Showing papers in "Global Change, Peace & Security in 2009"
TL;DR: In this article, the relationship between civil society and conflict is analyzed and an analytical framework is provided to unpack this complex relationship and assess the impacts which civil society may have on conflict.
Abstract: This article analyses the relationship between civil society and conflict It aims to provide an analytical framework to unpack this complex relationship and assess the impacts which civil society may have on conflict In a first section, it analyses the implications of context on civil society, namely the implications that statehood, democracy, nationalism, development and international presence have on the nature of civil society In the second section it examines more specifically the role of civil society in ethno-political conflicts, or as we rename it ‘conflict society’ The final section turns to the identification of different factors determining the impact of civil society on conflicts, including political identities, frameworks of action and political opportunity structures in which civil society actors operate Accordingly, the different combinations of these determinants lead to the formation of civil society actors and ensuing actions that can either fuel conflict, sustain the status quo, or
57 citations
TL;DR: The authors argue that there is a need to see terrorism as a political act grounded in a particular set of human emotions triggered in certain social circumstances, and that modernity might contribute to an intensification of emotion within political behaviour.
Abstract: Recently there has been a renewed interest in the role of emotion as both a site of political knowledge and as a contributing dynamic in the stability or upheaval of political institutions. While it is widely recognised that emotion is directly implicated in terrorist behaviour, terrorism studies has not critically engaged in this revitalised theorising. As a small step towards addressing this analytical gap we argue that there is a need to see terrorism as a political act grounded in a particular set of human emotions triggered in certain social circumstances. We begin with a brief discussion of the treatment of emotion within terrorism studies before examining how modernity might contribute to an intensification of emotion within political behaviour. We posit that one outcome of this intensification is the adoption of violent forms of political agency by individuals seeking to address real or perceived grievances.
34 citations
TL;DR: The key differences between Rudd's policies and those of the former government of John Howard appear to be of style rather than substance, and despite the new rhetoric of greater engagement, the emphasis on market forces creating development shows an essential continuity of Australian foreign aid policy in the South Pacific as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: Great powers seek to influence world affairs; middle powers seek to influence their regions. Australia's ‘near abroad’ includes Indonesia and the South Pacific, especially Melanesia. Elected Prime Minister in November 2007, Kevin Rudd has indicated a new direction for Australian policy in the Pacific and the previous image of a pushy or bullying Australia has to some extent been laid to rest. Yet the key differences between Rudd's policies and those of the former government of John Howard appear to be of style rather than substance. Despite the new rhetoric of greater engagement, the emphasis on market forces creating development shows an essential continuity of Australian foreign aid policy in the South Pacific
33 citations
TL;DR: In this article, the authors argue that an increasing preoccupation with globalised security risks within international society, particularly on the part of the West, underpins this constitutional transition, and that the West's perceived need to manage global securit...
Abstract: Several recent works have emphasised contemporary hierarchical trends within international society that suggest a transition away from international society's pluralist constitution. These trends have been most readily demonstrated by the willingness of dominant states, such as the United States, to conduct interventions in support of the promotion and enforcement of liberal democratic values. Yet while many scholars have identified these hierarchical trends, few have considered what such trends suggest regarding the underlying normative constitution of international society. This paper seeks to explain why such a transition within the normative constitution of international society has occurred. Utilising Ulrich Beck's notions of risk and the ‘world risk society’, this paper suggests that an increasing preoccupation with globalised security risks within international society, particularly on the part of the West, underpins this constitutional transition. The West's perceived need to manage global securit...
26 citations
TL;DR: For instance, the authors argue that grand narratives have an important role in promoting higher levels of emotional identification between human groups and higher level of attunement to their respective needs and interests.
Abstract: Grand narratives that trace the development of society and politics over centuries or millennia fell into disrepute during the twentieth century. However, efforts to trace long-term developments without preserving earlier notions of progress have proliferated in recent years. Revived grand narratives have moved relations between communities to the centre of the explanatory enterprise, and many cast considerable light on how humans have been forced together in longer webs of interconnectedness. Contemporary grand narratives underline the need for systematic reflection on the normative principles that might regulate the coming phases of global interconnectedness. But they may also have an important role in promoting higher levels of emotional identification between human groups and higher levels of attunement to their respective needs and interests.
