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Showing papers in "Global media journal in 2008"


Journal Article
TL;DR: In this paper, five major trends in the political economy of communication are addressed: the globalization of the field, the expansion of an enduring emphasis on historical research, the growth of research from alternative standpoints, especially feminism and labour, the shift from an emphasis on old to new media, and the growing of activism connected to the political economics tradition.
Abstract: In this paper five major trends in the political economy of communication are addressed: the globalization of the field, the expansion of an enduring emphasis on historical research, the growth of research from alternative standpoints, especially feminism and labour, the shift from an emphasis on old to new media, and the growth of activism connected to the political economy tradition. None of these are brand new tendencies but rather build on existing ones, which were often submerged beneath dominant trends in the field. Nonetheless, the outcomes of specific struggles within each of these domains suggest that political economists have made significant contributions to the overall resurgence of activism around major communication issues.

51 citations


Journal Article
TL;DR: In this article, the authors argue that the conflating of creative industries into the gambit of cultural industries serves an important ideological function and that the failure to maintain a clear distinction between arts and culture on the one hand, and creative industries on the other, enables to latter to call for the deployment of similar regulatory measures to those which been implemented by national governments over the past four decades to protect the Arts and culture sectors.
Abstract: In this paper the “new” notion of the creative economy is linked to previous efforts to name and interpret the types of changes that have affected industrial societies since the Second World War (e.g. Daniel Bell’s and Allain Touraine’s post-industrial society, UNESCO’s knowledge societies). Drawing on a detailed, critical analysis of UNCTAD’s Creative Economy Report 2008 which sought to measure global trade flows of creative goods and services, the discussion in this paper underscores the highly contestable manner in which statistical data are used and interpreted in this report to formulate directions for policy strategies. It is argued that the conflating of creative industries into the gambit of cultural industries serves an important ideological function. Specifically, the failure to maintain a clear distinction between arts and culture on the one hand, and creative industries on the other, enables to latter to call for the deployment of similar regulatory measures to those which been implemented by national governments over the past four decades to protect the arts and culture sectors.

48 citations


Journal Article
TL;DR: The authors argued that a major task of journalism ethics is to construct a more non-parochial ethics, a global journalism ethics informed by critical work from various disciplines and cultures, and charted the trajectory of journalistic ethics over several centuries to explain the role of parochialism and the limits of theorizing.
Abstract: For most of its history, journalism ethics has been highly practical in aim, in theorizing, and in application. Inquiry analyzed what was occurring inside newsrooms and its scope was parochial. Starting from the premise that a parochial approach no longer serves journalism, the study of journalism, or the public of journalism, in this paper it is argued that a major task of journalism ethics is to construct a more non-parochial ethics—a global journalism ethics informed by critical work from various disciplines and cultures. The discussion presented charts the trajectory of journalism ethics over several centuries to explain the role of parochialism and the limits of theorizing in journalism ethics. This historical perspective also serves as a foundation for outlining what a future journalism ethics might look like, if we widen the conceptual base by incorporating new knowledge of media from outside journalism ethics, and by redefining journalism ethics as a global enterprise.

43 citations


Journal Article
TL;DR: The methodological implications arising from Marshall McLuhan's classic refrains "I don't have A Theory of Communication" and "I do not use theories in my work" are discussed in this article.
Abstract: In this paper the methodological implications arising from Marshall McLuhan’s classic refrains—“I don’t have A Theory of Communication” and “I don’t use theories in my work”—are discussed. Absent a theory, the other way to work is by observation and investigative technique: first the evidence; then later, much later, the theory—if indeed one is necessary by then. Without a theory as a guide McLuhan was influenced by artists and poets in developing the analytical and conceptual tools he relied upon to examine media and communication. He referred to his procedure as starting with a problem and digging into the toolkit for something to open the matter up for elucidation. Chief among his tools of analysis was Practical Criticism, which he viewed as a kind of critic’s SwissArmy Knife that worked equally incisively across all of the arts and through all areas of culture, from high-brow to low. The argument that emerges from this analysis of McLuhan’s investigative techniques is that many of the conundrums of modern media and culture are understood most effectively through research that transcends the constraints imposed by seeking to make the case for or against the truth of a particular theory. Begin with theory, you begin with the answer; begin with observation, you begin with questions.

33 citations


Journal Article
TL;DR: In this article, the authors present the historical development of the right to communicate as first internationally expressed in a call for a New World Information and Communication Order, and focus on its revival during the United Nations World Summit on the Information Society, which they argue to have missed the historical chance to give new momentum to the debate.
Abstract: In this article we first present the historical development of the right to communicate as first internationally expressed in a call for a New World Information and Communication Order. Subsequently, we focus on its revival during the United Nations World Summit on the Information Society, which we argue to have missed the historical chance to give new momentum to the debate, while global developments have all but intensified the need for communication processes to be recognized as a human need and to be firmly protected. We conclude with the key controversial questions surrounding the concept of a “right to communicate” in order to point to some of the most problematic issues which have yet to be resolved and identify the position of such a right within the logic of the contemporary human rights edifice. Finally, we propose a new approach to the debate, which could contribute to fine-tuning its further development and avoiding some of the historical deadlocks, which have resulted from an overly politicized discussion during the early years.

