Showing papers in "Global Change, Peace & Security in 2005"
TL;DR: In June this year, while the Hollywood climate shock film The Day After Tomorrow was screening around Australia, Prime Minister John Howard launched his government's long awaited Energy White Paper as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: In June this year, while the Hollywood climate shock film The Day After Tomorrow was screening around Australia, Prime Minister John Howard launched his government's long awaited Energy White Paper...
104 citations
TL;DR: Oquist et al. as mentioned in this paper argue that the anti-terrorism kit portrayed the threat of terrorism as imminent and ubiquitous, and positioned militaristic responses to this threat as the most effective means of responding to it.
Abstract: In early 2003 the Australian government distributed an anti-terrorism kit to all Australian residences, aimed (according to the government) at indicating what was being done to protect Australians from terrorism and suggesting what Australians themselves could do to prevent or respond to a terrorist attack. I argue here that the kit portrayed the threat of terrorism as imminent and ubiquitous, and positioned militaristic responses to this threat as the most effective means of responding to it. Such representations may be viewed as attempts to justify anti-terror legislation and intervention in Iraq, and contribute to the legitimacy of the government more generally. I conclude by pointing to the choices inherent in the depiction of security and terrorism in this way, and to immanent possibilities for more alternative (and more normatively progressive) security discourses to emerge.1 1 In Ben Oquist, ‘Kits are $15m Misspent—Brown’, Press Release for Australian Greens, 2 February 2003.
48 citations
TL;DR: Matthew Paterson et al. as mentioned in this paper used the comments of two anonymous reviewers and in particular for Robyn Eckersley's guidance on how to revise this paper from its original version.
Abstract: Karine Matthews, Faculty of Environmental Studies, York University, 4700 Keele Street, Toronto, Ontario, Canada M3J 1P3. Email: . We are grateful for the comments of two anonymous reviewers and in particular for Robyn Eckersley's guidance on how to revise this paper from its original version. Matthew Paterson, School of Political Studies, University of Ottawa, 75 Laurier East, Canada K1N 6N5. Email:
39 citations
TL;DR: The uncompromising stance currently taken by the US in the international climate change regime is well known as discussed by the authors, while remaining a party to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (U...
Abstract: The uncompromising stance currently taken by the US in the international climate change regime is well known. While remaining a party to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (U...
37 citations
TL;DR: Developing countries are home to five out of the six billion people, but historically have contributed only around one-quarter of the greenhouse gases from energy consumption now accumulated in the developed world as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: Developing countries are home to five out of the six billion people, but historically have contributed only around one-quarter of the greenhouse gases from energy consumption now accumulated in the...
21 citations
TL;DR: Wang et al. as discussed by the authors argued that China has become the Asian Pacific region's pre-eminent economic and political force and while it has contributed to regional economic growth, it has simultaneously taken on the unenviable role of being the region's dominant economic force.
Abstract: China has risen to become the Asian Pacific region's pre-eminent economic and political force. While it has contributed to regional economic growth, it has simultaneously taken on the unenviable ro...
19 citations
TL;DR: In this article, the authors investigated the relationship between Beijing's regional activism and its global concerns, particularly as they relate to the United States, and concluded that China now plays more of a leadership role in the region, is working hard to undermine the argument that its rise is a matter to be feared on the part of its neighbours, and if necessary hopes to be able to leverage improved relations in the Asia-Pacific in the event of a serious downturn in its relations with Washington.
Abstract: Why has China increased its attention to the Asia–Pacific region, especially since the late 1990s, and does it have a coherent short- and longer-term vision for the region as a whole? This article investigates these questions and notes the relationship between Beijing's regional activism and its global concerns, particularly as they relate to the United States. China now plays more of a leadership role in the region, is working hard to undermine the argument that its rise is a matter to be feared on the part of its neighbours, and if necessary hopes to be able to leverage improved relations in the Asia–Pacific in the event of a serious downturn in its relations with Washington. 1 This paper, then entitled ‘Does China Have a Regional Policy?’, was first presented at the University of Guadalajara joint workshop with the University of Technology, Sydney on regionalization and the Pacific Rim, in January 2004. I am grateful to the conference organizers, Professor Melba Falck and Professor David Goodman, for p...
