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Showing papers in "Foreign Affairs in 1999"


BookDOI
TL;DR: Risse and Sikkink as discussed by the authors discuss the socialization of international human rights norms into domestic practices and the long and winding road of international norms and domestic political change in South Africa.
Abstract: List of contributors Preface 1. The socialization of international human rights norms into domestic practices: introduction Thomas Risse and Kathryn Sikkink 2. Transnational activism and political change in Kenya and Uganda Hans Peter Schmitz 3. The long and winding road: international norms and domestic political change in South Africa David Black 4. Changing discourse: transnational advocacy networks in Tunisia and Morocco Sieglinde Granzer 5. Linking the unlinkable? International norms and nationalism in Indonesia and the Philippines Anja Jetschke 6. International norms and domestic politics in Chile and Guatemala Stephen C. Ropp and Kathryn Sikkink 7. The Helsinki accords and political change in Eastern Europe Daniel C. Thomas 8. International human rights norms and domestic change: conclusions Thomas Risse and Stephen C. Ropp List of references Index.

2,499 citations


MonographDOI
TL;DR: The authors argued that the Hindu nationalist movement has successfully articulated the anxieties and desires of the large and amorphous Indian middle class, which attracted privileged groups fearing encroachment on their dominant positions but also impoverished groups seeking recognition around a majoritarian rhetoric of cultural pride, order, and national strength.
Abstract: Analyzing Indian receptivity to the right-wing Hindu nationalist party, this book also explores its political wing, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), which claims to create a policy based on "ancient" Hindu culture. The author places the BJP within the context of the larger transformation of democratic governance in India. The text goes on to argue that the Hindu nationalist movement has successfully articulated the anxieties and desires of the large and amorphous Indian middle class. Consequently, the movement has attracted privileged groups fearing encroachment on their dominant positions but also "plebian" and impoverished groups seeking recognition around a majoritarian rhetoric of cultural pride, order, and national strength. This book aims to advance the understanding of democarcy in the post-colonial world.

788 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, it was argued that global politics is also always about power and the struggle for power, and today international relations is changing along cultural and civilizational lines, and that there is now only one superpower.
Abstract: During the past decade global politics has changed fundamentally in two ways. First, it has been substantially reconfigured along cultural and civilizational lines, as I have highlighted in the pages of this journal and documented at length in The Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of World Order Second, as argued in that book, global politics is also always about power and the struggle for power, and today international relations is changing along that crucial dimension. The global structure of power in the Cold War was basically bipolar; the emerging structure is very different. There is now only one superpower. But that does not mean that the world is unipolar. A unipolar system would have one superpower, no significant major powers, and many minor powers. As a result, the superpower could effectively resolve important international issues alone, and no combination of other states would have the power to prevent it from doing so. For several centuries the classical world under Rome, and at times East Asia under China, approximated this model. A bipolar system like the Cold War has two superpowers, and the relations between them are central to international politics. Each superpower dominates a coalition of allied states and competes with the other superpower for influence among nonaligned countries. A multi polar system has several major powers of comparable strength that cooperate and compete with each other in shifting patterns. A coalition

531 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors argue that although war is a great evil, it does have a great virtue: it can resolve political conflicts and lead to peace, and that war brings peace only after passing a culminating phase of violence.
Abstract: An unpleasant truth often overlooked is that although war is a great evil, it does have a great virtue: it can resolve political conflicts and lead to peace. This can happen when all belligerents become exhausted or when one wins decisively. Either way the key is that the fighting must continue until a resolution is reached. War brings peace only after passing a culminating phase of violence. Hopes of military success must fade for accommodation to become more attractive than further combat. Since the establishment of the United Nations and the enshrinement