31 citations


Journal Article
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors investigate the potential for democratic participation via Web 2.0 platforms such as Facebook and other social networking sites and recognize that within the contemporary context, information, communication and participation stand-in for motivation, judgment and action when it comes to democratic politics.
Abstract: Emerging media technologies and applications have accompanied by an explosion of diverse means and practices for engaging in public life, raising the possibility of an invigorated and improved democratic politics. Investment in this possibility is premised on acceptance of the norms associated with publicity, specifically access to information and enhanced communication. Starting from the premise that democracy is a term whose defining attributes are best understood as the politicization of moral and ethical questions and equality (as opposed to a characteristic set of procedures and practices), the discussion in this paper investigates the potential for democratic participation via Web 2.0 platforms such as Facebook and other social networking sites. What emerges from this exercise is the recognition that within the contemporary context, information, communication and participation stand-in for motivation, judgment and action when it comes to democratic politics. This implies, in turn, that we may be settling for publicity in the place of the more the demanding democratic goods of politicization and equality. Somewhat more ominously, the popular embrace of these surrogates via emerging media technologies may actually undermine the prospect of a politics aimed at more radical outcomes.

29 citations


Journal Article
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors focus on the period 1997-2006 in Thailand and analyze the most recent military coup of September 2006 and its immediate aftermath, which resulted in democratic elections in December and a return to democratic rule since.
Abstract: The right to communication as a fundamental human right clearly indicates that another communication model necessitates participatory democratization and thus a redistribution of power on all levels. The point of departure is not an elitist position, but development from the bottom-up. For instance, the UNESCO-sponsored MacBride Report suggests that the right to communicate “promises to advance the democratization of communication on all levels – international, national, local, individual” (MacBride, 1980, p. 171). Fundamental here is the other vision of the role of authorities in processes of social change. Unlike the confidence in and respect for the role of the state, which is characteristic of traditional development perspectives, more recent perspectives advocate a rather reserved attitude toward authorities. Policies therefore should be built on more selective participation strategies of dissociation and association. The Kingdom of Thailand went through a period of political turmoil recently. So-called democratic rule had once again been replaced by military rule. We do not intend to analyze the most recent military coup of September 2006 and its immediate aftermath, which resulted in democratic elections in December and a return to democratic rule since. In this paper we focus on the period 1997-2006 in Thailand. Under so-called democratic rule and a liberal constitution, the right to communication as a fundamental right was guaranteed in principle. However, in practice it was a different story for the Thai media and the public at large.

19 citations


Journal Article
TL;DR: In this article, the authors investigate the practical implementation of citizens' media theory in prisoners' radio programs and find that prisoners face severe deprivation of autonomy, privacy, voting rights and public voice, which reinforces a sense of non-citizenship and a status of nonperson.
Abstract: Engaging the civil dead - citizens' media and prisoners. If community media is at the forefront of new models of citizen participation then what better way to test this claim than by examining how community radio facilitates those groups most segregated from the general public? Prisoners, by their very nature, are by far one of society's most excluded populations. In this paper I draw on international examples of prisoners' radio and, more specifically, on an Australian case study (4ZzZ, Brisbane's Locked In), to investigate the practical implementation of citizens' media theory. Imprisonment involves much more than separation from society and loss of freedom of movement. Prisoners face severe deprivation of autonomy, privacy, voting rights and public voice. The denial of civil rights is out of step with a modern rehabilitative approach and alienates prisoners from further shaping the political community in which she or he will almost always return to live and work. This reinforces a sense of non-citizenship and a status of non-person. Direct participation is one of the fundamental elements of citizens' media, however incarceration limits the ability to physically participate in day to day media production. Legislation exasperates this situation so as to restrict prisoners' access to media organisations, even as interviewees. While some community radio stations have succeeded in accessing prisons to allow broadcasts directly from the institution more often than not prisoners' radio programs utilise less \"hands-on\" means to encourage participation in their programming.

17 citations


Journal Article
TL;DR: Through a case study of the Open Broadcast Network coverage of the Bosnian conflict, the study analyzes the initial lessons learned from one of the original implementations of peace journalism precepts in violent conflict.
Abstract: This study engages in the examination of the role of journalism in a time of violent conflict and explores the discourse that has come to be known under the umbrella term “peace journalism.” Through a case study of the Open Broadcast Network (OBN) coverage of the Bosnian conflict, the study analyzes the initial lessons learned from one of the original implementations of peace journalism precepts in violent conflict. As demonstrated by the fleeting and partial success of OBN, the news media can play a role in transformation of conflict but the feasibility and accomplishments of such practice depend upon a variety of variables.

