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Showing papers in "Foreign Affairs in 2003"


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors trace the long-term historical relationship between technical change and the behavior of financial markets and explain why each technological revolution gives rise to a paradigm shift and a "New Economy" and how these "opportunity explosions", focused on specific industries, also lead to the recurrence of financial bubbles and crises.
Abstract: This work traces the long-term historical relationship between technical change and the behaviour of financial markets. Based on Schumpeter's theories of the clustering of innovations and with illustrations from the past two centuries, it explains why each technological revolution gives rise to a paradigm shift and a "New Economy" and how these "opportunity explosions", focused on specific industries, also lead to the recurrence of financial bubbles and crises. By analyzing the changing relationship between finance capital and production capital during the emergence, diffusion and assimilation of new technologies throughout the global economic system, this book sheds light on some of the puzzling economic phenomena of our times.

1,177 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: A Consumers' Republic (Cohen 2003) is an overview of the political and social impact of mass consumption on the United States from the 1920s to the present day as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: Historians and social scientists analyzing the contemporary world unfortunately have too little contact and hence miss some of the ways that their interests overlap and the research of one field might benefit another. I am, therefore, extremely grateful that the Journal of Consumer Research has invited me to share with its readers an overview of my recent research on the political and social impact of the flourishing of mass consumption on twentieth-century America. What follows is a summary of my major arguments, enough to entice you, I hope, to read A Consumers' Republic (Cohen 2003), in which I elaborate on these themes. Although this essay is by necessity schematic, the book itself is filled with extensive historical evidence and is heavily illustrated with period images. In tracing the growing importance of mass consumption to the American economy, polity, culture, and social landscape from the 1920s to the present, I in many ways establish the historical context for your research into contemporary consumer behavior and markets. I hope you will …

763 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The Landscape of History as mentioned in this paper is a landscape of history that includes time and space, structure and process, Chaos and Complexity, and Molecules with Minds of Their Own.
Abstract: PREFACE 1. The Landscape of History 2. Time and Space 3. Structure and Process 4. The Interdependency of Variables 5. Chaos and Complexity 6. Causation, Contingency, and Counterfactuals 7. Molecules with Minds of Their Own 8. Seeing Like a Historian NOTES INDEX

522 citations


MonographDOI
Mala Htun1
TL;DR: For instance, Sex and the State as discussed by the authors explores the state's role in shaping private lives and gender relations in Latin America during the last third of the 20th century, showing that women's rights were expanded under military dictatorships, divorce was legalized in authoritarian Brazil but not in democratic Chile and no Latin American country changed its laws on abortion.
Abstract: Abortion, divorce, and the family: how did the state make policy decisions in these areas in Argentina, Brazil, and Chile during the last third of the twentieth century? As the three countries transitioned from democratic to authoritarian forms of government (and back), they confronted challenges posed by the rise of the feminist movement, social changes, and the power of the Catholic Church. The results were often surprising: women's rights were expanded under military dictatorships, divorce was legalized in authoritarian Brazil but not in democratic Chile, and no Latin American country changed its laws on abortion. Sex and the State explores these patterns of gender-related policy reform and shows how they mattered for the peoples of Latin America and for a broader understanding of the logic behind the state's role in shaping private lives and gender relations everywhere.

327 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The recent crisis over North Korea's nuclear weapons has had at least one unexpected aspect: the crucial -- and highly effective -- intervention of Beijing as discussed by the authors, which is a sign of how much things have changed in the country, which has long avoided most international affairs.
Abstract: The recent crisis over North Korea's nuclear weapons has had at least one unexpected aspect: the crucial -- and highly effective -- intervention of Beijing. China's steady diplomacy is a sign of how much things have changed in the country, which has long avoided most international affairs. Recently, China has begun to embrace regional and global institutions it once shunned and take on the responsibilities that come with great-power status. Just what the results of Beijing's new sophistication will be remains to be seen; but Asia, and the world, will never be the same

