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Showing papers in "Greek Roman and Byzantine Studies in 1995"


Journal Article
TL;DR: Sodakis as discussed by the authors provides a narrative of the Gothic conversion and associates it with a datable persecution, one would assume that we could easily derive a date for the conversion of Fritigern's Goths.
Abstract: X THE END of the fourth book of his Ecclesiastical History, Socrates turns to the migration of the Goths into the Roman Empire and their defeat of the Emperor Valens at Adrianople in 378. He introduces this section with an excursus (4.33) on the conversion of the Goths to Christianity, a subject much closer to his theme of church history than Adrianople. Socrates recounts a civil war between the rival chieftains Athanaric and Fritigern; when Fritigern was worsted, he sought help from Valens, who offered him military support to defeat his rival; in thanks for this support, Fritigern converted to Christianity and caused his followers to do the same. Socrates goes on to describe the missionary activity of the Gothic bishop Ulfilas, who played a role in engineering the Gothic conversion: Ulfilas' proselytizing had provoked the rancor of Athanaric, who began a ruthless persecution against Gothic Christians, dated from other sources between 369 and ca 372. Given that Socrates provides a narrative of the Gothic conversion and associates it with a datable persecution, one would assume that we could easily derive a date for the conversion of Fritigern's Goths. Socrates, however, is not the only source to discuss the question nor to offer information on the date of the conversion. Sozomen, supplementing Socrates' material with other sources, dates the conversion to 376-a date supported by Theodoret, who may have used him as a source, and J ordanes, who probably did not. Moreover, Socrates is the only independent source for the civil war between the Gothic leaders Athanaric and Fritigern. The absence of this civil war from the more reliable contemporary account of political events in Ammianus Marcellinus has led some to question whether Socrates offers fabricated or confused material. These discrepancies have produced much debate: four different dates and a variety of modes of conversion have been proposed. A brief review of

29 citations


Journal Article
TL;DR: I F THE BEAST-SIMILES of the Iliad appear easy to understand, this is because they correspond formally to one of the simplest types of comparison found in poetry of the modern European tradition as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: I F THE BEAST-SIMILES of the Iliad appear easy to understand, this is because they correspond formally to one of the simplest types of comparison found in poetry of the modern European tradition. As a rule our own culture encourages us only to contrast the human world with that of animals, so that an image drawing them together seems trivial: we know we are dealing in tropes when Shakespeare calls the Black Prince a "lion's whelp" or when Byron says that "the Assyrian came down like the wolf on the fold."1 As such things are not taken as expressions of deep ideas, the habit of analogy makes it easy to assume that the beast-similes of the Iliad are likewise an external ornament rather than a serious part of Homer's evocation of the heroic age. In the past this prejudice led even to the strange belief that they are designed to relieve the monotony of repeated battles; 2 and although more recent years have seen many fruitful studies of the similes' role in amplifying the narrative,3 there is room for further inquiry into their deeper

26 citations


Journal Article
TL;DR: Scholia themselves appear in their most familiar form in manuscripts of the ninth century and later, when professional scribes copied them neatly into margins that had been left wide to accommodate written commentary above, below, or beside the subject text as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: S CHOLIA, understood as extensive commentaries on Greek or Latin literary texts, are typically compilations of earlier commentaries with long, scholarly pedigrees. For Greek authors, the best scholiastic sources date from the Alexandrian period. Scholia themselves appear in their most familiar form in manuscripts of the ninth century and later, when professional scribes copied them neatly into margins that had been left wide to accommodate written commentary above, below, or beside the subject text. The question whether they first assumed this form in the ninth century or earlier, however, is unresolved, despite much discussion in the last thirty years. Gunther Zuntz opted strongly for a ninth-century genesis. Nigel Wilson found reasons to push the first appearance, for some texts at least, back to late antiquity. 1 Meanwhile, however, it escaped attention that a good two dozen annotated papyrus codices of the fourth century and later display, for the first time, a correlation between large format and heavy, planned annotation (see the Table, 413 infra).2 Their marginalia are longer, more frequent, and more carefully written than was ever the case in book rolls or in codices of conventional design, and their margins are distinctly wider than in