487 citations


Journal ArticleDOI

393 citations



Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, Archibugi, Held and Kohler discuss the role of cosmopolitan democracy in the post-Westphalian European State and propose a model for transnational democracy.
Abstract: List of Contributors. Introduction Daniele Archibugi, David Held and Martin Kohler. Part 1. The Transformation of the Interstate System. 1. Democracy and Globalization: David Held. 2. Governance and Democracy in a Globalizing World: James N. Rosenau. 3. Human Rights as a Model for Cosmopolitan Democracy: David Beetham. 4. The Global Democracy Deficit: an Essay in International Law and its Limits: James Crawford and Susan Marks. 5. Reconceptualizing Organized Violence: Mary Kaldor. Part II: Citizenship, Sovereignty and Transnational Democracy. . 6. Citizenship and Sovereignty in the post--Westphalian European State: Andrew Linklater. 7. Citizenship in the EU -- A Paradigm for Transnational Democracy?: Ulrich K. Preuss. 8. Between Cosmopolis and Community: Three Models of Rights and Democracy within the European Union: Richard Bellamy and Dario Castiglione. 9. Community Identity and World Citizenship: Janna Thompson. 10. Principles of Cosmopolitan Democracy: Daniele Archibugi. Part III: The Prospects of Cosmopolitan Democracy. . 11. From the National to the Cosmopolitan Public Sphere: Martin Kohler. 12. Refugees: a Special Case for Cosmopolitan Citizenship?: Pierre Hassner. 13. Global Security Problems and the Challenge to Democratic Process: Gwyn Prins and Elizabeth Sellwood. 14. Democracy in the United Nations System Cosmopolitan and Communitarian Principles: Derk Bienen, Volker Rittberger and Wolfgang Wagner. 15. The United Nations and Cosmopolitan Democracy: Bad Dream, Utopian Fantasy, Political Project: Richard Falk. Index.

306 citations


MonographDOI
TL;DR: Ekiert and Kubik as discussed by the authors studied the politics of protest in post-communist Central Europe and found that organized protests not only continued under the new regime but also had a powerful impact on Poland's democratic consolidation.
Abstract: Poland is the only country in which popular protest and mass opposition, epitomized by the Solidarity movement, played a significant role in bringing down the communist regime. This book, the first comprehensive study of the politics of protest in postcommunist Central Europe, shows that organized protests not only continued under the new regime but also had a powerful impact on Poland's democratic consolidation.Following the collapse of communism in 1989, the countries of Eastern Europe embarked on the gargantuan project of restructuring their social, political, economic, and cultural institutions. The social cost of these transformations was high, and citizens expressed their discontent in various ways. Protest actions became common events, particularly in Poland. In order to explain why protest in Poland was so intense and so particularized, Grzegorz Ekiert and Jan Kubik place the situation within a broad political, economic, and social context and test it against major theories of protest politics. They conclude that in transitional polities where conventional political institutions such as parties or interest groups are underdeveloped, organized collective protest becomes a legitimate and moderately effective strategy for conducting state-society dialogue. The authors offer an original and rich description of protest movements in Poland after the fall of communism as a basis for developing and testing their ideas. They highlight the organized and moderate character of the protests and argue that the protests were not intended to reverse the change of 1989 but to protest specific policies of the government.This book contributes to the literature on democratic consolidation, on the institutionalization of state-society relationship, and on protest and social movements. It will be of interest to political scientists, sociologists, historians, and policy advisors.Grzegorz Ekiert is Professor of Government, Harvard University. Jan Kubik is Associate Professor of Political Science, Rutgers University.

270 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The Myths of Militarism Empires, Ententes and Edwardian Appeasement Britains War of Illusions Arms and Men Public Finance and National Security The Last Days of Mankind: 28 June4 August 1914 The August Days: The Myth of War Enthusiasm The Press Gang Economic Capability: The Advantage Squandered Strategy, Tactics and the Net Body Count Maximum Slaughter at Minimum Expense: War Finance The Death Instinct: Why Men Fought The Captors Dilemma How (not) to Pay for the War Conclusion: Alternatives to Armageddon Notes B
Abstract: Figures Tables Illustrations Acknowledgements Notes on the Illustrations Introduction The Myths of Militarism Empires, Ententes and Edwardian Appeasement Britains War of Illusions Arms and Men Public Finance and National Security The Last Days of Mankind: 28 June4 August 1914 The August Days: The Myth of War Enthusiasm The Press Gang Economic Capability: The Advantage Squandered Strategy, Tactics and the Net Body Count Maximum Slaughter at Minimum Expense: War Finance The Death Instinct: Why Men Fought The Captors Dilemma How (not) to Pay for the War Conclusion: Alternatives to Armageddon Notes Bibliography Index.

