, popular culture is enveloping the world: American food, clothing, pop music, movies, and consumer goods are more and more enthusiastically embraced by people on every continent. The other has to do with modernization. It claims not only that the West has led the world to modern society, but that as people in other civilizations modernize they also westernize, aban doning their traditional values, institutions, and customs and adopt ing those that prevail in the West. Both theses project the image of an emerging homogeneous, universally Western world?and both are to varying degrees misguided, arrogant, false, and dangerous. Advocates of the Coca-colonization thesis identify culture with the consumption of material goods. The heart of a culture, however, involves language, religion, values, traditions, and customs. Drinking Coca-Cola does not make Russians think like Americans any more
325 citations
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors examine the paradox of states that have been weakened by crisis just as their capacity to encourage economic development and provide for effective governance most needs to be strengthened.
Abstract: The 1980s and 1990s posed great challenges to governments in Latin America and Africa. Deep economic crises and significantly heightened pressure for political reform severely taxed their capacity to manage economic and political tasks. These crises pointed to an intense need to reform the state and redefine its relationship to the market and civic society. This book examines the paradox of states that have been weakened by crisis just as their capacity to encourage economic development and provide for effective governance most needs to be strengthened. Case studies of Mexico and Kenya allow the author to analyse the opportunities available for political leadership in moments of crisis, and the constraints on action provided by leadership goals and existing political and economic structures. She argues that while leaders and political structures are often part of the problem, they can also be part of the solution in building more efficient, effective, and responsive states.
319 citations
TL;DR: The question of whether democracies are less likely to go to war than other kinds of states is of tremendous importance in both academic and policy-making circles and one that has been debated by political scientists for years.
Abstract: Are democracies less likely to go to war than other kinds of states? This question is of tremendous importance in both academic and policy-making circles and one that has been debated by political scientists for years. The Clinton administration, in particular, has argued that the United States should endeavor to promote democracy around the world. This timely reader includes some of the most influential articles in the debate that have appeared in the journal International Security during the past two years, adding two seminal pieces published elsewhere to make a more balanced and complete collection, suitable for classroom use.
TL;DR: The United States' information advantage can help deter or defeat traditional military threats at relatively low cost as mentioned in this paper, which can strengthen the intellec tual link between U. S. foreign policy and military power and offer new ways of maintaining leadership in alliances and ad hoc coalitions.
Abstract: Knowledge, more than ever before, is power. The one country that can best lead the information revolution will be more powerful than any other. For the foreseeable future, that country is the United States. Amer ica has apparent strength in military power and economic production. Yet its more subtle comparative advantage is its ability to collect, process, act upon, and disseminate information, an edge that will almost certainly grow over the next decade. This advantage stems from Cold War invest ments and America s open society, thanks to which it dominates impor tant communications and information processing technologies?space based surveillance, direct broadcasting, high-speed computers?and has an unparalleled ability to integrate complex information systems. This information advantage can help deter or defeat traditional military threats at relatively low cost. In a world in which the mean ing of containment, the nuclear umbrella, and conventional deterrence have changed, the information advantage can strengthen the intellec tual link between U. S. foreign policy and military power and offer new ways of maintaining leadership in alliances and ad hoc coalitions. The information edge is equally important as a force multiplier of American diplomacy, including "soft power"?the attraction of American democracy and free markets.1 The United States can use its
TL;DR: In this paper, a series of case studies of ongoing conflict in Angola, Mozambique, Eritrea, South Africa, Southern Sudan, Lebanon, Spain, Colombia, Afghanistan, Sri Lanka, and the Philippines are presented.