265 citations



Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Stiglitz as mentioned in this paper argues that much of what we understood about the 1990s' prosperity is wrong, that the theories that have been used to guide world leaders and anchor key business decisions were fundamentally outdated.
Abstract: With his best-selling Globalization and Its Discontents, Joseph E. Stiglitz showed how a misplaced faith in free-market ideology led to many of the recent problems suffered by the developing nations. Here he turns the same light on the United States. The Roaring Nineties offers not only an insider's illuminating view of policymaking but also a compelling case that even the Clinton administration was too closely tied to the financial community-that along with enormous economic success in the nineties came the seeds of the destruction visited on the economy at the end of the decade. This groundbreaking work by the Nobel Prize-winning economist argues that much of what we understood about the 1990s' prosperity is wrong, that the theories that have been used to guide world leaders and anchor key business decisions were fundamentally outdated. Yes, jobs were created, technology prospered, inflation fell, and poverty was reduced. But at the same time the foundation was laid for the economic problems we face today. Trapped in a near-ideological commitment to free markets, policymakers permitted accounting standards to slip, carried deregulation further than they should have, and pandered to corporate greed. These chickens have now come home to roost. The paperback includes a new introduction that reviews the continued failure of the Bush administration's policies, which have taken a bad situation and made it worse.

244 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors describe the deplorable conditions in detention camps that held Afghan, Iranian, Iraqi, and Palestinian asylum seekers who had landed in Australia and the American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU) and Human Rights Watch fought back.
Abstract: INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION lies close to the center of global problems that now seize the attention of politicians and intellectuals across the world. Take just a few recent examples. Prime Ministers Tony Blair of the United Kingdom and Jose Maria Aznar of Spain proposed at last year's European Council meet ing in Seville that the European Union withdraw aid from countries that did not take effective steps to stem the flow of illegal emigrants to the EU. Blair's outspoken minister for development, Clare Short, described the proposal as "morally repugnant" and it died amid a storm of other protests. Australia received severe condemnation worldwide last sum mer when a special envoy of the UN high commissioner for human rights exposed the deplorable conditions in detention camps that held Afghan, Iranian, Iraqi, and Palestinian asylum seekers who had landed in Australia. Following the September 1i attacks in New York City and Wash ington, D.C., U.S. Attorney GeneralJohn Ashcroft announced several new policies that rolled back protections enjoyed by immigrants. The American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU) and Human Rights Watch fought back. So did Islamic and Arab ethnic organizations. These groups employed lawsuits, public dissent, and congressional lobbying to secure a reversal of the worst excesses. The Economist ran in just six weeks two major stories describing the growing outflow of skilled citizens from less developed countries to

233 citations


MonographDOI
TL;DR: Mansfield and Pollins as mentioned in this paper provide crucial insights into the political economy of national security, the causes of war, and the politics of global economic relations, and their contributions to this volume offer crucial insights for understanding the relationship between economic interdependence and international conflict.
Abstract: The claim that open trade promotes peace has sparked heated debate among scholars and policymakers for centuries Until recently, however, this claim remained untested and largely unexplored Economic Interdependence and International Conflict clarifies the state of current knowledge about the effects of foreign commerce on political-military relations and identifies the avenues of new research needed to improve our understanding of this relationship The contributions to this volume offer crucial insights into the political economy of national security, the causes of war, and the politics of global economic relations Edward D Mansfield is Hum Rosen Professor of Political Science and Co-Director of the Christopher H Browne Center for International Politics at the University of Pennsylvania Brian M Pollins is Associate Professor of Political Science at Ohio State University and a Research Fellow at the Mershon Center

200 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the history and arguments of state and gathering storm are combined with Founding Exclusions and Interregnums of Coexistence and State-Building to build a strong and stable United States.
Abstract: 1 History and Arguments 2 Amassing State and Gathering Storm 3 Founding Exclusions 4 Interregnums of Coexistence and State-Building 5 Cohesion by Exclusion, Redux from Above 6 Superimposing Democratic Inclusion on Forgotten Exclusions 7 Angel of History and Patron Saint of Nationalism NOTES BIBLIOGRAPHY INDEX

