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Showing papers in "Gender & History in 2007"





Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: This article explored how peaceful protest and armed resistance reflected and shaped certain gender identities in the southern US civil rights movement and the Black Power movement, and revealed much about the significance of violence for marginalised masculinities within the African American freedom struggle of the 1950s and 1960s.
Abstract: This article explores how peaceful protest and armed resistance reflected and shaped certain gender identities in the southern US civil rights movement and the Black Power movement, and reveals much about the significance of violence for ‘marginalised masculinities’ within the African American freedom struggle of the 1950s and 1960s. In the Deep South, civil rights organisers found that their non-violent strategy's connotations of effeminate submissiveness hampered attempts to win over black men to the movement's cause. Conversely, those African Americans who decided to use armed force to protect the movement against racist attacks were proud of their ability to defend themselves and their communities. A comparison of armed resistance efforts in southern civil rights campaigns with those of post-1965 Black Power groups such as the Black Panther Party shows both commonalities and differences with regard to the inter-relationship between self-defence and gender. In the southern movement, the affirmation of manhood remained a by-product of the physical imperative to protect black lives against racism. Among Black Power militants and their black nationalist precursors, self-defence, while initially intended to stop police brutality and other racist oppression, ultimately became mainly a symbol of militant black manhood. The Black Power movement's affirmative message countered stereotypes of black male powerlessness and instilled a positive black identity into many activists, but the gendered discourse it produced also tended to perpetuate black women's subordination.

27 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The role of gender in the debates around the creation of a new militia at the beginning of the Seven Years War is explored in this article. But the focus of the debates was on gender distinctions, as the effeminacy of men and the boldness of women threatened to collapse the social order.
Abstract: This article explores the role of gender in the debates around the creation of a ‘New Militia’ at the beginning of the Seven Years War The humiliating military defeats of 1756 had precipitated a cultural crisis that focused upon gender distinctions, as the ‘effeminacy’ of men and the ‘boldness’ of women threatened to collapse the social order In this context, militia service was presented as a cure for the nation's moral, social, political and sexual ills This article therefore examines a range of textual and visual sources in order to suggest that certain mid-Georgian political worldviews were fundamentally gendered, since they were predicated upon martial masculine virtues of the citizenry

19 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
Alan McPherson1
TL;DR: The authors explored the continuities and transformations in Panama's gendered national identity and evaluated its role in the riots of 1964, arguing that when analysed along with other articulations of nationality such as anti-colonialism and race, gender allows historians to understand the sixty years before the riots as metaphors of feminine powerlessness and masculine redemption for that powerlessness were ubiquitous during that period.
Abstract: Villareal’s account of that harrowing day bore traces of practically all the masculine and feminine virtues long associated with national greatness: moral courage, physical exertion and self-abnegation for the former, and devotion, mourning and purity for the latter. This dual masculine‐feminine imagery pervaded not only the riots of 1964 but also many aspects of Panamanian relations with the United States in the twentieth century. The sixty years before the riots must be understood as a gendered context for that watershed event as metaphors of feminine powerlessness and masculine redemption for that powerlessness were ubiquitous during that period. Based on evidence from the United States and Panama, and drawing from the disciplines of diplomatic history, cultural anthropology and literary criticism, this article explores the continuities and transformations in Panama’s gendered national identity and evaluates its role in the riots of 1964. It argues that, when analysed along with other articulations of nationality such as anti-colonialism and race, gender allows historians

16 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The 1929 New Zealand Committee of Inquiry into the Employment of Maori on Market Gardens affords insight into the ways in which masculine fears of racial degradation through miscegenation operated within a hierarchy of race, gender and Iwi (tribal) interests as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: The 1929 New Zealand Committee of Inquiry into the Employment of Maori on Market Gardens affords insight into the ways in which masculine fears of racial degradation through miscegenation – of a ‘hybrid’ Chinese/Maori race – operated within a hierarchy of race, gender and Iwi (tribal) interests. The participation of Maori men in national politics contributed to a new articulation of ‘National Manhood’, in which Maori men and white men combined to express fears about women's work and sexuality and young women's potential to undermine a fragile and contested hierarchy of racial purity. Maori women, silenced in the cacophony of voices lamenting their plight, were at the centre of debates between Maori men, Pakeha (white New Zealander) employers, Chinese market gardeners, Anglican and Methodist interests and Pakeha women's groups. I argue that the Inquiry was about commerce, both in a business and a sexual sense. As a historical episode, it also serves to complicate the picture of New Zealand as a historically bicultural society, made up only of Maori and Pakeha, by signalling the importance of the Chinese in debates about national belonging.