Abstract: As the threat of superpower confrontation diminishes in the post-cold war era, civil wars and their regional ramifications are emerging as the primary challenge to international peace and security. Notoriously difficult to resolve, these internal conflicts seem condemned to escalate with no end in sight. This book recognizes that internal dissidence is the legitimate result of the breakdown of normal politics and focuses on resolving conflict through negotiation rather than combat. Elusive Peace provides a revealing look at the nature of internal conflicts and explains why appropriate conditions for negotiation and useful solutions are so difficult to find. The authors offer a series of case studies of ongoing conflict in Angola, Mozambique, Eritrea, South Africa, Southern Sudan, Lebanon, Spain, Colombia, Afghanistan, Sri Lanka, and the Philippines. They examine the characteristics of each confrontation, including past failed negotiations, and make suggestions for changes in negotiating strategies that could lead to a more successful outcome. The contributors, in addition to the editor, are Imtiaz Bokhari, Bilkent University, Ankara; Robert Clark, George Mason University; Marius Deeb and Marina Ottaway, Georgetown University; Mary Jane Deeb, American University; Francis Deng, Brookings; Daniel Druckman, National Academy of Sciences; Todd Eisenstadt, University of California, San Diego; Daniel Garcia, University of the Andes, Bogota; Justin Green, Villanova University; Carolyn Hartzell and Donald Rothchild, University of California, Davis; Ibrahim Msabaha, Center for Foreign Relations, Dar es-Salaam; and Howard Wriggins, Columbia University.
TL;DR: The third edition of this major work as mentioned in this paper provides a systematic, comparative assessment of the efforts of a selection of major countries including the U.S., to deal with immigration and immigrant issues, paying particular attention to the ever widening gap between their migration policy goals and outcomes.
Abstract: The third edition of this major work provides a systematic, comparative assessment of the efforts of a selection of major countries, including the U.S., to deal with immigration and immigrant issues- paying particular attention to the ever-widening gap between their migration policy goals and outcomes. Retaining its comprehensive coverage of nations built by immigrants and those with a more recent history of immigration, the new edition pays particular attention to the tensions created by post-colonial immigration, and explores how countries have attempted to control the entry and employment of legal and illegal Third World immigrants, how they cope with the social and economic integration of these new waves of immigrants, and how they deal with forced migration.
TL;DR: In foreign policy, conservatives are adrift as mentioned in this paper, they disdain the Wilsonian multilateralism of the Clinton administration; they are tempted by, but so far have resisted, the neoisolationism of Patrick Buchanan; for now, they lean uncertainly on some version of the con servative realism of Henry Kissinger and his disciples.
Abstract: In foreign policy, conservatives are adrift. They disdain the Wilsonian multilateralism of the Clinton administration; they are tempted by, but so far have resisted, the neoisolationism of Patrick Buchanan; for now, they lean uncertainly on some version of the con servative "realism" of Henry Kissinger and his disciples. Thus, in this year s election campaign, they speak vaguely of replacing Clinton s vacillation with a steady, "adult" foreign policy under Robert Dole. But Clinton has not vacillated that much recently, and Dole was re duced a few weeks ago to asserting, in what was heralded as a major address, that there really are differences in foreign policy between him and the president, appearances to the contrary notwithstanding. But the fault is not Doles; in truth, there has been little attempt to set forth the outlines of a conservative view of the world and America's proper role in it. Is such an attempt necessary, or even possible? For the past few years, Americans, from the foreign policy big-thinker to the man on the street, have assumed it is not. Rather, this is supposed to be a time for un shouldering the vast responsibilities the United States acquired at the end of the Second World War and for concentrating its energies at home. The collapse of the Soviet Empire has made possible a "return to
TL;DR: In this paper, a comparative analysis of the major political crises in post-1945 East Central Europe (Hungary 1956-63, Czechoslovakia 1968-76, Poland 1980-89) is presented.
Abstract: In a comparative analysis of the major political crises in post-1945 East Central Europe (Hungary 1956-63, Czechoslovakia 1968-76, Poland 1980-89), this text challenges the notion that state-socialist regimes are politically stable due to their pervasive institutional and ideological control over their citizens. The book maintains that the nature and consequences of these crises can better explain the distinctive experiences of East Central European countries under communist rule than can the formal characteristics of their political and economic systems or their politically-dependent status. The book explores how political crises reshaped party-state institutions, redefined relations between party and states institutions, altered the relationship between the state and various groups and organizations within society, and modified the political practices of these regimes. It shows how these events transformed cultural categories, produced collective memories, and imposed long-lasting constraints on mass political behaviour and the policy choices of ruling elites. These crises, it argues, shaped the political evolution of the region, produced important cross-national differences amon
TL;DR: The Chicago School of Economics as discussed by the authors was one of the first American schools to be exported to Chile, where it became the University of Chile (UC Chile). And the Chile Project and the birth of the Chicago Boys.