189 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Byrsk as mentioned in this paper discusses the relationship between international markets and human rights in the context of international trade and argues that international markets can be seen as a kind of "sweatshops" and international labor standards can be used to enforce human rights.
Abstract: List of Illustrations Acknowledgments Introduction: Transnational Threats and Opportunities Alison Brysk I. Citizenship 1. Who Has a Right to Rights? Citizenship's Exclusions in an Age of Migration Kristen Hill Maher 2. Tourism, Sex Work, and Women's Rights in the Dominican Republic Amalia Lucia Cabezas II. Commodification 3. Interpreting the Interaction of Global Markets and Human Rights Richard Falk 4. Economic Globalization and Rights: An Empirical Analysis Wesley T. Milner 5. Sweatshops and International Labor Standards: Globalizing Markets, Localizing Norms Raul Pangalangan III. Communication 6. The Ironies of Information Technology Shane Weyker 7. Globalization and the Social Construction of Human Rights Campaigns Clifford Bob 8. The Drama of Human Rights in a Turbulent, Globalized World James Rosenau IV. Cooperation 9. Transnational Civil Society and the World Bank Inspection Panel Jonathan Fox 10. Humanitarian Intervention: Global Enforcement of Human Rights? Wayne Sandholtz 11. Human Rights, Globalizing Flows, and State Power Jack Donnelly Conclusion: From Rights to Realities Alison Brysk Works Cited Contributors Index


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, political analyst Ann Florini sets forth a new paradigm for transnational governance based on the concept of "transparency", the idea that the free flow of information on topics ranging from corporate and government behavior to nuclear proliferation to biodiversity protection provides powerful ways to hold decisionmakers accountable and to give ordinary people meaningful voice in shaping the policies that affect them.
Abstract: National governments are proving ill-equipped to manage an increasingly complicated portfolio of global problems. In The Coming Democracy, political analyst Ann Florini sets forth a compelling new paradigm for transnational governance. It is based on the concept of "transparency," the idea that the free flow of information --on topics ranging from corporate and government behavior to nuclear proliferation to biodiversity protection --provides powerful ways to hold decisionmakers accountable and to give ordinary people meaningful voice in shaping the policies that affect them. Thanks to dramatic breakthroughs in information technology over the past decade, such transparency is now possible on a global scale. Florini offers a clear and comprehensive assessment of the possibilities for using transparency to develop effective approaches to transnational governance. She shows how this new form of governance offers real hope for managing global problems, and provides a compelling scenario that demonstrates how existing conventions and institutions can lead the way in the evolution of a better system of global governance.


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Singer as discussed by the authors addresses four main global issues: climate change, the role of the World Trade Organization, human rights and humanitarian intervention, and foreign aid from an ethical perspective and offers alternatives to the state-centric approach that characterizes international theory and relations.
Abstract: Known for his thinking on matters ranging from the treatment of animals to genetic screening, Peter Singer now turns his attention to the ethical issues surrounding globalization. In this provocative book, he challenges us to think beyond the boundaries of nation-states and consider what a global ethic could mean in today's world. Singer raises questions about such an ethic and, more importantly, he seeks to provide illuminating and practical answers. The text encompasses four main global issues: climate change; the role of the World Trade Organization; human rights and humanitarian intervention; and foreign aid. Singer addresses each vital issue from an ethical perspective and offers alternatives to the state-centric approach that characterizes international theory and relations today. Posing a bold challenge to narrow or nationalistic views, Singer aims to present a realistic, new way of looking at contemporary global issues, through a prism of ethics.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, Baruch Kimmerling and Joel Migdal offer an account of the history of the Palestinian people from their modern origins to the Oslo peace process and beyond, and what lessons we can draw about the forces that help to shape a people.
Abstract: In a timely reminder of how the past informs the present, Baruch Kimmerling and Joel Migdal offer an account of the history of the Palestinian people from their modern origins to the Oslo peace process and beyond. Palestinians struggled to create themselves as a people from the first revolt of the Arabs in Palestine in 1834 through the British mandate to the impact of Zionism and the founding of Israel. Their relationship with the Jewish people and the State of Israel has been fundamental in shaping that identity, and today Palestinians find themselves again at a critical juncture. In the 1990s cornerstones for peace were laid for eventual Palestinian-Israeli coexistence, including mutual acceptance, the renunciation of violence as a permanent strategy, and the establishment for the first time of Palestinian self-government. But the dawn on the 21st century saw a reversion to unmitigated hatred and mutual demonization. By mid-2002 the brutal violence of the Intifada had crippled Palestine's fledgling political institutions and threatened the fragile social cohesion painstakingly constructed after 1967. Kimmerling and Migdal unravel what went right - and what went wrong - in the Oslo peace process, and what lessons we can draw about the forces that help to shape a people. The authors present a balanced, insightful and sobering look at the realities of creating peace in the Middle East.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: This revised edition includes and examines of the recent presidential and parliamentary elections and their effects on Putin's leadership and Russia as discussed by the authors, including shrewd insights into Putin's transformation from an implausible, contrived successor into a dominator unchallenged by oligarchs, legislators, or regional bosses.
Abstract: This revised edition includes and examination of the recent presidential and parliamentary elections and their effects on Putin's leadership and Russia. Praise for the previous edition: "Out of her blunt, often acerbic, account come shrewd insights into Putin's transformation from an implausible, contrived successor into a dominator unchallenged by oligarchs, legislators, or regional bosses, let alone a democratic opposition." --Foreign Affairs "Shevtsova is one of the most astute and independent-minded observers of the Russian political scene." --Times Literary Supplement "Offers many insights into Kremlin court politics, as well as Mr. Putin and his foes." --The Economist "This well-informed Russian observer offers a straightforward situation report. Shevtsova's scorecard will interest serious Russia watchers." --Booklist "An insightful account of how the Russian president is swaying on a pendulum between reform and stability." --Survival "A timely, expert book." --Washington Post