19 citations
TL;DR: A focus on tactics concerning outrage over genocide is a complement to the usual approaches looking at history, psychology, social dynamics, causes and responsibility as mentioned in this paper, which is a complementary approach.
Abstract: Perpetrators of genocide are likely to use a variety of tactics to reduce outrage from their actions. The main sorts of tactics are covering up the actions, devaluing the target, reinterpreting the actions in ways that minimise seriousness and responsibility, using official channels to give an appearance of justice, and using intimidation and bribery. The 1994 Rwandan genocide reveals ample evidence of all these tactics. Critics of genocidal behaviour should expect the use of these tactics and be prepared to counter them. A focus on tactics concerning outrage over genocide is a complement to the usual approaches looking at history, psychology, social dynamics, causes and responsibility.
17 citations
TL;DR: In this article, the authors examined five key reasons offered for the link between conflict and the spread of HIV, including the high HIV prevalence in many militaries, that conflict leads to migration which acts as a vector for spreading the disease, the changes in sexual behaviour introduced by conflict, including increased incidence of rape, reduced health provision and support as a result of conflict, and the risks introduced in post-conflict settings.
Abstract: The argument that there is a link between conflict and the spread of HIV has become commonplace in both the academic and policy world. This article examines five key reasons offered for this link: the high HIV prevalence in many militaries; that conflict leads to migration which acts as a vector for the spread of the disease; the changes in sexual behaviour introduced by conflict, including increased incidence of rape; reduced health provision and support as a result of conflict; and the risks introduced in post-conflict settings. The article argues that these reasons offer a poor explanation as to why HIV is spread in some conflicts but not others and develops a new model to explain when conflict might lead to the spread of HIV.
16 citations
TL;DR: The delegitimatisation of piracy and privateering were the consequence of a number of interlinked political economic trends, such as the development of public protection of merchant shipping (through the growth of centralised navies), the move away from trade monopolies to inter-imperial trade, and the developing of capitalism and industrialism as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: Historical accounts of private violence in international relations are often rather under-theorised and under-contextualised. Overall, private violence historically needs to be seen in the context of the relationship between state-building, political economy and violence, rather than through the narrative of states gradually monopolising violence. Pirates and privateers in late-seventeenth and early-eighteenth century Europe were embedded in a broader political economy of violence which needed and actively promoted ‘private’ violence in a broader pursuit of power. As such, the de-legitimatisation of piracy and privateering were the consequence of a number of interlinked political economic trends, such as the development of public protection of merchant shipping (through the growth of centralised navies), the move away from trade monopolies to inter-imperial trade, and the development of capitalism and industrialism. Present forms of private violence also need to be seen as part of a broader historical dyn...
15 citations
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors examine the relationship between democracy and economic performance and conclude that a state's move toward democracy immediately triggers improved governance practices, albeit with a stronger effect on Africa than on Latin America.
Abstract: This research bridges two well-established bodies of literature; democratization literature and development literature. Scholars in the first camp frequently focus on the relationship between democracy and economic performance, whereas researchers adhering to the second camp often attempt to establish the link between good governance and sustainable economic and social development. However, both groups fall short of systematically linking the effect of democracy to good governance. Focusing on Africa and Latin America this research fills this gap by examining whether democracy and democratization lead to more responsible and effective governance. Through pooled time-series analysis this article reveals a strong significant effect of democracy on good governance. This article also illustrates that a state's move toward democracy immediately triggers improved governance practices, albeit with a stronger effect on Africa than on Latin America.
15 citations
TL;DR: In this article, the role of the international community in promoting liberal peacebuilding in Sierra Leone is explored, and two key challenges are identified: insufficient opportunities for the social reintegration of ex-combatants and the escalation in social tensions as a result of the exploitative nature of international mining ventures operating through patrimonial networks.
Abstract: This paper explores the role of the international community in promoting liberal peacebuilding in Sierra Leone. It identifies two key challenges to the sustainability of peacebuilding: insufficient opportunities for the social reintegration of ex-combatants and the escalation in social tensions as a result of the exploitative nature of international mining ventures operating through patrimonial networks. Despite the success of the UN peacekeeping mission to Sierra Leone, the institutionalisation of peacebuilding initiatives by the international community has not addressed the root causes of the conflict. Sierra Leone still lacks basic material capabilities to sustain peace and support development. This paper is based on UN documents, policy reports, relevant literature and field work interviews.