Abstract: Preface and acknowledgements Introduction 1. Authoritarians Without a Project 2. Ideological Transfer 3. The Chicago School of Economics 4. The Actors of ideological Transfer 5. The Contracts between ICA, Chicago and the Universidad Catolica 6. The Chile Project and the Birth of the Chicago Boys 7. The Implantation of the Chicago School in Chile 8. The Export of the Chicago Tradition 9. In Search of Politics 10 The Elusive Hegemony 11. Under the Unidad Popular Conclusions.
TL;DR: Bronson et al. as discussed by the authors examined the sources of internal conflicts and the ways these may spill over or draw in neighboring states and the international community, and recommended specific approaches to help prevent and moderate internal conflict and to limit its spread when it arises.
Abstract: Deadly internal conflicts threaten dozens of countries and major regions around the world. One of the most critical issues in contemporary international security, it is examined in this book by twenty experts of the Project on Internal Conflict at Harvard University's Center for Science and International Affairs.The first part of the book examines the sources of internal conflicts and the ways these may spill over or draw in neighboring states and the international community. Region by region, the book discusses the former Yugoslavia and the Balkans, East-central Europe, Russia and the former Soviet Union, South Asia, Southeast Asia, the Middle East and North Africa, Sub-Saharan Africa, and Central and South America.The second part examines specific problems, policy instruments, and key actors including: the control of aggressive nationalism, the prevention of secessionist violence, and the resolution of civil wars; the roles of the media and nongovernmental organizations; arms limitations and economic sanctions; military challenges; the policies of the United States and the United Nations; and the prospects for collective action. The book recommends specific approaches to help prevent and moderate internal conflict and to limit its spread when it arises.Contributors : Rachel Bronson. Mark Chernick. Ivo Daalder. Matthew Evangelista. Richard Falkenrath. Trevor Findlay. Sumit Ganguly. Alicia Levine. Dan Lindley. John Matthews. Chantal de Jonge Oudraat. Elizabeth Rogers. Colin Scott. Joanna Spear. Stephen Stedman. Katherine Tucker. Milada Vachudova. Barbara Walter. Thomas Weiss.
TL;DR: The seminal events of the Clinton administration were three failed military interventions in its first nine months in office: the announced intention, then failure, to lift the arms embargo against Bosnia's Muslims and bomb the Bosnian Serbs in May 1993; the deaths of 18 U.S. Army rangers at the hands of a mob in Mogadishu, Somalia, on October 3; and the turning back of a ship carrying military trainers in response to demonstrations in Port-au-Prince, Haiti, onOctober 12 as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: The seminal events of the foreign policy of the Clinton adminis tration were three failed military interventions in its first nine months in office: the announced intention, then failure, to lift the arms embargo against Bosnia's Muslims and bomb the Bosnian Serbs in May 1993; the deaths of 18 U.S. Army rangers at the hands of a mob in Mogadishu, Somalia, on October 3; and the turning back of a ship carrying military trainers in response to demonstrations in Port-au-Prince, Haiti, on October 12. Together they set the tone and established much of the agenda of the foreign policy of the United States from 1993 through 1995. These failed interventions expressed the view of the worldwide role of the United States that the members of the Clinton foreign policy team brought to office. Their distinctive vision of post-Cold War American foreign policy failed because it did not command public support. Much of the administrations first year was given over to mak ing that painful discovery. Much of the next two years was devoted to coping with the consequences of the failures ofthat first year. Bosnia, Somalia, and Haiti were not, as the administration claimed, problems it had inherited. The Bush administration had sent troops to Somalia for the limited purpose of distributing food
TL;DR: The failure of today's advanced global capitalism to keep spreading the wealth poses a challenge not just to policymakers but to modern economic "science" as well as discussed by the authors. But if the post-World War II social contract with workers?offull