13 citations


Journal Article
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors analyze the three-decade evolution of the right-to-communal debates and investigate the Communication Rights in the Information Study (CRIS) campaign as a specific case study of transnational collective action for communication rights.
Abstract: This article analyzes the three-decade evolution of the right to communicate debates. There are two stages of this global debate: intergovernmental and civil society. Intergovernmental efforts reached an impasse when crippled by cold war pressures and the politicization of the right to communicate. Once the domain of governmental actors, when the right to communicate was no longer on the agenda in intergovernmental platforms, civil society stepped in to promote communication rights. Many non-governmental organizations came together under the umbrella of communication rights. The Communication Rights in the Information Study (CRIS) campaign is investigated as a specific case study of transnational collective action for communication rights since it is a visible example of a global expression of the right to communicate movement.

12 citations


Journal Article
TL;DR: In this article, the authors examined the biases of online news through the study of Google News, a multilingual interface that pulls articles from thousands of popular online news sources, and found that both English and non-English online news display US-centric priorities and agendas.
Abstract: A crucial aspect of communication rights is the ability to maintain a plurality of political views. This paper examines the biases of online news through the study of Google News, a multilingual interface that pulls articles from thousands of popular online news sources. The popularity of Google News and its global spread make it an influential channel, which can have important implications on the way people perceive the world. Subsequently, this paper analyzes the top news articles in Google News, looking at the most frequent issues, countries and links between countries. Findings indicate that the USA is a dominant actor in most popular news sources, and that both English and non-English online news display US-centric priorities and agendas. While reading popular online news, worldwide users were channeled to view the American military operation in Iraq or the concern of the nuclear potential of Iran and North Korea as the most important international political events. Consequently, it is suggested that Google News and similar services, which aggregate various news sources into one interface and become popular and “authoritative” news channels in themselves, intensify certain perceptions of the World based on the page-ranking mechanism and its popularization of content. A network analysis envisions the relative position and the news-links between states and organizations. It displays the centrality of the USA in English and non-English news. It also reveals the important role of the UN as a central hub that connects many African countries with the rest of the international network. This suggests that international organizations, and particularly the UN and the EU, play an increasingly crucial role in the international network as perceived by popular online news sources, due to their central position and political influence as mediators and connectors between countries.

Journal Article
TL;DR: The authors examines the way that mass media representations of mobile media are bound up with individualistic interpretations of youth culture, and argues such narratives form a larger picture of what they call ''seductive and destructive'' mobile imaginaries.
Abstract: Mobile technologies are becoming central to contemporary media ? yet there has been little critical examination of mobiles, or of their role in community, alternative, and citizens' media. This paper examines the way that mass media representations of mobile media are bound up with individualistic interpretations of youth culture.Mobile technologies are becoming central to contemporary media ? yet there has been little critical examination of mobiles, or of their role in community, alternative, and citizens? media. This paper examines the way that mass media representations of mobile media are bound up with individualistic interpretations of youth culture. Advertising campaigns herald a new era of youthful mobile media interactions, from glamorous 20-somethings silhouetted with their iPods to teenagers sending flirtatious text messages. At the other end of the spectrum, familiar youth panics are being translated into technological iterations, continuing ?the unhappy marriage of youth and media theory?. The authors argue such narratives form a larger picture of what they call ?seductive and destructive? mobile imaginaries. Youth culture is often a site upon which broader social concerns are projected, and the current mobile imaginaries reveal the affective patterns of anxiety and desire that mark popular representations of youth and technology. A critical understanding of such imaginaries helps locate the ?our? in mobile media, and so articulate sustainable media and cultural futures.

Journal Article
TL;DR: This paper reviewed the developments in Iraq's post-Saddam media sector and found that it has been central to the return of an Iraqi public sphere which has openly debated and discussed the issues surrounding the nation's shift from despotism to democracy.
Abstract: The toppling of Saddam in 2003 brought with it the re-emergence of the free press in Iraq. This has seen Iraq shift from only a handful of state media outlets that served as propaganda machines, to a vast array of Iraqi-owned newspapers, radio stations and television channels which are being fervently produced and avidly consumed across the nation. This paper therefore reviews the developments in Iraq’s post-Saddam media sector and finds that it has been central to the return of an Iraqi public sphere which has openly debated and discussed the issues surrounding the nation’s shift from despotism to democracy. This is perhaps best evidenced by the role that the Iraqi media played in hosting a rich tapestry of debate, discourse and deliberation from a panoply of political, religious and ethno-sectarian factions throughout the elections and the referendum held across the nation in 2005. Despite their respective biases and particular persuasions, the net effect of such a rich media sector has been an Iraqi populace who are both concerned and informed about the nuances of democratic governance.