13 citations




Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The authors argue that the 1940 Selective Service Act introduced new tensions between pacifism and male citizenship in the United States, and suggest that male citizenship has been defined not only by idealised and gendered duties, but also by the difficulties and exceptions involved in their practical realisation.
Abstract: This essay argues that the 1940 Selective Service Act introduced new tensions between pacifism and male citizenship in the United States. Even as the draft required tens of millions of American men to answer Uncle Sam's call and promoted a new norm of male military obligation, it also specified the acceptable grounds for conscientious objection and created bureaucratic mechanisms for distinguishing between sincere objectors and ‘slackers’. Using Selective Service and organisational records, letters, diaries, interviews and the media, I suggest that male citizenship has been defined not only by idealised and gendered duties, but also by the difficulties and exceptions involved in their practical realisation.

12 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The authors analyzed the story of Catalina de Erauso, a Spanish nun who escaped from a convent at the beginning of the seventeenth century to begin a new life as a military warrior serving under the King of Spain in colonial Latin America.
Abstract: This article analyses the story of Catalina de Erauso, a Spanish nun, who escaped from a convent at the beginning of the seventeenth century to begin a new life as a military warrior serving under the King of Spain in colonial Latin America. Her story reveals that notions of sex and gender at the time were surprisingly elastic and flexible, and often more associated with acts and behaviour than with physical bodies. By examining how the personage of the Lieutenant Nun has been treated in Spain and in Britain in the nineteenth century, this article also evaluates the extent to which certain pre-modern ideas about sex and gender continued to survive two centuries later.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The concept of gender has become a central concept in the social sciences as a marker of the social and cultural elaboration of sexual difference and of power relations as mentioned in this paper, and it has been used extensively in the discipline of historical demography.
Abstract: Gender has become a central concept in the social sciences as a marker of the social and cultural elaboration of sexual difference and of power relations. In some disciplines however, its relevance has been more difficult to establish; this is notably the case for historical demography, as research has only recently made use of the connection between gender and demographic processes.1 This is rather astonishing, since the discipline deals with a range of questions where gender is basic, such as life courses of men and women, family and extended family relations, sexuality, childrearing and contraception. The main purpose of this article is to show that the concept of gender is fundamental for historical demography and that it allows us to improve the explanatory power of the models used in this discipline. To begin with, I will identify some theoretical and methodological reasons that explain the late integration of gender in historical demography, and then focus on some current developments in the discipline that would help to overcome these blockages. This will be followed by two examples of the integration of a gender perspective in a central topic of historical demography, the so-called first demographic transition in Europe. Historians and demographers established that the secular decline of fertility in Europe occurred in two phases. A first decline in marital fertility took place in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries (1870–1930), and was realised through rudimentary birth control practices such as abstinence or withdrawal. There was a historically unprecedented shift from high numbers of children per family to fewer, but better nurtured and educated children. The elucidation of such a great social transformation has generated abundant research.2 The second fertility transition was initiated in the mid-1960s, thanks to the emergence and generalisation of modern contraceptive methods that could be controlled by women.


Journal ArticleDOI
Helen Sweet1
TL;DR: The authors provided a comparative historiographical framework within which to reconsider the history of nursing and asked why nursing has remained largely sidelined within history of medicine, while the latter has gained mainstream respectability in the wider field of historical research.
Abstract: This paper provides a comparative historiographical framework within which to reconsider the history of nursing. It asks why nursing has remained largely sidelined within the history of medicine, while the latter has gained mainstream respectability in the wider field of historical research. Gender historians are challenged to look at the under-explored aspects of nursing's history such as pre-Nightingale nurses and nursing, and the multiple and international meanings of race, class and gender as experienced by this unique cohort of women and men. The paper draws upon key texts in the history of nursing and of medicine and includes a discussion about use of imagery within significant publications and what this says about intended readerships. It concludes that, unlike medicine, nursing professionals have to some extent hijacked the history of nursing, while the subject has been further hampered by Florence Nightingale's legacy and the subsequent emphasis on the professionalisation of nursing.





Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: It is argued that the process of ‘indigenising’ the English language in colonial India drew sustenance from the equally charged process of fixing sexual difference.
Abstract: British India’s first ‘native’-managed high school for Indian girls, the Poona Native Girls’ High School (PNHS), was inaugurated in 1884. The school was founded by proponents of women’s English-language education; it taught its pupils until the stage of the matriculation examination – a rite of passage otherwise synonymous with preparing ‘native’ men for government employment and certifying their acquisition of the English language.1 Despite the support of colonial and native elites, the school drew sharp attacks from those who opposed women’s English education. One of the most controversial of such criticisms was made in the play TaruniShikshanNatika.2 Primarily intended to lambaste the promiscuous ways ascribed to the school’s female students because of their desire to learn English, the play quoted an opponent of the new education for women as saying that he did not think that ‘women should be imprisoned at home in a burkha, but nor should they be allowed to participate in balls’.3 Implicitly elevating a belief in an immutable indigenous culture and Hindu brahminical patriarchy, these words characterised the larger struggle over signification ushered in by British colonial modernity. At the heart of the conflict was that ‘Indian women’ were learning ‘English’.4 But such rhetoric indicated a wider development – that the constitution of both gender and language in this period brought ideas of national culture and sexual difference into alliance. Drawing attention to the artifice of gender even as they sought to fix it, statements such as this formed instant identifications with the parallel process of distinguishing the English language from other, ‘indigenous’ languages. In this article, I argue that the process of ‘indigenising’ the English language in colonial India drew sustenance from the equally charged process of fixing sexual difference. Conversely, the project of locating indigenous women as the locus for sexual difference made ready and regular reference to the (emerging) hierarchy between ‘English’ and ‘indigenous’ languages. This article thus seeks to illustrate the details of the increasingly mutually reinforcing relationship between ‘Indian’ English and colonial gender regimes. Feminist historians of western India have demonstrated how the sexuality of the Hindu Brahmin woman was, at least from the eighteenth century, deployed to sanction

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors explore a musical form, a song that has been defined as 'Spanish' and 'national' and as the 'copla' song: la copla is rooted in the past and first appeared as both a poetic and a theatrical form, but always accompanied by music.
Abstract: Music is an important language of the emotions and can often arouse strong passions in its performance and representation, both from the individual's perspective of personal identity and for the individual's sense of identity and of belonging to a given community. Likewise, music can serve to whip up and reinforce nationalism and national chauvinism against the `other' as well as serving as a badge of identity. In this article I explore a musical form, a song that has been defined as `Spanish' and as the `national' song: la copla. Copla is rooted in the past and first appeared as both a poetic and a theatrical form, but always accompanied by music. It was, however, during the eighteenth century, when nationalism made its appearance as a `concern' in the Spanish political-cultural arena, when coplas would be used as a mark of Spanish identity.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Examination of marriage disputes in ninth-century Francia reveals a paradoxical situation: despite the patriarchal basis of Carolingian society, the power even of elite men over women and marriage was often highly contingent, yet such restrictions on power did not imperil the gender order.
Abstract: The article discusses four marriage disputes in ninth-century Francia which involved noblemen: Count Stephen of the Auvergne, Count Boso of Italy, Baldwin of Flanders and the royal vassal Falcric. All these men were affected by Carolingian reforming measures on consanguineous marriage, divorce and raptus (abduction). The article examines how gender and social status affected the forms of power and the strategies used by different parties in the cases: archbishops and popes, kings, the women involved and the noblemen themselves. A paradoxical situation is revealed: despite the patriarchal basis of Carolingian society, the power even of elite men over women and marriage was often highly contingent. Yet such restrictions on power did not imperil the gender order: the masculinity of the men involved in these marriage disputes was not questioned.



Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, a new interpretation of women in the Catholic movement in 1920s Spain is presented, based on a notion of citizenship understood as both a process and as a form of identity construction, and which was configured historically as a result of the incorporation of modern ideas of women, the nation and religion.
Abstract: The aim of this article is to offer a new interpretation of the role of women in the Catholic movement in 1920s Spain. It responds to historical analyses that view this mobilisation as the product of clerical manipulation and that consider its feminist aspects to be flawed. The new interpretation presented here is based on a notion of citizenship understood as both a process and as a form of identity construction, and which was configured historically as a result of the incorporation of modern ideas of women, the nation and religion. As a result, this analysis examines the relationship between Catholicism and modernity in greater complexity than the dichotomous views frequently encountered in Spanish historiography.