Abstract: The global economy is leaving millions of disaffected workers in its train. Inequality, unemployment, and endemic poverty have be come its handmaidens. Rapid technological change and heightening international competition are fraying the job markets of the major in dustrialized countries. At the same time systemic pressures are cur tailing every government s ability to respond with new spending. Just when working people most need the nation-state as a buffer from the world economy, it is abandoning them. This is not how things were supposed to work. The failure of today s advanced global capitalism to keep spreading the wealth poses a challenge not just to policymakers but to modern economic "science" as well. For generations, students were taught that increasing trade and investment, coupled with technological change, would drive na tional productivity and create wealth. Yet over the past decade, despite a continuing boom in international trade and finance, productivity has faltered, and inequality in the United States and unemployment in Europe have worsened. President Bill Clinton may have been right to proclaim that "the era of big government is over," and perhaps the American people will ulti mately decide that those who need assistance should look elsewhere for help. But if the post-World War II social contract with workers?offull
TL;DR: Bulmer-Thomas et al. as mentioned in this paper studied the impact of the new economic model on the distribution of income and inequality in Latin America and found that the distributional impact of new economic models in Chile and Mexico was positively associated with inequality and poverty.
Abstract: Acknowledgements - List of Contributors - List of Tables - List of Figures - Preface A.Foxley - Introduction V.Bulmer-Thomas - PART 1: THEMATIC STUDIES - The New Trade Regime, Macroeconomic Behaviour and Income Distribution in Latin America E.V.K.FitzGerald - Chronic Fiscal Stress and the Reproduction of Poverty and Inequality in Latin America L.Whitehead -The New Economic Model and Labour Markets in Latin America J.Thomas - The New Financial Regime in Latin America R.Fernandez - International Capital Flows to Latin America S.Griffith-Jones - PART 2: CASE STUDIES - The Distributive Impact of the New Economic Model in Chile C.Scott - Income Distribution and Poverty in Mexico H.Panuco-Laguette & M.Szekely -Honduras, The New Economic Model and Poverty A.Thorpe - Inequality and Poverty in the Lost Decade: Brazilian Income Distribution in the 1980s F.Ferreira & J.Litchfield - The Manufacturing Sector in Latin America and the New Economic Model J.Weeks - Conclusions V.Bulmer-Thomas -Statistical Appendix - Bibliography - Index
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors discuss the origins of the Eritrean conflict, the federation years, 1952-1962, and the EPLF's quest for legitimacy, 1961-1981.
Abstract: Acknowledgements List of abbreviations Maps Introduction I: 1. The Eritrean question in perspective 2. Regional hegemony in the post World War II order 3. Eritrea and the African order II: 4. The origins of the Eritrean conflict 5. The federation years, 1952-1962 6. Secular nationalism: the creative radicalism of the ELM 7. Defiant nationalism: the ELF and the EPLF, 1961-1981 8. The EPLF's quest for legitimacy 9. Building the Eritrean polity Notes Bibliography Index.
TL;DR: In this article, the authors explore the experience of the United Nations in the three largest peacekeeping operations of recent years, in Cambodia, former Yugoslavia, and Somalia, to explain why it has proved so difficult for the international community to live up to this hope.
Abstract: At the end of the Cold War the hope was that it would be possible to reform international society and create a new world order. This book explores the experience of the United Nations in the three largest peacekeeping operations of recent years, in Cambodia, former Yugoslavia, and Somalia, to explain why it has proved so difficult for the international community to live up to this hope. The introduction explores the common themes and the major contrasts in the three operations, and each case study is accompanied by a chronology of events and a selection of relevant UN documents.