265 citations




MonographDOI
TL;DR: The authors argues that those who believe a democratic peace exists, typically examine the 1815-1980 period as a whole, conflating the pre-World War I and post-world War II years.
Abstract: This text disputes the belief that "democracies don't fight each other". The author argues that those who belive a democratic peace exists, typically examine the 1815-1980 period as a whole, conflating the pre-World War I and post-World War II years. Examining these periods separately, the book contends that a democratic peace prevailed only during the latter period. It calls into question the conclusions of previous researchers and the wisdom of present US foreign policy initiatives.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the division of Europe and the making of the NATO system are discussed, as well as the politics of the Berlin Crisis, 1958-1960 and the Treaty of Versailles.
Abstract: PrefaceAbbreviationsPt. IThe Division of EuropeCh. 1A Spheres of Influence Peace?3Ch. 2Toward the Rubicon34Ch. 3The Test of Strength66Pt. IIThe Nato SystemCh. 4The Making of the NATO System95Ch. 5Eisenhower and Nuclear Sharing146Ch. 6An Alliance in Disarray201Pt. IIIThe Cold War PeaceCh. 7The Politics of the Berlin Crisis, 1958-1960251Ch. 8Kennedy, NATO, and Berlin283Ch. 9A Settlement Takes Shape352Sources and Bibliography403Index419


Journal ArticleDOI

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In the post-cold war era, economic sanctions have been widely used as an impressive method, if not exactly a weapon, of mass destruction as discussed by the authors, which may have contributed to more deaths during the post Cold War era than all the conventional or nuclear weapons throughout history.
Abstract: With the demise of the Cold War, virtually all the major problems that afflicted great power relations over the last half-century have been resolved. Many argue, however, that new dangers such as those posed by "rogue states" and terrorism have emerged to re place the old ones of conventional or nuclear war. As part of this shift in how threats are constructed and perceived, old worries about nuclear weapons have been subsumed under the new con cept of "weapons of mass destruction" (wmd), lumped together with arms that have killed relatively few people to date (biological weapons), arms of much lower potential lethality (chemical weapons), and dramatic but costly and often ineffective delivery vehicles (ballistic missiles). As these have become prominent bogeymen, the maturation of another impressive method, if not exactly a weapon, of mass destruction has been largely overlooked. The irony is that in contrast to the others, this device?economic sanctions?is deployed frequently, by large states rather than small ones, and may have contributed to more deaths during the post-Cold War era than all weapons of mass destruction throughout history. Comparing the record of these various threats to human well-being is an instructive exercise?and



Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: A country that has substantial international liquidity, such as large foreign currency reserves and a ready source of foreign currency loans, is less likely to be the object of a currency attack as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: Like death and taxes, international economic crises cannot be avoided. They will continue to occur as they have for centuries past. But the alarmingly rapid spread of the 1997 Asian crisis showed how shifting perceptions alone can disrupt even fundamentally stable countries. In the wake of Russia's default, skyrocketing interest rates in emerging markets underlined these economies' vulnerability to investor skittishness. Unfortunately, there is no international "911" that emerging markets can dial when facing economic collapse. Neither the International Monetary Fund (imf) nor a new global financial architecture will make the world less dangerous. Instead, countries that want to avoid a devastating rerun of the 1997-98 crisis must learn to protect themselves. And self-protection requires more than avoiding bad policies that make a currency crisis inevitable, for the threat of contagion makes even the virtuous vulnerable to currency runs. Liquidity is the key to financial self-help. A country that has substantial international liquidity?large foreign currency reserves and a ready source of foreign currency loans?is less likely to be the object of a currency attack. Substantial liquidity also enables a country already under a speculative siege to defend itself better and make more orderly financial adjustments. The challenge is to find ways to increase liquidity at reasonable cost.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The Singapore Story as discussed by the authors is the first volume of the memoirs of Lee Kuan Yew, the man who planted the island state of Singapore firmly on the map of the world.
Abstract: The Singapore Story is the first volume of the memoirs of Lee Kuan Yew, the man who planted the island state of Singapore firmly on the map of the world. It was first published in 1999. In intimate detail, Lee recounts the battles against colonialists, communists and communalists that led to Singapore’s independence. With consummate political skill, he countered adversaries, sometimes enlisting their help, at others opposing them, in the single-minded pursuit of Singapore’s interests. We read how he led striking unionists against the colonial government, how over tea and golf he fostered ties with key players in Britain and Malaya, of secret midnight meetings in badly lit rooms, drinking warm Anchor beer with a communist underground leader, of his purposeful forging of an alliance with communists to gain the support of the Chinese-educated masses. Readers will find inspiration in his tenacity as he fought for the people’s hearts and minds against first the communists and later the communalists – in parliament, on the streets and through the media. Drawing on unpublished Cabinet papers, archives in Singapore, Britain, Australia, New Zealand and the United States, as well as personal correspondence, he gives us a vivid picture of how others viewed him: determined (“Lee will bluff, bully and blackmail up to the eleventh hour”), motivated (“Choo knew I sweated blood to master Hokkien”), ambitious (“He would think himself as legitimate as I was to be the leader of Malaya”), dangerous (“Crush Lee! Put him inside”). It is a sometimes controversial yet strangely consistent portrait of this Asian statesman. These experiences and his dealings with the political leaders were to shape his views and policies, which have had a major impact on Singapore and the region.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Wang et al. as mentioned in this paper describe a culture in the red, where to Screw Foreigners Is Patriotic. But Screw You, too Chinese GlossaryIndexChinese Glossary:
Abstract: Introduction: A Culture in the Red1: The Chinese Velvet Prison2: An Iron Fist in a Velvet Glove3: Traveling Heavy4: The Apotheosis of the Liumang5: The Graying of Chinese Culture6: Consuming t-shirts in Beijing7: Packaged Dissent8: Artful Marketing9: ccptm & Adcult prc10: To Screw Foreigners Is Patriotic11: Kowtowing to the Vulgar12: Totalitarian NostalgiaPostscript: Springtime in BeijingAppendix: Screw You, TooChinese GlossaryIndex

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The United States' intervention in Kosovo dramatically raises a larger problem: how should the United States define its interests in today s world? After the collapse of the Soviet Union, what are the limits of Americas concerns abroad? Can one define interests conventionally in the information age? The "national interest" is a slippery concept, used to describe as well as prescribe foreign policy as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: N at o ' s m i L i ta R y intervention in Kosovo dramatically raises a larger problem: how should the United States define its interests in today s world? After the collapse of the Soviet Union, what are the limits of Americas concerns abroad? Can one define interests conventionally in the information age? The "national interest" is a slippery concept, used to describe as well as prescribe foreign policy. Hence the considerable debate about it. Some scholars have even regretted the waning of the very idea of a "national" interest today. Writing in these pages, Samuel P. Huntington argued recently that "without a sure sense of national identity, Americans have become unable to define their national interests, and as a result subnational commercial interests and transnational and nonnational ethnic interests have come to dominate foreign policy." For almost five decades, the containment of Soviet power provided a North Star to guide American foreign policy. From a longer historical perspective, however, the Cold War was the anomalous period, and even it involved some bitter disputes over where our interests lay?during the Vietnam War, for example. Before World War II, confusion was more often the rule. For example, ethnic differences colored appraisals of whether the United States should enter World War I. Peter

BookDOI
TL;DR: Hanchard and Lovell as discussed by the authors compare the United States and Brazil in terms of race relations and political mobilization among African Brazilians, and find that Brazilians are more likely to be racist than the U.S.
Abstract: CONTENTS Introduction Michael Hanchard Free African Brazilians and the State of Slavery Times Richard Graham Black Cinderella? Race and the Public Sphere in Brazil Michael Hanchard Ethnic Boundaries and Political Mobilization among African Brazilians: Comparisons with the U.S. Case Edward E. Telles Racial Democracy and Racial Identity: Comparing the United States and Brazil Howard Winant Miguel Reale and the Impact of Conservative Modernization on Brazilian Race Relations Micbael Mitchell Women and Racial Inequality at Work in Brazil Peggy A. Lovell Notes on Racial and Policied Inequality In Brazil Carlos Hasenbalg and Nelson do Valle Silva The Black Movement and Political Parties: A Challenging Alliance Benedita da Silva My Conscience, My Struggle Thereza Santos Blacks and Political Power Ivanir dos Santos Contributors: Index