26 citations



Journal Article
TL;DR: In this article, Kpeiooovas et al. proposed a method to find a solution to the problem of "POVEOUOlKlA", which is a technique to find the optimum set of parameters for a given task.
Abstract: Nuv 0' atvov ~aOlN:UOtv EPEro q>POVEOUOl Kat. a\)'tOlO;' 6X>' tPll~ 1tPOOEEl7tEV all06va 7tOlKlA.OOrtpOV U\jll IHiA' tv VEq>EOOl q>EProV QVUXEOOt IlEllap7tw';· 205 11 0' EAEOV, yva ll7t'tOlOl 7tE7tapIlEVll allq>' QVUXEOOl, jlUPE'tO' n,v 0 y' E7tl1(pa'tEro prov 0',00; K' E9EAn, 7tpO-; Kpeiooovas av'ttq>Ept~ElV' VtKTJo; 'tE o'tEpnUl 7tpOo; 't' atOXEOtv UAYW 1taOXEl. ax; £q>a't' cOKU7tE'tTJo; tPll~, 'tavUOt7t'tEPOo; OVto;. ','Q nEpOTJ, ou 0' UKOUE OtKTJo; jlll0' U~ptv Oq>EAN:' U~PtO; yap 'tE KaKTt OElAq> ~pO'tq>, oUOE jlEV Eo9Aao; 215 PlltOtro EPEjlEV OUva'tat, ~apu9El OE 9' U7t' au'tilo; Eyrupoao; a-notv· 0000; 0' E'tEPllq>l 7tapEA9ElV KpeiOOroV EO; 'ta OtKata' OtKTJ 0' U1tEP U~ptOo; tOXEl EO; tEAoo; E~EA9ouoa· 7ta90N OE 'tE vTjmoo; £yvro. aUttKa yap tPEXEt "OPKD uYOt, OKOA.l'nS Of OtKUo; KptvroOt 9EjlLOtao;' (Gp. 202-21)

14 citations


Journal Article
TL;DR: In this article, the authors discuss the importance of human-human interaction in the development process and propose a framework for human-computer interaction, which is based on the concept of "human-human interactions".
Abstract: o"Ejlvru "(up 'tLVE~ dO"t lCUO"tYVTl'ytat "(E"{uutm 7tUp9EvOt rolCElnO"W U,,(UAAOjlEVUt 7t'tEpU"(Eo"O"t 'tPEt~· lCU'tU Of lCpU'to~ 7tE7tUAa"(jlEvm aAqmu AEulCU 555 OilCta vanUouO"LV U7tO 7t'tUXt I1UPV11O"o'io jlUV'tEl11~ U7tUVEu9E OtOUO"lCaAOt ~V E7tt ~ouo"t 7tat~ E't' E

14 citations


Journal Article
TL;DR: A Aristophanes' p/utus plays are compared to his surviving fifth-century plays and viewed as a comedy from a different era as discussed by the authors, and it is seen as the first specimen of Middle Comedy, or even as a forerunner of many themes in New Comedy.
Abstract: W HEN NOT DISREGARDED as an inferior play or the product of a waning talent, t Aristophanes' p/utus is set off against his surviving fifth-century plays and viewed as a comedy from a different era. It lacks a formal parabasis, that earmark of Old Comedy, and the role of the chorus is minimal, all but reduced to dancing interludes. Further, it contains very little by way of breaks of dramatic illusion, topical references, or invective against individuals. The poet's last extant play is thus seen as the first specimen of that grey area, Middle Comedy, or even as a forerunner of many themes in New Comedy. Although comparison need not be disparaging, it tends to cast a heavy shadow on the play.2 Recent studies have, it is true, set the stage for a re-evaluation of the comedy by stressing how it actively responds to the social and economic developments in the first decades of the fourth century.3 Even so, the prevailing tendency is still to look back to the fifth-century plays, to

13 citations



Journal Article
TL;DR: The epigram is attributed either to Asclepiades of Samos or to Antipater of Thessalonica, an Epigrammatist of the Augustan age as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: Amethyst was believed to be an antidote against inebriation. 2 In the belief system of the Persian Magi from which this superstition descends, stones were often engraved with a particular talisman thought to increase their beneficial power. 3 But here there is a conflict between gemstone and figure, resolved in favor of sobriety when the ring is placed upon the hand of the queen. The epigram thus functions as a compliment to a royal patron. In the Anthology the epigram is ascribed either to Asclepiades of Samos or to Antipater of Thessalonica, an epigrammatist of the Augustan age. If composed by Asclepiades, the poem can only refer to the Cleopatra who was the sister of