12 citations
TL;DR: Public diplomacy has become a critical component in grand strategy, particularly where the use of force by a state engages the attention of foreign audiences as mentioned in this paper, and "propaganda wars" now accompany, if no...
Abstract: Public diplomacy has become a critical component in grand strategy, particularly where the use of force by a state engages the attention of foreign audiences. ‘Propaganda wars’ now accompany, if no...
TL;DR: This paper observed that "a decision to proceed with additional testing would constitute compelling evidence that the North Korea's nuclear program was a pre-emptive nuclear test." But they did not consider the possibility of a preemptive attack.
Abstract: Writing shortly after North Korea's inaugural nuclear test in late 2006, Jonathan Pollack observed that ‘a decision to proceed with additional testing would constitute compelling evidence that the ...
TL;DR: In this article, the authors explored the intersection between the policy of democracy promotion and the political dynamics of change in the Arab world, and argued that the democracy promotion policy of the George W. Bush administration has enabled autocratic and authoritarian regimes across this region to enhance their capacity for social penetration and to exploit a lack of effort to promote the idea of democracy, facilitating direct and indirect modes of repression against opposition forces that have drawn from democracy promotion funding.
Abstract: This article explores the intersection between the policy of democracy promotion and the political dynamics of change in the Arab world. Based on extensive field research, this article unpacks the resilience of Arab regimes, asking the question: has the policy of democracy promotion assisted in the maintenance of autocratic and authoritarian regimes in the Arab world? Here, it is argued that the democracy promotion policy of the George W. Bush administration has enabled autocratic and authoritarian regimes across this region to enhance their capacity for social penetration and to exploit a lack of effort to promote the idea of democracy, facilitating direct and indirect modes of repression against opposition forces that have drawn from democracy promotion funding. This has enabled these regimes to enhance the processes of elite change, co-option and imitative institution building that have been central to their resilience in the face of seemingly unavoidable challenges.
TL;DR: In this article, the authors argue that a viable guide to political action which alleviates global poverty must also take account of the potential utility of the state, and draw upon republican ideas to contend that cosmopolitanism needs to encompass a robust account of local institutions such as the state.
Abstract: Cosmopolitan scholarship has been at the forefront of efforts to consider political structures capable of realising justice in a more robust manner than prevailing global governance arrangements. In particular, the arguments of Thomas Pogge have contributed significantly to scholarly thinking about global poverty and his scheme of ‘institutional cosmopolitanism’ aspires to institutionalise human rights in the structures of global governance. This essay critiques the capacity of Pogge's cosmopolitan approach to productively guide political action in relation to global poverty by questioning whether global institutions generated by human rights are sufficient to address global poverty. The argument in this essay is that a viable guide to political action which alleviates global poverty must also take account of the potential utility of the state. This essays draws upon republican ideas to contend that cosmopolitanism needs to encompass a robust account of local institutions such as the state.
TL;DR: In this article, the authors discuss the relationship between passive and active components of regional security, and describe the different paths that lead to the regionalization of peace and security (in its dual dimension).
Abstract: The aim of this article is to comprehend how peace and security cluster at the regional level. In a globalized and interconnected world, each polity engages in a wide range of different relationships with other polities. Peace and security embody one of these relationships, since to feel secure or to be in peace entails managing a relationship with the ‘other’. This article is divided in three parts. First, it briefly assesses classical theories of regional security in order to detect some of their shortcomings and to propose an alternative path. Second, it breaks down the concept of regional security in order to pinpoint two different (albeit sequential) empirical manifestations of regional security: regional violence-insecurity and regional peace-security. This dichotomy is associated to the passive and active components of peace and security. Third, the article describes the different paths that lead to the regionalization of peace and security (in its dual dimension).