12 citations
TL;DR: In this article, the authors highlight some negative human security outcomes produced by the dynamic processes that have underscored regionalization in the Asia-Pacific in recent years, and question what this means in terms of state responsibility.
Abstract: Regional integration is generally seen as having positive security outcomes with respect to traditional inter-state relations as well as economic growth. However, there are also negative social and economic effects, which the broader concept of human security is useful in focusing attention on. The main aim of the article is to highlight some of the negative human security outcomes produced by the dynamic processes that have underscored regionalization in the Asia–Pacific in recent years. A further aim is to question what this means in terms of state responsibility. Given that states are ‘social protection providers’ of last resort, this is an important issue. This function has been largely ignored in neoliberal agendas that have sought to promote market reforms while actively undermining the role and capacity of the state. The state has also had a bad press from other quarters, including the human rights/human security lobby. While agreeing with the general point of the refrain that ‘human rights are not...
9 citations
TL;DR: The Symposium Security and Co-operation in Asia Pacific: Chinese and Australian Perspectives, held at La Trobe University, Melbourne and jointly sponsored by East China Normal University, Shanghai, China, 5-6 July 2004 as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: 1This is an un-refereed version of an address delivered to the Symposium Security and Co-operation in Asia Pacific: Chinese and Australian Perspectives, held at La Trobe University, Melbourne and jointly sponsored by East China Normal University, Shanghai, China, 5–6 July 2004.
4 citations
TL;DR: The authors traces the development of this technological enframing system of strategic reason from the scientific philosophy of Newton, Bacon and Descartes to the modernist thinking of Kissinger and US Persian Gulf policy from 1980 to the present, and argues that the containment and eventual invasion of Iraq thwarted a linear translation of means into ends.
Abstract: Whatever its value, the international debate over the war in Iraq has failed to question its underpinnings in modern strategic reason; specifically, the 20th-century development of Clausewitz's view that limited war is a rational, controllable means to a political end. This essay traces the development of this technological ‘enframing’ system of strategic reason from the scientific philosophy of Newton, Bacon and Descartes to the modernist thinking of Kissinger and US Persian Gulf policy from 1980 to the present. It argues that the containment and eventual invasion of Iraq thwarted a linear translation of means into ends, and questions the ethical implications of a perspective that makes territory, technology and human beings into mere tools for disposal and use.
2 citations
TL;DR: The papers in this symposium are drawn from a major project on "Regional Integration in the Pacific Rim: Global and Domestic Trajectories" run jointly by the University of Technology, Sydney (UTS) and the Australian National University (ANU).
Abstract: The papers in this symposium are drawn from a major project on ‘Regional Integration in the Pacific Rim: Global and Domestic Trajectories’ run jointly by the University of Technology, Sydney (UTS) ...
TL;DR: Despite the improvement in US-China relationship since 9/11, there are still strong anti-China interests in the US and anti-US interests in China that could pose difficulties for that relationship.
Abstract: Australia has close alliance links with the US but also growing links with China. While the US and China have many interests in common they also have many differences that periodically lead to significant tensions and such tensions could remerge in the future and pose challenges for Australia's diplomacy. The major potential risk in the future seems likely to be over Taiwan. This article notes that despite the improvement in the US-China relationship since 9/11, there are still strong anti-China interests in the US and anti-US interests in China that could pose difficulties for that relationship. It concludes that, with the exception of Taiwan, any such difficulties are unlikely to be of great significance for Australia. Provided the recent more effective US management of the Taiwan issue is maintained, balancing Australia's relationships with the two countries should not be especially problematic. 1This is a refereed version of an address delivered to the Symposium ‘Security and Co-operation in Asia Paci...