Journal Article
TL;DR: The idea of alfabetización digital 2.0 as discussed by the authors was proposed as part of the work of the Generalitat de Catalunya on access to the Internet.
Abstract: En la actualidad, diferentes actores politicos y sociales apuestan por impulsar acciones de formacion que consigan la participacion de todas las personas en la sociedad de la informacion y que dichas personas puedan ser protagonistas de las oportunidades que la SI nos ofrece. Como parte de estas acciones, se da una gran importancia al acceso a la tecnologia. Dicho acceso implica tanto el acceso a ordenadores, ancho de banda y programario como la formacion en habilidades para el tratamiento y la interaccion con la informacion aunque, cada vez mas, se vincula la alfabetizacion digital a la transformacion social. Asi pues, la inclusion digital se refiere tanto al acceso como a la competencia digital y a la motivacion y ya hay quien habla de alfabetizacion digital 2.0. Los autores plantean que el exito de los proyectos de alfabetizacion digital radica en el modelo educativo que los sostiene y que si se pretende ir mas alla del acceso o la capacitacion debe apostarse por un modelo educativo basado en la democracia y el dialogo. Estas consideraciones se apoyan en el desarrollo teorico y en los resultados de la investigacion “Percepciones y posibilidades de los puntos publicos de acceso a Internet” desarrollada por CREA1y financiada por la Generalitat de Catalunya.


Journal Article
TL;DR: In this article, the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (DRIP) is used as a case study to reveal the extent to which it embodies values associated with a right to communicate: universal human rights that recognize cultural diversity; collective and individual rights; encompassing traditional communication rights; right of participation in all aspects of communication; positive rights.
Abstract: Since its conception forty years ago, efforts to reach a universally acceptable definition of a right to communicate have been unsuccessful, primarily because the debate has been at an abstract philosophical/legal level rather than arising out of the real experience of people struggling to achieve rights addressing their immediate communication needs. As an alternative to the problem of achieving a philosophical/legal definition of a right to communicate, this paper proposes a strategy of constructing a right to communicate through the interpretation of how right to communicate values are embodied in current soft and hard law texts. To illustrate how this can be done, the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (DRIP) is used as a case study. An analysis of the DRIP reveals the extent to which it embodies values associated with a right to communicate: universal human rights that recognize cultural diversity; collective and individual rights; encompassing traditional communication rights; right of participation in all aspects of communication; positive rights. The increasing experience people gain with the complex issues arising out of global, interactive communication could generate further texts embodying right to communicate values. The analysis of such texts may reveal that in time everyone does indeed possess a right to communicate.

Journal Article
TL;DR: This paper explored the intersection among identity, globalization, and television and argued that new generations of children are developing a third identity, a fusion of local and global, an identity that transcends traditional ethnic and cultural boundaries.
Abstract: Children around the world are growing up in a globalized environment influenced by many factors such as the internet, cell phones, and pop culture. One significant influence is the internationalization of television programming and as children’s exposure to programs that originate in the United States increases it will undoubtedly impact how they understand themselves and their environment. The purpose of this essay is to explore the intersection among identity, globalization, and television. A case study into the internationalization of global media companies is Viacom Inc., which can be seen as a dominant source of global value orientation and a powerful contributor to the formation of an ambiguous identity among children and teenagers. We argue that new generations of children are developing a third identity – a fusion of local and global – an identity that transcends traditional ethnic and cultural boundaries.


Journal Article
TL;DR: In this article, the authors argue that full enjoyment of the right to communicate is contingent upon information availability and that the realization of this right can be restricted by conditions unrelated to access to mass media technologies, either for information origination or reception.
Abstract: This paper argues that full enjoyment of the right to communicate is contingent upon information availability. It is suggested that gatekeeping and agenda-setting processes dominated by political, economic and social elites contribute to information deprivation and homogenization of news content in mainstream US media, limiting dialogic options critical to democracy. Gatekeeping is reconceptualized as a three-tiered process influencing media and public agendas, and the framing of news presentations. It is argued that realization of the right to communicate can be proscribed by conditions unrelated to access to mass media technologies, either for information origination or reception.