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The Code Book as mentioned in this paper traces the evolution of secret writing from ancient Greek military espionage to the frontiers of computer science, with examples that range from the poignant to the peculiar to the world-historical.
Abstract: From the Publisher: Codes have decided the fates of empires, countries, and monarchies throughout recorded history. Mary, Queen of Scots was put to death by her cousin, Queen Elizabeth, for the high crime of treason after spymaster Sir Francis Walsingham cracked the secret code she used to communicate with her conspirators. And thus the course of British history was altered by a few sheets of cryptic prose. This is just one link in humankind's evolutionary chain of secret communication, and just one of the fascinating incidents recounted in The Code Book, written by bestselling author Simon Singh. Combining a superb storyteller's sense of drama and a scientist's appreciation for technical perfection, Singh traces the evolution of secret writing from ancient Greek military espionage to the frontiers of computer science. The result is an epic tale of human ingenuity, with examples that range from the poignant to the peculiar to the world-historical. There is the case of the Beale ciphers, which involves Wild West escapades, a cowboy who amassed a vast fortune, a buried treasure worth $20 million, and a mysterious set of encrypted papers describing its whereabouts—papers that have baffled generations of cryptanalysts and captivated hundreds of treasure hunters. A speedier end to a bloody war was the only reward that could be promised to the Allied code breakers of World Wars I and II, whose selfless contributions altered the course of history; but few of them lived to receive any credit for their top-secret accomplishments. Among the most moving of these stories is that of the World War II British code breaker Alan Turing, who gave up a brilliant career in mathematics todevote himself to the Allied cause, only to end his years punished by the state for his homosexuality, while his heroism was ignored. No less heroic were the Navajo code talkers, who volunteered without hesitation to risk their lives for the Allied forces in the Japanese theater, where they were routinely mistaken for the enemy. Interspersed with these gripping stories are clear mathematical, linguistic, and technological demonstrations of codes, as well as illustrations of the remarkable personalities—many courageous, some villainous, and all obsessive—who wrote and broke them. All roads lead to the present day, in which the possibility of a truly unbreakable code looms large. Singh explores this possibility, and the ramifications of our increasing need for privacy, even as it begins to chafe against the stated mission of the powerful and deeply secretive National Security Agency. Entertaining, compelling, and remarkably far-reaching, this is a book that will forever alter your view of history, what drives it, and how private that e-mail you just sent really is. Included in the book is a worldwide Cipher Challenge—a $15,000 award will be given by the author to the first reader who cracks the code successfully. Progress toward the solution will be tracked on The Code Book website.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: This article proposed standards for crisis prevention banks and capital flows Bailing in the private sector What Won't Work What the IMF Should Do (and What We Should Do about the IMF) and Other Plans How Economists Understand Crises Understanding Asia's Crisis.
Abstract: Summary of Recommendations Standards for Crisis Prevention Banks and Capital Flows Bailing in the Private Sector What Won't Work What the IMF Should Do (and What We Should Do About the IMF). Appendices: Other Plans How Economists Understand Crises Understanding Asia's Crisis.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors provide an understanding of contemporary democratic governance in Latin America, focusing not on the threat of authoritarian regression, but on the depth, quality, fairness, and completeness of democratization thus far.
Abstract: Concerns about democratization in Latin America today centre not on the threat of authoritarian regression, but on the depth, quality, fairness, and completeness of democratization thus far This text provides an understanding of contemporary democratic governance

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The U.N. Charter is grounded on a premise that is simply no longer valid as discussed by the authors, which is the assumption that the core threat to international security still comes from interstate violence.
Abstract: community, pressure built to use force against him, whether the U.N. Charter allowed it or not. Thus when the Western allies launched air strikes, the move was largely popular. It was not, however, technically legal under the old regime. After all, Kosovo is still part of Yugo slavia. No cross-border attack?the one circumstance where the charter allows an international military response?had occurred, and the Security Council had never authorized nato military measures. Thus in Kosovo, justice (as it is now understood) and the U.N. Charter seemed to collide. But it is not only that the U.N. Charter prohibits intervention where enlightened states now believe it to be just?its problems run even deeper. For the charter is grounded on a premise that is simply no longer valid?the assumption that the core threat to international security still comes from interstate violence. This