TL;DR: Ruttan as discussed by the authors reviewed US development assistance policy from the end of World War II to 1995, focusing on the structures and programmes that proliferated in this period and were designed to provide underdeveloped countries with technical and economic assistance.
Abstract: Economist Vernon Ruttan offers a review of US development assistance policy from the end of World War II to 1995. His emphasis is on the structures and programmes that proliferated in this period and were designed to provide underdeveloped countries with technical and economic assistance. Ruttan follows the development of the US Agency for International Development, quasigovernmental agencies, and private voluntary organizations. He also examines US policy toward the World Bank, United Nations agencies and other international development assistance organizations. Ruttan's interest is not to measure the impact of US assistance programmes, but to examine the domestic political forces that have directed US development assistance policy. By means of this review, he shows how political interests often detrimentally influenced development efforts. Ruttan concludes that the US development assistance programme is in disarray and that there is a real need for its deep re-evaluation and restructuring. The last two chapters of the book review past reform efforts and outline Ruttan's own recommendations. This book should serve as a reference both for specialists and for those wanting a deeper understanding of development issues.
TL;DR: The United States' reluctance to respond to the genocide in Rwanda that began in April 1994 was due in part to its retreat from Somalia, announced after the deaths of 18 U.S. Army Rangers on October 3-4,1993 as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: The American-led operation in Somalia that began when U.S. Marines hit the Mogadishu beaches in December 1992 continues to profoundly affect the debate over humanitarian intervention. The Clinton administration's refusal to respond to the genocide in Rwanda that began in April 1994 was due in part to its retreat from Somalia, announced after the deaths of 18 U.S. Army Rangers on October 3-4,1993. ^n Bosnia, U.N. peacekeepers under fire from or taken prisoner by Serb forces over the last two years were expected to turn the other cheek for fear of "crossing the Mogadishu line." This expression, reportedly coined by Lieutenant General Sir Michael Rose, former commander of the United Nations Protection Force in Bosnia (unprofor), describes the need to maintain neu trality in the face of all provocation for fear of becoming an unwill ing participant in a civil war. In recent months, the design of the U.N. Implementation Force in Bosnia has been shaped by what was purportedly learned in Somalia. The doctrines of both the United States and the United Nations
TL;DR: In this article, Nikolaos van Dam explores and explains how the Asad dynasty has come to rule Syria for about half a century and keep the complex patchwork of minorities, factions and opponents securely under control for such an unprecedented long period.
Abstract: In the midst of turmoil in the Middle East, and in the face of protests and demonstrations from Homs to Damascus and other places all over Syria, the Ba'th Party and Bashar al-Asad are truly caught up in a struggle to hold onto power in Syria. In this important book, Nikolaos van Dam explores and explains how the Asad dynasty has come to rule Syria for about half a century and keep the complex patchwork of minorities, factions and opponents securely under control for such an unprecedented long period. Through an in-depth examination of the role of sectarian, regional and tribal loyalties, van Dam traces developments within the Ba'th party and the military and civilian power elite from the 1963 Ba'thist takeover up to the present day.
TL;DR: The United States must manage its delicate rela tionships with Europe, Japan, Russia, and China, the other major players in world affairs as discussed by the authors, and it is vital that America focus its efforts on a small number of countries despite congressional pressure to reduce or eliminate overseas assistance.
Abstract: Half a decade after the collapse of the Soviet Union, American policymakers and intellectuals are still seeking new principles on which to base national strategy. The current debate over the future of the international order?including predictions of the "end of history," a "clash of civilizations," a "coming anarchy," or a "borderless world"?has failed to generate agreement on what shape U.S. policy should take. However, a single overarching framework may be inap propriate for understanding today's disorderly and decentralized world. Americas security no longer hangs on the success or failure of containing communism. The challenges are more diffuse and numer ous. As a priority, the United States must manage its delicate rela tionships with Europe, Japan, Russia, and China, the other major players in world affairs. However, Americas national interest also re quires stability in important parts of the developing world. Despite congressional pressure to reduce or eliminate overseas assistance, it is vital that America focus its efforts on a small number of countries