Journal Article
TL;DR: Aysh et al. as mentioned in this paper argue that most of questions about the impact of satellite television on the public sphere in the Arab world have not been answered yet and what has been written on the subject reflects individual understanding of the hypothesized links between developments of satellite TV and that of public sphere.
Abstract: Introduction Among the most salient developments in present societies are fundamental and rapid changes of mass media. Public discussions and academic literature are speculating on the societal consequences of these changes. There is a concern that media changes contribute to a deterioration of the political process in general and to a fragmentation of the public sphere and an increase of political cynicism in particular (Schulz, in Splichal, 2001). Research on this area has mixed conclusions on how communication technologies affect the public sphere. More importantly is that political and communication sciences literature on democratization offer little guidance on the hypothesized relationship between electronic communications and public sphere and the level of democracy within a nation. This is of course not surprising; given the novelty of the Internet, e-mail, direct satellite broadcasting and even the widespread availability of fax machines. (Hill & Hughes). On the other hand, we should not read the ongoing broadcast transformation as a linear process leading to a truly independent and critical political role for television in contemporary Arab societies. The emergencies of commercial television and the restructuring of government-operated systems are in no way conducive to political pluralism and diversity in Arab societies dominated by authoritarian political systems (Aysh, 2002). I argue that most of questions about the impact of satellite television on the public sphere in the Arab world have not been answered yet and what has been written on the subject reflects individual understanding of the hypothesized links between developments of satellite television and that of public sphere. It is unlikely to find an empirical research project in the Arab region focusing on the possible impact of communication technologies on public sphere. It is also evident that most of what has been written about the public sphere is mainly based on the writings of Habermas and mostly reflects the Western perspective on the public sphere. Mass media including satellite television have been referred to in writings of Habermas and many other Sociologists, Political Scientists, and Philosophers as mere instruments and not as a legitimate force in defining and shaping the public sphere. This paper adopts the "media constructed public sphere" approach originally developed by Winfied Schulz (2001) in his article" Changes in Mass Media and Public Sphere". The main idea of this approach is that media are regarded as constitutive of a public sphere. This does not ignore the fact that there are some other social arenas in which persons interact face-to-face in order to exchange information and opinions, such as, coffee houses, club meetings, and party conventions. This article discusses how satellite television introduces a new public space for Egyptians to engage in and debate relevant sociopolitical issues. Since the programs of any Arab satellite television channels can be received by Egyptian audience, it is difficult to separate the impact of Egyptian satellite channels from that of non-Egyptian channels. Arabs share the same Arabic language, culture historical background and many other characteristics that made it possible for any Arab audience to easily receive and interact with the programs of all Arab television satellite channels. The article is based on the argument that the revolution that has been taking place in Arab satellite television since the mid-1990s introduced a new public space to the Egyptians with new political programs, with different style in news coverage and different style in talk shows. The Arab satellite television revolution has also positively affected the original government-controlled terrestrial television in Egypt. The new public sphere made it possible for Egyptians to engage in political debate completely different from the kind that was presented on government-controlled television. …

Journal Article
TL;DR: In this paper, the influence of the prensa en the proceso electorales de 1988 al 2000, analizando a set of articulistas as promotores of the tema democrácia, in the periodicos: Excelsior, La Jornada, and Reforma.
Abstract: Este articulo analiza la influencia de la prensa en los proceso electorales de 1988 al 2000, analizando a los articulistas como promotores del tema democracia, en los periodicos: Excelsior, La Jornada y Reforma que permite estudiar el papel que algunos de los principales periodicos de Mexico ejercieron en la discusion del cambio democratico. Palabras clave: prensa, poder, democracia, opinion publica, informacion politica

Journal Article
TL;DR: The rise of women centered media, their activist teachings and their extension to give voice to many different women starting in the late 1960s demand a sea-change in awareness and support within women's movement and funding circles as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: The rise of women centered media, their activist teachings and their extension to give voice to many different women starting in the late 1960s demand a sea-change in awareness and support within women’s movement and funding circles. Recounting numerous examples of women centered media—especially around six funding models—from Feminist International Radio Endeavor (FIRE) to Young Parents No Fixed Address Network, common threads are drawn pointing to an evolution of a feminist public sphere and the ability of these works to stimulate change. Some historic markers are drawn, such as the Third World Conference on Women at Nairobi as well challenges for today by human rights leader Sirlatha Batliwala and communication activist Sally Burch.

Journal Article
TL;DR: Roh vs. Press as mentioned in this paper discusses the political and cultural context of this controversy, and considers the "Roh versus. Press" debate by analyzing public statements, news reports, interviews, and its key rhetorical elements.
Abstract: In May 2007, when the Government Information Agency of South Korea announced the closing of the press rooms on government premises, it marked the end to a significant journalistic tradition. Until then, these press rooms had been integral to relations between the press and government, in that they allowed journalists to be posted full-time in the reporting facilities and in turn establish close relations with their government sources. President Roh argued that his new press policy was a reform that aimed to improve jour-nalistic quality, minimize collusion between journalists and their sources, and establish “clean but tense” press relations. Yet Korean reporters and international press organiza-tions criticized Roh for restricting press freedom and the public’s right to know. This arti-cle discusses the political and cultural context of this controversy, and considers the “Roh vs. Press” debate by analyzing public statements, news reports, interviews, and its key rhetorical elements.