TL;DR: The recession has apparently led to a surge of school-leavers applying to study economics at university [in the United Kingdom]. Applications were up by 15% in January, and similar increases have been recorded for school economics lessons for 16 and 18-year-olds as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: The recession has apparently led to a surge of school-leavers applying to study economics at university [in the United Kingdom]. Applications were up by 15% in January, and similar increases have been recorded for school economics lessons for 16and 18-year-olds . . . One of the areas prospective economics students might care to study is why most economists failed to foresee the recession, and why those who did made not a blind bit of difference.
TL;DR: Populist charismatic leaders have power to mobilise the people as mentioned in this paper, and this is particularly true of Latin America, where first, the political culture has traditionally endorsed personalised forms of leadership and second, where political institutions have traditionally been weak.
Abstract: Populist charismatic leaders have power to mobilise the people. According to Laclau, the articulation of a populist discourse, where a leader will typically claim to speak on behalf of the people, can provide a valid alternative to an increasingly discordant dominant ideological discourse. Furthermore, and this is particularly true of Latin America, populist leadership has been most successful in political terrains where first, the political culture has traditionally endorsed personalised forms of leadership and second, where political institutions have traditionally been weak. Under these circumstances, it is not surprising that the ever-present spectre of authoritarianism continues to undermine the fragile democracies of Latin America. It is also true that such forms of leadership pose serious constraints to the possibility of a shift towards more horizontal organisational forms in politics. But, as this article argues, there are problems with the assumptions that radical democrats make, particularly in...
TL;DR: In this article, the authors investigate the limitations of the theory of peace theory in comparing and contrasting strategies adopted by activist groups working to resolve conflicts of varying types in varying contexts, and suggest that those interested in progress towards a negotiated peace agreement should not assume that past policy instruments will work in the current environment.
Abstract: This article investigates the limitations of peace theory in comparing and contrasting strategies adopted by activist groups working to resolve conflicts of varying types in varying contexts. Using the case of seven Israeli and Palestinian peace and justice groups that remained active after the collapse of the Camp David negotiations and the outbreak of the Second Intifada, the article illustrates the benefits of a process-based approach to peacebuilding for examining how, why, and to what extent approaches used by these groups changed between 2004–05 and 2008. The findings highlight how domestic, regional, and international changes have affected the operation of peace and justice activists, and suggest that those interested in progress towards a negotiated peace agreement should not assume that past policy instruments will work in the current environment.
TL;DR: The relations between Iran and the United States have suffered blow after blow in the last three decades as discussed by the authors, and the current U.S. administration inherited an unenviable legacy in relation to Iran.
Abstract: President Barack Obama has inherited an unenviable legacy in relation to Iran. Relations between Iran and the United States have suffered blow after blow in the last three decades. The Iranian revo...
TL;DR: The successful negotiation of the Central Asian Nuclear Weapon Free Zone (CANWFZ) Treaty indicates the continuing relevance of regional denuclearization measures as an important element in global non-proliferation strategies as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: The successful 2006 negotiation of the Central Asian Nuclear Weapon Free Zone (CANWFZ) Treaty indicates the continuing relevance of regional denuclearization measures as an important element in global non-proliferation strategies. Following on earlier nuclear-weapon-free zones in Latin America, the South Pacific, Southeast Asia and Africa, the CANWFZ is the first to be wholly located in the Northern hemisphere. Such zones face major challenges, including the existence of major regional conflicts, regional proliferation developments, lack of effective regional organizations in some regions for negotiating cooperative security arrangements, and difficulties in securing negative security guarantees from nuclear weapon states. Despite in-principle support to such zones, the nuclear powers, with the exception of China, have been highly selective in giving security guarantees to specific zones, with only two zones (Latin America and South Pacific) securing guarantees from most of the nuclear states. Nuclear wea...
TL;DR: In this article, the authors review the theoretical arguments made by the two leading structural realists in the United States, Kenneth Waltz and John Mearsheimer, that the proliferation of nuclear weapons to new states will be beneficial for the maintenance of global security and assesses to what extent their optimism has been validated by recent history.