Journal Article•
TL;DR: In the context of developing dialogues on nuclear proliferation and security issues in the Asian region, the existing Southeast Asian NWFZ (Bangkok Treaty), the current negotiations towards a Central Asian NWZ, and proposals for NWWZs in South Asia and Northeast Asia, are examined and assessed from the viewpoint of their contributions to regional arms control and security, scope, and prospects for implementation as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: Nuclear-Weapon-Free Zones (NWFZs) are binding agreements to prevent the acquisition and stationing of nuclear weapons within a particular region, and to secure guarantees from nuclear states not to use or threaten to use nuclear weapons against the zone. In the context of developing dialogues on nuclear proliferation and security issues in the Asian region, the existing Southeast Asian NWFZ (Bangkok Treaty), the current negotiations towards a Central Asian NWFZ, and proposals for NWFZs in South Asia and Northeast Asia, are examined and assessed from the viewpoint of their contributions to regional arms control and security, scope, and prospects for implementation. It is concluded that such zones provide an important avenue, in conjunction with the Nonproliferation Treaty, for regional groups of states in Asia to reduce nuclear proliferation threats within their own regions, to gain security assurances from the nuclear powers, and to facilitate wider confidence-building and cooperative security approaches ...
TL;DR: Since the Iraq war we have gained a clearer understanding of the meaning of unilateralism as mentioned in this paper.Although official US pronouncements have never acknowledged that country's commitment to unilateralism, th...
Abstract: Since the Iraq war we have gained a clearer understanding of the meaning of unilateralism. Although official US pronouncements have never acknowledged that country's commitment to unilateralism, th...
TL;DR: The rejection of the Kyoto Protocol by President George W. Bush in early 2001 and his subsequent challenging of the basic science underpinning the global response to the threat of climate change, h...
Abstract: The rejection of the Kyoto Protocol by President George W. Bush in early 2001 and his subsequent challenging of the basic science underpinning the global response to the threat of climate change, h...
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors look at the pattern of political integration that has been taking place in the Americas since the 1990s and argue that the ideological convergence in the hemisphere has contributed to the emergence of a distinct regional normative structure to support democracy.
Abstract: This article looks at the pattern of political integration that has been taking place in the Americas since the 1990s. It is argued that the ideological convergence in the hemisphere has contributed to the emergence of a distinct regional normative structure to support democracy. The article begins with a brief summary of my theoretical baselines, constructivism and neoliberal institutionalism, and subsequently discusses the adoption of the 1991 Santiago Commitment to Democracy and Resolution 1080, briefly reviewing the four instances in which the new instrument was applied. I then consider the 2001 Inter-American Democratic Charter, and look at the Venezuelan situation since the 2002 unsuccessful coup. I conclude by evaluating this 12-year-long process from my two theoretical baselines.
TL;DR: In this paper, one of the most important corollaries of the 2003 invasion of Iraq is the expectation that the war would deter other proliferators from pursuing their purported nuclear ambitions.
Abstract: This article critically examines one of the most important corollaries of the Bush administration's 2003 invasion of Iraq: the expectation that the war would deter other proliferators from pursuing their purported nuclear ambitions. Although Iraq likely provided the final impetus for Libya to renounce its nuclear program, it is argued that in the cases of Iran and North Korea, regime change did not act as a deterrent. Indeed, there is evidence to suggest that the war heightened the perception that nuclear weapons are effective guarantors of security in these countries. The apparent failure of the Iraq-as-deterrent model and the extreme difficulties inherent in conducting effective pre-emptive strikes on nuclear facilities in Iran and North Korea have forced the US to embrace more multilateral and diplomatic approaches to counter-proliferation.
TL;DR: A paper written by the organiser of the Symposium on Security and Co-operation in Asia Pacific: Chinese and Australian Perspectives, held at La Trobe University, Melbourne and jointly sponsored by East China Normal University, Shanghai, China, 5-6 July 2004 as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: 1 1This is an un-refereed version of a paper written by the organiser of the Symposium on Security and Co-operation in Asia Pacific: Chinese and Australian Perspectives, held at La Trobe University, Melbourne and jointly sponsored by East China Normal University, Shanghai, China, 5–6 July 2004