Journal Article
TL;DR: The present articulo pretende aportar algunos elementos a un debate amplio sobre la construccion de los medios de comunicacion como objetos de investigacion.
Abstract: El presente articulo pretende aportar algunos elementos a un debate amplio sobre la construccion de los medios de comunicacion como objetos de investigacion En un primer apartado se presenta el debate respecto del estatuto disciplinar, de los estudios de comunicacion en general y de los estudios de medios en particular En el segundo apartado se propone una vision critica respecto de la investigacion que se ha realizado en Mexico sobre los medios de comunicacion En el tercer apartado se proponen tres notas que pueden ayudarnos a trabajar transdisciplinariamente la investigacion sobre los medios de comunicacion

Journal Article
TL;DR: In this article, Breen and Matusitz argue that pack journalism is a negative and unethical media practice, and that the material contained herein should be read by journalists and practitioners as a method of education in order to reduce journalistic propensity and usage of pack journalism practices.
Abstract: Introduction The purpose of this paper is to demonstrate, through various discussions, how and why pack journalism is a negative and unethical media practice, and why the material contained herein should be read by journalism scholars and practitioners as a method of education in order to reduce journalistic propensity and usage of pack journalism practices. The first section is a definition of pack journalism based on scholarly, research-oriented sources as well as explanations given by professional, practical figures who study this area of journalistic conduct. The authors, then, delve into the general unethical aspects and implications inherent in the practice of pack journalism. With the intent to provide sufficient evidence to avert and sway journalists away from the practice, the authors offer individualized sections on how pack journalism (1) can render a loss of independent reporting, (2) can contribute to - through looking at actual, prominent cases (Michael Jackson trial, Scott Peterson trial, and Asian Tsunami disaster in 2004) - misfortune and unfairness to those targeted by the packs, and (3) how groupthink, a communication theory explaining the negatively perceived social behavior that can create disastrous outcomes, is related to pack journalism. What comes next is a description of Social Responsibility Theory, an original and historical model and series of recommendations of how journalists should ethically and honestly conduct themselves vis-a-vis the media. Through these various sections, and the discussions and arguments thereof, the authors believe that this paper is an educational tool and preventive strategy to influence and/or convince media personnel of the pitfalls of pack journalism, how wrong and harmful it can be, and how to avoid it, if and when possible, so as to serve the best public interest. Pack Journalism: A Definition Before specifically addressing strategic methods by which journalists can be educated and trained to avert pack journalistic practices, we find it necessary to go over pack journalism as a definition and description first and to clearly identify the conditions that constitute the practice. Protess et al. (1992) define pack journalism as "journalism of outrage," is a collection of behavior and conditions by which substantial groups of reporters from diverse and typically large media outlets collaborate in the same physical surroundings to cover the same story (Bloom, 2002; Breen & Matusitz, 2006; Broder, 2000; Frank, 2003; Matusitz & Breen, 2007; Ross, 1998; Stoddard, 2005). These "packs" cite or draw from the same available information, simultaneously, generally with the same intention (Breen & Matusitz, 2005a; Grimes, 1994; Kalb, 1994; Lauterer, 2000), with the same "pack-like instincts" (McNair, 2000, p. 137), and executing the same gathering and reporting methods (Kalb, 1994; Sanders, 2003). They flock like a cluster of birds where each journalist observes carefully what the other journalists are writing, doing, and highlighting. The journalists often transfer from mega-event to mega-event, lodge together in a closely linked group of hotels overlooking the streets, and congregate outside of courthouses, other government buildings, or at the accident scenes. Typically, their primary goal is to obtain comments from the important sources (Bloom, 2002; Frank, 2003; Glascock, 2004; Kalb, 1994; Knowlton, 1997; Matusitz & Breen, 2007; Stoddard, 2005). Pack journalism has been observed as an actual practice for a considerable period of time (Breen & Matusitz, 2006; Craig, 1996; Gordon et al., 1999; Knowlton, 1997; Matusitz & Breen, 2007; Ross, 1998). For instance, it was documented in 1960 when herds of reporters pursued and covered incidents involving President Eisenhower. Steele, Babcock, and Johnson (1999), neophytes in their journalistic careers at that time observed: "Reporters were talking about what the story was; they were agreeing what the essence was before it even happened. …