MonographDOI
TL;DR: In a 2003 study of China's militarism, Andrew Scobell examines the use of military force abroad and domestically, concluding that China's strategic culture has remained unchanged for decades as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: In this 2003 study of China's militarism, Andrew Scobell examines the use of military force abroad - as in Korea (1950), Vietnam (1979), and the Taiwan Strait (1995–6) - and domestically, as during the Cultural Revolution of the late 1960s and in the 1989 military crackdown in Tiananmen Square. Debunking the view that China has become increasingly belligerent in recent years because of the growing influence of soldiers, Scobell concludes that China's strategic culture has remained unchanged for decades. Nevertheless, the author uncovers the existence of a 'Cult of Defense' in Chinese strategic culture. The author warns that this 'Cult of Defense' disposes Chinese leaders to rationalize all military deployment as defensive, while changes in the People's Liberation Army's doctrine and capabilities over the past two decades suggest that China's twenty-first century leaders may use military force more readily than their predecessors.

BookDOI
TL;DR: Byers and Nolte as mentioned in this paper discuss the influence of the United States on the international community, international law, and the US's use of force in the post-Cold War era.
Abstract: List of contributors Preface Introduction: the complexities of foundational change Michael Byers Part I. International Community: 1. The international community, international law and the United States: three in one, two against one, or one and the same? Edward Kwakwa 2. The influence of the United States on the concept of the 'International Community' Andreas Paulus 3. Comments on chapters 1 and 2 Martti Koskenniemi, Steven Ratner and Volker Rittberger Part II. Sovereign Equality: 4. Sovereign equality: 'the Wimbledon sails on' Michel Cosnard 5. More equal than the rest? Hierarchy, equality and US predominance in international law Nico Krisch 6. Comments on chapters 4 and 5 Pierre-Marie Dupuy, Matthias Herdegen and Gregory H. Fox Part III. Use of Force: 7. The use of force by the United States after the end of the Cold War, and its impact on international law Marcelo G. Kohen 8. Bending the law, breaking it, or developing it? The United States and the humanitarian use of force in the post-Cold War era Brad R. Roth 9. Comments on chapters 7 and 8 Thomas Franck, Jochen Abr. Frowein and Daniel Thurer Part IV. Customary International Law: 10. Powerful but unpersuasive? The role of the United States in the evolution of customary international law Stephen Toope 11. Hegemonic custom? Achilles Skordas 12. Comments on chapters 10 and 11 Rainer Hofmann, Andrew Hurrell and Rudiger Wolfrum Part V. Law of Treaties: 13. The effects of US predominance on the elaboration of treaty regimes and on the evolution of the law of treaties Pierre Klein 14. US reservations to human rights treaties: all for one and none for all? Catherine Redgwell 15. Comments on chapters 13 and 14 Jost Delbruck, Alain Pellet and Bruno Simma Part VI. Compliance: 16. The impact on international law of US noncompliance Shirley V. Scott 17. Compliance: multilateral achievements and predominant powers Peter-Tobias Stoll 18. Comments on chapters 16 and 17 Vaughan Lowe, David M. Malone and Christian Tomuschat Conclusion Georg Nolte Index.

MonographDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors present an illustrative list of illustrators for the United States name index subject index and discuss the policy implications of these names in the context of military relations.
Abstract: List of Illustrations List of Acronyms and Abbreviations Preface and Acknowledgments A Note on Sources 1. Introduction 2. Civil-Military Relations 3. Doctrine and Training 4. Command, Control, and Force Structure 5. Budget and Finance 6. Defense Industries and Weapons Procurement 7. Threat Perceptions 8. Policy Implications for the United States Name Index Subject Index

BookDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors present a history of the formation of the United Nations Security Council and its role in the creation of the European Free Association (EFA) and the European Council (ECF).
Abstract: Foreword, by Lord RobinsonBook I. The Origins1. An Ambiguous Pledge2. Dismantling Yalta3. Aligning With the WestBook II. The Debate Begins1. Russia First2. Making the Case3. "We Need A Perspective"4. The Partnership for PeaceBook III. Across the Rubicon1. An Ambiguous Decision2. Shifting Gears3. Pressure From the Right4. Holbrooke's Return5. Across the RubiconBook IV. Establishing the Dual Track1. Establishing the NATO Track2. A Parallel Track With Moscow3. The May-for-May Deal4. The Political Battle Heats Up5. Bosnia and NATO EnlargementBook V. Toward a New NATO1. On the Back Burner2. Sleeping with the Porcupine3. Tough Love for Central and Eastern Europe4. Ukraine and the Baltic States5. "A Long Dance with Natasha"Book VI. The NATO-Russia Endgame1. Madeleine's Vision2. Chancellor Kohl Comes Through3. The Road to Helsinki4. Breakthrough at Helsinki5. Playing Both Sides of the ChessboardBook VII. Head-to-Head at Madrid1. Sintra2. Playing the Heavy3. A Baltic Challenge4. Madrid5. The Final CompromiseBook VIII. The Political Battle1. Creating a Command Post: the Birth of S/NERO2. The Campaign Starts3. Dancing with Jesse Helms4. New Members and New Missions5. The Endgame

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Citizens of Fear as discussed by the authors explores the implications of the resulting fear for both thought and behavior in Latin American cities, highlighting the generalized sense of insecurity that taints the Latin American capitals, the sensation that has changed the ways people relate to urban space, to other human beings, to the state, and to the very concept of citizenship.
Abstract: Citizens in Latin American cities live in constant fear, amidst some of the most dangerous conditions on earth. In that vast region, 140 million people die violently each year, and one out of three citizens have been directly or indirectly victimized by violence. In Venezuela, adults are on average targets of crime seventeen crimes in their lifetimes, four of which are violent. In Mexico, 97 percent of all reported crimes go unpunished. Crime, in effect, is an undeclared war. Citizens of Fear, in part, assembles survey results of social scientists who document the pervasiveness of violence. But the numbers tell only part of the story. Other contributors present moving testimonials by the victimized and by journalists covering the scene. A third group of essayists explores the implications of the resulting fear for both thought and behavior. As Susana Rotker writes, "The city has been transformed into a space of vulnerability and danger...What I am interested in narrating here is...the generalized sensation of insecurity that taints the Latin American capitals, the sensation that has changed the ways people relate to urban space, to other human beings, to the state, and to the very concept of citizenship. "