Abstract: With mounting concern over Iran's nuclear ambitions and the recent convening of the International Commission on Nuclear Non-Proliferation and Disarmament, nuclear proliferation has once again been elevated to the forefront of global security concerns. This article critically reviews the controversial theoretical arguments made by the two leading structural realists in the United States, Kenneth Waltz and John Mearsheimer, that the proliferation of nuclear weapons to new states will be beneficial for the maintenance of global security and assesses to what extent their ‘proliferation optimism’ has been validated by recent history. As the article argues, theoretical and empirical deficiencies within Waltz's and Mearsheimer's analyses render their optimistic scenarios regarding nuclear proliferation highly questionable. The dangers of nuclear proliferation are then illustrated by assessing the recent history of interstate military rivalry and conflict between two of the world's newest nuclear armed states, In...
TL;DR: The pacifist commitment contained in Article 9 of the Japanese constitution has long been a source of scholarly interest and debate as mentioned in this paper, and it has since been derided as an impediment to effective Japanese participation in wars fought by the United States that are claimed to be in defence of freedom and democracy.
Abstract: The pacifist commitment contained in Article 9 of the Japanese constitution has long been a source of scholarly interest and debate. While the insertion of the clause in the post-Second World War constitution was originally justified by General MacArthur (amongst others) as an expression of the ‘high ideals’ of liberalism and democracy that Japan was now embracing, it has since been derided as an impediment to effective Japanese participation in wars fought by the United States that are claimed to be in defence of freedom and democracy. This reversal of liberal logic became evident in the early years of the Cold War as Japan was encouraged to support the US in the Korean War and has strengthened in the years since. From the first Gulf War of 1991, up to the current War on Terror, much has been made of the constraints that Japan faces in supporting the ‘defence of freedom’ on a global scale. This paper aims to show the place of liberal discourses in relation to the pacifist clause in order to highlight the...
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors look at a dimension of this challenge that has been overshadowed by the Cold War US-Soviet/Russia nuclear relationship and its legacy, namely, how nuclear weapons have figured in the relationship between the US and China.
Abstract: Following the revival of interest in a deliberate process of reduction in the nuclear arsenals, eventually to zero, this article looks at a dimension of this challenge that has been overshadowed by the Cold War US–Soviet/Russia nuclear relationship and its legacy, namely, how nuclear weapons have figured in the relationship between the US and China. The topic highlights itself both because East Asia exemplifies the full range of challenges that confront the quest for nuclear disarmament and because the US–China relationship has been singled out as likely to be the defining relationship of this century.
TL;DR: In this way, the subject of war was differentiated from the subjects against whom a war could be waged as discussed by the authors, and the subject was seen as a self-disciplined, rights-bearing individual inhabiting a civil space underwritten by relations of private property.
Abstract: Australia's colonisation by Britain (from 1788) was accomplished without the ‘consent’ of the Indigenous inhabitants, or the negotiation of any kind of treaty. The violence of the colonisers against the Indigenous inhabitants was never officially acknowledged to be a form of ‘conquest’ or ‘war’. This was in part due to the fact that the Indigenous inhabitants of Australia were not regarded by the colonisers to be subjects against whom a war could be waged. Australia's early colonisation offers an example of the conceptual myopia in the development of European discourses of international relations. Within these discourses, warfare was seen as an increasingly disciplined form of violent engagement between the subjects of sovereign states. European thinkers thus came to see ‘the subject’ of war as a self-disciplined, rights-bearing individual inhabiting a civil space underwritten by relations of private property and guaranteed by the sovereign state. In this way, the subject of war was differentiated from th...
TL;DR: The role of US hegemony and international legitimacy in the Iraq war, as well as the practical and philosophical requirements of a reformed system of international organisation based on Kantian principles are discussed in this article.
Abstract: Reforming the system of international organisation has become one of the most pressing issues in world affairs. The current United Nations Organisation (UNO) is under increasing pressure to act as the mechanism to address collective problems of the global commons, international security, and a host of other issues beyond the ability of national policy makers to address. It is against this background that GCP&S welcomed the opportunity to conduct an interview with Professor Hans Köchler, an eminent political philosopher and founder of the International Progress Organization (IPO). What follows is an interview conducted with Professor Köchler in Melbourne during February 2008 by Dr Janna Thompson, herself a noted activist and researcher in the field of global justice. The discussion ranges from the role of US hegemony and international legitimacy in the Iraq war, to the practical and philosophical requirements of a reformed system of international organisation based on Kantian principles.