6 citations


Journal Article
TL;DR: The mounting of the amphibious operation at Cleopatris has attracted considerable scholarly comment on his campaign regarding its chronology, the political and economic reasons behind it, the identification of Arabian sites mentioned in the sources, Gallus' misadventures caused by the duplicity of his Nabataean guide Syllaeus or by his own miscalculations, and his inglorious retreat to Egypt.
Abstract: T HE MILITARY EXPEDITION of Aelius Gallus to Arabia in 26/25 B.C. 1 has attracted considerable scholarly comment on his campaign regarding its chronology, the political and economic reasons behind it, the identification of Arabian sites mentioned in the sources, Gallus' misadventures caused by the duplicity of his Nabataean guide Syllaeus or by his own miscalculations, and his inglorious retreat to Egypt. Arabia has been the focal point of interest, understandably so since little was known of Rome's relationship with this exotic region at the end of, or prior to, the first century B.C. The mounting of the amphibious operation at Cleopatris, on the other hand, has been generally ignored, perhaps because Strabo 16.4.23 is its only source, whereas Pliny the Elder (HN 6.160ff), Josephus (AJ 15.317), Cassius Dio (53.29.3-8), and the Res Gestae Divi Augusti (5.26) supplement Strabo's account of Gallus' campaign in Arabia (16.4.23f). Be that as it may, the early phase of the expedition bears upon the factors that led to Gallus' failure in Arabia. It also raises questions regarding the historicity of certain details in Strab(,)'s acc9unt, Strabo tells us that Gallus \"built not less than eighty boats, biremes and triremes and light boats, at Cleopatris, which is near the old canal (1tP0C; 'tn 1taA.al~ OlOOPUYl) that extends from the Nile (to the Gulf of Suez).\" When Gallus realized that Syllaeus had deceived him into thinking he was to be opposed by an Arabian navy, \"he built. one hundred and thirty transport vessels, on which he set sail with about 10,000 infantrymen (1t£CO~C;~-.\" . The issue at hand, apart from Syllaeus' double dealing, is whether the campaign was properly mounted at Cleopatris shortly after Augustus became master of Egypt. Was the site

5 citations





Journal Article
TL;DR: More than a hundred Mycenaean amber artifacts from the Pylos region and Messenia (Greece) are analyzed by infrared spectroscopy.
Abstract: More than a hundred Mycenaean amber artifacts from the Pylos region and Messenia (Greece) are analyzed by infrared spectroscopy Most are found to be of Baltic amber (succinite), two or three are of Sicilian amber, three are unidentifiable All the amber artifacts analyzed are in the National Archaeological Museum in Athens



Journal Article
TL;DR: In fact, all of the surviving copies of Darmarios' Oppianic scholia were written in either Madrid or Salamanca, derived from exemplars that have not survived as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: KANUSCRIPT TRADITION of scholia on appian's Halieutica, separate from the text of the poem, appears to have devel oped during the second or early third quarter of the sixteenth century in Spain. 1 Andreas Darmarios, the disreputable buttreeminent scribe and manuscript dealer of his day, . discovere such a Ms. late in the 1580s at Madrid and exploited the relatively novel nature of its content; he is responsible for six of the eight extant Mss. of unattached Halieutica scholia. After he had emigrated from Greece to settle in Venice as a young man during the 1560s, Darmarios also spent a good deal of time in Spain, particularly in the seventies and eighties, selling Mss. to and copying from the libraries of prominent Spanish humanists and collectors. In fact, all of the surviving copies of Darmarios' Oppianic scholia were written in either Madrid or Salamanca, derived from exemplars that have not survived. Of the four such Mss. to be considered here, the earliest copy, Salamanca 2730 (previously Palacio gr. 39), is dated in Darmarios' colophon to 24 July 1577.2 We may view this as the time of his introduction to this corpus of scholia. It was evidently a fruitful discovery, for Darmarios returned to the source at least three times to make virtually identical copies of the text. At the termination of his second oldest copy, Escorial gr. 569, dated in