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In the wake of the September 11 terrorist attacks, the United States should promote democracy around the world as mentioned in this paper, which has become central questions in U.S. policy debates with regard to a host of countries including Egypt, Iran, Iraq, Kyrgyzstan, Pakistan, Russia, Saudi Arabia, Uzbekistan and many others.
Abstract: When George W. Bush took office two years ago, few observers expected that promoting democracy around the world would become a major issue in his presidency. During the 2000 presidential campaign Bush and his advisers had made it clear that they favored great-power realism over idealistic notions such as nation building or democracy promotion. And as expected, the incoming Bush team quickly busied itself with casting aside many policies closely associated with President Bill Clinton. Some analysts feared democracy promotion would also get the ax. But September 11 fundamentally altered this picture. Whether, where, and how the United States should promote democracy around the world have become central questions in U.S. policy debates with regard to a host of countries including Egypt, Iran, Iraq, Kyrgyzstan, Pakistan, Russia, Saudi Arabia, Uzbekistan, and many others.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: For example, Ellner and Hellinger as mentioned in this paper discuss the breakdown of Punto-fijismo and the rise of Chavismo in Venezuela and the search for explanations.
Abstract: Prologue: Venezuela's Permanent Dilemma - J.V. Lombardi. Introduction: The Search for Explanations - S. Ellner. Political Overview: The Breakdown of Puntofijismo and Rise of Chavismo - D. Hellinger. Social Polarization and the Populist Resurgence in Venezuela - K. Roberts. Hugo Chavez Frias: His Movement and His Presidency - M. Lopez Maya. Democracy in Uniform: Chavez and the Venezuelan Armed Forces - D.L. Norden. Economic Policy and the Rise of Hugo Chavez - J. Buxton. Subversive Oil - B. Mommer. State Reform Before and After Chavez's Election - A.E. Alvarez. Organized Labor and the Challenge of Chavismo - S. Ellner. Civil Society: Institutionalization, Fragmentation, Autonomy - M.P. Garcia-Guadilla. The Hugo Chavez Phenomenon: What Do "the People" Think? - P. Marquez. Conclusion: The Democratic and Authoritarian Directions of the Chavista Movement - S. Ellner and D. Hellinger.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The American way of war has been referred to as the "American Way of War" as mentioned in this paper, which refers to a grinding strategy of attrition: the strategy employed by Ulysses S. Grant to destroy Robert E. Lee's army in 1864-65, by John J. Pershing to wear down the German army in 1918, and by the U.S. Army Air Force to pulverize all the major cities of Germany and Japan in 1944-45.
Abstract: "THE AMERICAN WAY OF WAR." That phrase-popularized by the military historian Russell Weigley in his 1973 book-has come to refer to a grinding strategy of attrition: the strategy employed by Ulysses S. Grant to destroy Robert E. Lee's army in 1864-65, by John J. Pershing to wear down the German army in 1918, and by the U.S. Army Air Force to pulverize all the major cities of Germany and Japan in 1944-45. In this view, the Civil War, World War I, and World War II were won not by tactical or strategic brilliance but by the sheer weight of numbers-the awesome destructive power that only a frilly mobilized and highly industrialized democracy can bring to bear. In all these conflicts, U.S. armies composed of citizen-soldiers suffered and inflicted massive casualties. Much the same methods characterized the conflicts in Korea and Vietnam, though with decreasing levels of success; the former being a costly draw, the latter a bloody failure. The first GulfWar was much more successful, but in many ways, it still fit the traditional, fire power-intensive mode: more than five weeks of relentless bombing was followed by a massive armored onslaught. Although the "left hook" that swept around Iraqi forces entrenched in Kuwait showed some operational flair, it was hardly a gamble-the eight-division allied force was so heavy that it simply crushed everything in its path.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The group's leaders have largely dispersed to Pakistan, Iran, Iraq, and elsewhere around the world (only a few still remain in Afghanistan's lawless border regions) and with many of the planet's intelligence agencies now focusing on destroying its network, al Qaeda's ability to carry out large-scale attacks has been degraded.
Abstract: HAVING SUFFERED the destruction of its sanctuary in Afghanistan two years ago, al Qaeda's already decentralized organization has become more decentralized still. The group's leaders have largely dispersed to Pakistan, Iran, Iraq, and elsewhere around the world (only a few still remain in Afghanistan's lawless border regions). And with many of the planet's intelligence agencies now focusing on destroying its network, al Qaeda's ability to carry out large-scale attacks has been degraded. Yet despite these setbacks, al Qaeda and its affiliates remain among the most significant threats to U.S. national security today. In fact, according to George Tenet, the CIA's director, theywili continue to be this dangerous for the next two to five years. An alleged al Qaeda spokes person has warned that the group is planning another strike similar to those of September n. On May 12, simultaneous bombings of three housing complexes in Riyadh, Saudi Arabia, killed at least 29 people and injured over 200, many of them Westerners. Intelligence officials in the United States, Europe, and Africa report that al Qaeda has stepped up its recruitment drive in response to the war in Iraq. And the target audience for its recruitment has also changed. They are now younger, with an even more "menacing attitude," as France's top investigative judge on terrorism-related cases, Jean-Louis Bruguiere, describes them. More of them are converts to Islam. And more of them are women. What accounts for al Qaeda's ongoing effectiveness in the face of an unprecedented onslaught? The answer lies in the organization's