Journal Article
TL;DR: In South Africa, women have not yet achieved equal access and representation compared to men: they are underrepresented as reporters, news sources, and audience members as mentioned in this paper, while men have more female reporters than women.
Abstract: South Africa's news media are still in a process of transformation after the transition to democracy in 1994. The media continue to face the challenge of ensuring equal and fair representation to the entire population, and gender and media activists in particular have taken up the challenge of bringing about change. Research shows that women have not yet achieved equal access and representation compared to men: they are under-represented as reporters, news sources, and audience members. Yet, in comparison with other countries, South Africa has about as many female reporters as the average reported in the Global Media Monitoring Project and more female news sources than the global average. Introduction Thirteen years after the first multi-racial elections brought democracy to South Africa and ended apartheid, the news media, as well as other social institutions, are still in the process of transformation. The news media have a particularly important role to play in a country where political participation is a new experience for many people. Media in South Africa also face the challenge of ensuring equal and fair representation of the entire population. Gender and media activists, in particular, have taken up the challenge of bringing about change in the media. This paper provides an overview of the current South African media landscape with a particular focus on women in the media. The first section presents background information about South African demographics, followed by an overview of the current media landscape. I will then present a summary of research on women's participation and representation in the news media, with a final section on gender and media activism. South African Demographics The South African population is diverse in terms of race, language, and class. The majority of the population of almost 48 million consists of Africans (80%), followed by whites (9%), "coloreds" - the category for people of mixed descent (9%), and Indians/Asians (2%) (Statistics South Africa, 2007, p. 1.) South Africa has 11 official languages, with most citizens speaking IsiZulu (24%), followed by IsiXhosa (18%), Afrikaans (13%), Sepedi (9%) English (8%), Setswana (8%), Sesotho (8%), Xitsonga (4%) and other languages (7%) (CIA World Factbook, 2007). As can be expected in a multi-lingual society, it is quite difficult for the news media to serve the needs of each group. Women constitute 51% of the total South African population (Statistics South Africa, 2007) and lag behind men in literacy, education, and employment. According to Unicef (2006), the adult literacy rate was 84% for men and 81% for women during the period 2000 to 2004. This divide is clearly based on race, as 18% of African women 25 years and older and 13% of African men have no formal schooling, compared to fewer than 1% of white women and men (Statistics South Africa, 2002). The lack of schooling is evident in the unemployment rate among blacks, which is 25% (Statistics South Africa, 2005). Within each population group, and in both urban and non-urban areas, the unemployment rate is higher for women than men. The unemployment rate is highest among urban African women (36%) and lowest among non-urban white men (5%). Furthermore, the mean hourly earnings of men are higher than for women in all population groups, and white males earn nearly five times as much per hour, on average, as African females (Statistics South Africa, 2002). These statistics indicate that many women of color in South Africa continue to suffer a triple, intersecting oppression of race, class, and gender. Women politicians participated in the drafting of the progressive new South African Constitution, Act 108 of 1996, which is based on non-racialism and non-sexism. The constitution also provided for a Commission on Gender Equality to promote gender equality in all areas of society. Today, 30% of South Africa's parliamentarians are women, placing the country eighth in the world in terms of gender equality in government (Garson, 2006). …

Journal Article
TL;DR: La cantidad de revistas de moda y belleza a la venta en Espana ha aumentado en el ultimo lustro a la vez que su difusion practicamente se ha doblado as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: La cantidad de revistas de moda y belleza a la venta en Espana ha aumentado en el ultimo lustro a la vez que su difusion practicamente se ha doblado. De siete publicaciones en elano 2002 se ha pasado a las nueve actuales y de una difusion total de 767,233 ejemplares a 1.433,978. A pesar de que el sector de las revistas en general ha experimentado un descenso en ventas, las de alta gama estan en alza; las estadisticas muestran que las espanolas las adquieren cada vez mas (al igual que los otros dos tipos de publicaciones periodicas por cuadernos que mas se venden, las de decoracion y las del corazon.) El presente articulo indaga en el estado de estos medios de comunicacion centrados en moda y belleza y en el porque de su creciente popularidad en la actualidad, cuando la situacion de las mujeres espanolas es considerablemente menos tradicional que en el pasado.

Journal Article
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors present empirical research about the impact of the mexican presidential election of July 2nd and how the European media approached it, using as a methodology the tecnique of content analysis in four main italian newspapers (Corriere della Sera, Stampa, Il Messaggero, La Repubblica); three top european newpapers (El Pais, Le Monde and The Times) and the seven main channels of TV news (Tg1, Tg2,Tg3, Tgs4, T
Abstract: This paper presents empirical research about the impact of the mexican presidential election of July 2nd and how the European media approached it. The period analyzed is from July 3rd to September 6th, 2006. The research was done using as methodology the tecnique of content analysis in four main italian newspapers (Corriere della Sera, Stampa, Il Messaggero, La Repubblica); three top european newpapers (El Pais, Le Monde and The Times) and the seven main channels of TV news (Tg1, Tg2, Tg3, Tg4, Tg5, Studio Aperto, Tg La 7) in Italy. Keywords: press, television, content analysis, European journalism.