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In the next several decades, countries in the developed world will experience an unprecedented growth in the number of their elderly and an unprecedented decline in their youth, and the timing and magnitude of this demographic transformation have already been determined as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: Th e li st of major global hazards in the next century has grown long and familiar. It includes the proliferation of nuclear, biological, and chemical weapons, other types of high-tech terrorism, deadly super viruses, extreme climate change, the financial, economic, and political aftershocks of globalization, and the violent ethnic explosions waiting to be detonated in today's unsteady new democracies. Yet there is a less-understood challenge?the graying of the developed world's population?that may actually do more to reshape our collective future than any of the above. Over the next several decades, countries in the developed world will experience an unprecedented growth in the number of their elderly and an unprecedented decline in the number of their youth. The timing and magnitude of this demographic transformation have already been determined. Next century's elderly have already been born and can be counted?and their cost to retirement benefit systems can be projected. Unlike with global warming, there can be little debate over whether or when global aging will manifest itself. And unlike with other challenges, even the struggle to preserve and strengthen unsteady

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In Central and South Asia, where the repercussions of the superstrict Taliban rule of Afghanistan have been widely felt, the word "Talibanization" may be a new term in the American political lexicon as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: "Talibanization," the destabilizing export of Afghan-style radical Islam, may be a new term in the American political lexicon. But in Central and South Asia, where the repercussions of the superstrict Taliban rule of Afghanistan have been widely felt, the word has become all too familiar. As political fragmentation, economic meltdown, ethnic and sectarian warfare, and Islamic fundamentalism tighten their grip on Pakistan and much of the rest of the region, the dangerous behavior of Afghanistans new leaders is no longer a local affair. More and more, chaos in Afghanistan is seeping through its porous borders. The ongoing civil war has polarized the region, with Pakistan and Saudi Arabia backing the Taliban regime while Iran, Russia, India, and four former Soviet Central Asian republics support the opposition Northern Alliance. The confrontation is producing enormous economic disruption throughout the area, as the Afghan warlords' dependence on smuggling and drug trafficking grows insatiable. Into the political vacuum left by 20 years of war and the collapse of stable government has marched a new generation of violent fundamen talists, nurtured and inspired by the Talibans unique Islamist model. Thousands of foreign radicals now fighting alongside the Taliban in

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: From Culture to Ethnicity to Conflict as mentioned in this paper presents in-depth case studies on Sri Lanka, the Kurds, Rwanda and Burundi, Bosnia, and Quebec, along with two theoretical introductory chapters that offer the reader the tools to understand the relationship between "culture" or "tradition" and contemporary ethnic conflicts.
Abstract: In the post-Cold War era, the most common and often the most violent conflicts are ethnic conflicts Many people, including many scholars, see ethnic conflicts as a return to the past, as contests between ancient and well-defined groups with long-standing grievances and animosities Jack David Eller argues instead that these conflicts are a defining phenomenon of the "new world order"--that they are, in many ways, modern-day inventions based only loosely on "traditional" cultures and hostilities"From Culture to Ethnicity to Conflict" presents in-depth case studies on Sri Lanka, the Kurds, Rwanda and Burundi, Bosnia, and Quebec, along with two theoretical introductory chapters that offer the reader the tools to understand the relationship between "culture" or "tradition" and contemporary ethnic conflicts Eller finds that ethnicity is not a simple instantiation of "traditional" culture, nor is conflict a simple consequence of ethnicity Rather, each is constructed out of certain raw cultural materials, through a process of remembering, forgetting, interpreting, and inventing Ultimately, Eller demonstrates, these groups are fighting not "about" culture, but "with" cultureNo other book combines the level of analysis offered here with in-depth case studies of several important examples It will appeal to anyone with an interest in understanding these conflicts It will be assigned reading for students and scholars of cultural diversity and ethnic conflict in anthropology, history, political science, and peace and conflict studiesJack David Eller is Assistant Professor of Anthropology, University of Colorado, Denver/Teikyo Loretto Heights University