MonographDOI
TL;DR: This paper explored the connections between racial politics and international affairs and argued persuasively that the campaign to realize full civil rights for racial and ethnic minorities in America is best understood in the context of competitive international relations.
Abstract: The civil rights movement in the United States drew strength from supporters of human rights worldwide. Once U.S. policy makers - influenced by international pressure, the courage of ordinary American citizens, and a desire for global leadership - had signed such documents as the United Nations charter, domestic calls for change could be based squarely on the moral authority of doctrines the United States endorsed abroad. This is one of the many fascinating links between racial politics and international affairs explored in Window on Freedom. Broad in chronological scope and topical diversity, the ten original essays presented here demonstrate how the roots of U.S. foreign policy have been embedded in social, economic, and cultural factors of domestic as well as foreign origin. They argue persuasively that the campaign to realize full civil rights for racial and ethnic minorities in America is best understood in the context of competitive international relations.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The United States can go it alone if it has to, and moderate skeptics on both sides of the Atlantic were also right as discussed by the authors, and it is time to accept this fact and move on.
Abstract: THE RECENT WAR in Iraq has triggered the most severe transatlantic tensions in a generation, dividing Europeans and Americans from each other and themselves. Pundits proclaim daily the imminent collapse of three vital pillars in the institutional architecture of world politics: NATO, the UN, and even the EU. And yet some form of trans atlantic cooperation clearly remains essential, given the vast mutual interests at stake. Where, then, should the Western alliance go now? The Iraq crisis offers two basic lessons. The first, for Europeans, is that American hawks were right. Unilateral intervention to coerce regime change can be a cost-effective way to deal with rogue states. In military matters, there is only one superpower-the United States-and it can go it alone if it has to. It is time to accept this fact and move on. The second lesson, for Americans, is that moderate skeptics on both sides of the Atlantic were also right. Winning a peace is much harder than winning a war. Intervention is cheap in the short run but expensive in the long run. And when it comes to the essential instruments for avoiding chaos or quagmire once the fighting stops-trade, aid, peace keeping, international monitoring, and multilateral legitimacy Europe remains indispensable. In this respect, the unipolar world turns out to be bipolar after all. Given these truths, it is now time to work out a new transatlantic bar gain, one that redirects complementary military and civilian instruments

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The United States represents nearly half of the world's military expenditures, and no countervailing coalition can create a traditional military balance of power as discussed by the authors. But focusing on the imbalance of military power among states is mis leading.
Abstract: THE WORLD is off balance. If anyone doubted the overwhelming nature of U.S. military power, Iraq settled the issue. With the United States representing nearly half of the world's military expenditures, no countervailing coalition can create a traditional military balance of power. Not since Rome has one nation loomed so large above the others. Indeed, the word "empire" has come out of the closet. Respected analysts on both the left and the right are beginning to refer to "American empire" approvingly as the dominant narrative of the twenty-first century. And the military victory in Iraq seems only to have confirmed this new world order. Americans, however, often misunderstand the nature of their power and tend to extrapolate the present into the future. A little more than a decade ago, the conventional wisdom held that the United States was in decline. In 1992, a presidential candidate won votes by proclaiming that the Cold War was over and Japan had won. Now Americans are told that their unipolar moment will last and that they can do as they will because others have no choice but to follow. But focusing on the imbalance of military power among states is mis leading. Beneath that surface structure, the world changed in profound ways during the last decades of the twentieth century. September ii, 2001, was like a flash of lightning on a summer evening that displayed