Journal Article
TL;DR: In this article, the authors explored the interrelationships between economic globalization and the changing forms of local cultural lifestyles in Bangladesh and found that the global development agenda on the notion of empowering the local people incorporates this coordination of power dynamics.
Abstract: Globalization is one of the latest dominating issues of the everyday ways of life. The lives of ordinary people everywhere in the world seem increasingly to be shaped by the roles of local-global power dynamics. The global development agenda on the notion of empowering the local people incorporates this coordination of power dynamics, which indicates the notion of changing the traditional forms of everyday life. In this process, the western development partners promote the economic globalization with their own agenda, which organized and shaped the standpoints of local people. In this paper, I explored the interrelationships between economic globalization and the changing forms of local cultural lifestyles in Bangladesh. In this process, I chose (1) to pose the topic of culture in the title as the form of a question; and (2) to define culture in its broadest context. I am struck by the dominant presumption in the literature of the inevitability of globalization and the inference of its permanence. What is required is a new and inclusive perspective that has the capacity to embrace a wider domain beyond economics and which is driven by the imperative of social justice and the integrity of national cultures.

Journal Article
TL;DR: In this paper, Thussu and Sarikakis employed a liberal interpretation of the term globalization as fostering international economic integration and as a mechanism for promoting global liberal capitalism, often at the cost of nation-states and indigenous communities.
Abstract: Contemporary globalization processes are continuously redefining the ways we live and communicate. In making this statement, I employ a liberal interpretation of the term globalization "as fostering international economic integration and as a mechanism for promoting global liberal capitalism" (Thussu 2006). This interpretation identifies an international division of labor, a heightened role of markets and transnational corporations as imperatives of the globalization processes, often at the cost of nation-states and indigenous communities (Thussu 2006). It is generally agreed that giant leaps in information communications technology (ICT) are propelling global dynamism by accelerating greater intra-regional connectivity (Thussu and Sarikakis 2006; Mujahid 2002; Bettig 1996). The consequent trends are the "expansion of an information economy and the convergence of technologies" (Bettig 1996). Additionally, technology as the "new means of production in the virtual age of speed and freedom is associated with borderlessness of capitalist globalized markets" (Thussu and Sarikakis 2006). ICT is hence construed as a "key enabler of globalization" (Mujahid 2002). One pronounced impact of these trends is the growth of ICT-enabled outsourcing of goods and services from the developed to the developing countries of the world (Mujahid 2002; Duening 2007). In this paper I explore the ICT-enabled call center sector which, despite their offshore locations, provide virtual remote-office functions to numerous U.S. companies and offers sales, service and support options to their customers (Johnson 2007; Duening 2007; Ueltschy, Herremans, Ryans 2006; Thomas and Wilkinson 2006). In the first part of the paper, I present an overview of the impact of ICT-steered globalization processes on global business practices. In the second part of the paper, I discuss the call-center sector, and explore its structure and operations. Though such centers operate for almost all Western countries and also for Japan, I restrict this analysis only to the U.S. outsourcing operations. In the third, and the focal part of the paper, I employ a critical political economist approach to examine this multi-layered phenomenon. In this inter-disciplinary investigation, I integrate historical, cultural, sociological and economic perspectives to recognize the underpinning of call-centers. Taking a holistic approach, I identify overt elements of economic exploitation and de-culturalization, and argue that neoliberal capitalist trends to outsource back-office functions need to be understood beyond their simplistic economic perspectives. Part One: ICT-Driven Globalization and Global Business Practices The ICT is undergoing a massive revolution in terms of its capabilities, reach and affordability. The technological convergence between computing and telecommunications sciences is its most pronounced manifestation. Some milestones of this synergy are the transition from analog to digital; the creation of the hypertext language and World Wide Web; the capability to digitally convert text and audio files; and the incessant innovations in internet, making it a "network of all networks" (Thussu and Sarikakis 2006). The upgrade in internet connectivity through digital subscriber lines (DSL), cable modems and wireless options, coupled with wider conventional and cellular telephone services, which extensively use digital GSM and TDMA technologies, has made ICT more accessible and affordable. The growth in fiber-optic telephone exchange and the privatized local-loop systems has further broadened and subsidized telephone density around the world (Thussu and Sarikakis 2006; PSEB 2005; Albarran 2004; Mujahid 2002). The consequent economies of scale have lowered costs of high-speed international private leased circuits, bandwidth, and satellite-based telecommunication networks. At the same time, wider and subsidized access to DHCP-enabled router technology and voice over internet protocol (VOIP) is accelerating the volumes of high-speed transfer of voice and data across the globe (Slay 2005; Mujahid 2002). …