Showing papers in "Hispania in 1984"
45 citations
TL;DR: The variants include the two forms of the Spanish verb 'no' as mentioned in this paper : no caerian' and no fall off the bed 'no fall off' (CVI,f,67).
Abstract: (3) iSabe lo que haciamos para que no se caerian (C) de la cama? (G,CVI,f,67) 'You know what we did so that they didn't/wouldn't fall off the bed? (4) Haciamos un agujerito asf en el, por la puerta para que saliesen (S) y entrasen (S) cuando las parecia a ellas. (G,CV2,f,67) 'We made a hole like this, in the door, so that they went out and came in whenever they pleased.' (5) El si saldria (C) otra cosa, se marchaba (I), pero estdi tan malo Espafia, estai muchisimo malo. (A,CV I1,f,46) 'He, if something came up, would leave, but things are bad in Spain, real bad.' (6) Pues lo mismo si era (I) del Esta'o, a lo mejor pone pinos o qu6 s6 yo. (A,CVI1,f,46) 'Well just the same if it belonged to the State, maybe it'd plant pine trees or who knows what.' The variants include the two forms of the
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TL;DR: Bello and Cressey as discussed by the authors, "Relatives and interrogatives in Spanish," Linguistics 58, (1970), 5-17; and "Manuel Seco, Diccionario de dudas y dificultades de la lengua espaiiola, 3a edici6n con Prblogo de Salvador FernAndez Ramirez (Madrid: Aguilar, 1965).
Abstract: "Andr6s Bello and Rufino J. Cuervo, Gramatica de la lengua castellana (1881), 8a edici6n revisada y aumentada con un pr6logo de Niceto AlcalaZamora y Torres (Buenos Aires: Editorial Sopena Argentina, S.A., 1970). 9Salvador Fernandez Ramirez, Gramdtica espah~ola: Los sonidos, el nombre y el pronombre (Madrid: Revista de Occidente, 1951). 'oWilliam W. Cressey, "Relatives and Interrogatives in Spanish," Linguistics 58, (1970), 5-17. "Manuel Seco, Diccionario de dudas y dificultades de la lengua espaiiola, 3a edici6n con Prblogo de Salvador FernAndez Ramirez (Madrid: Aguilar, 1965).
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TL;DR: For half a century Professor Ronald Hilton of Stanford University has been collecting double-gender nouns in Spanish and Portuguese as discussed by the authors and now has a card-index of some 2,000 examples.
Abstract: For half a century Professor Ronald Hilton of Stanford University has been collecting double-gender nouns in Spanish and Portuguese. He now has a card-index of some 2,000 examples. This peculiarly Spanish phenomenon is much more widespread than generally realized. The differences in meaning between the masculine and feminine forms (el manzano-la manzana; el orden-la orden, etc.) reflect a complex of basic principles which will be analyzed in the introduction to the proposed dictionary. Sometimes the difference is simply geographical, as in "el boleto-la boleta." The proposed dictionary should include, where relevant, indications of the geographical range of each entry. Because of the heavy burden of editing the World Affairs Report, Professor Hilton will be unable to bring the project to fruition himself, and he has asked Hispania associate editor John P. Wonder, in cooperation with his Hispania colleague Richard Teschner, to study the means of completing the project. A first step would be to find out which scholars have done
10 citations
TL;DR: It will be argued that the direct object a in Spanish carries an invariant meaning that is present in each and every use of the form, and concomitantly, that its absence before a direct object carries an equally invariant mean within the systematic semantic structure of the language.
Abstract: has been called a "preposition" (Gili Gaya, Bello, Real Academia Espafiola),2 "distinctive a" (Ramsey),3 and most frequently "personal a" (Sole and Sole as well as most pedagogical grammars).4 The ambiguity of the form is best expressed by Stockwell, Bowen, and Martin who speak of "the use of the preposition a as a marker . . . called the personal a."' The syntactic anomaly of the form appears to take precedence over its semantic function when Goldin terms it "the meaningless a"6 and Ramsey states that "the preposition a as the sign of the direct object has no force as a preposition and conveys no meaning, but it is now more often a mere grammatical device."' In this paper it will be shown that, regardless of the syntactic variation of the direct object a,' a great deal of semantic unity underlies its use. Specifically, it will be argued that the direct object a in Spanish carries an invariant meaning that is present in each and every use of the form, and concomitantly, that its absence before a direct object carries an equally invariant meaning within the systematic semantic structure of the language. The analysis begins with a consideration of notions of syntactic occurrence and "meaning" provided by several traditional grammars. All of these agree that the DO a is obligatory before proper names of peopleg:
TL;DR: The tension created between Alonso and Aldonza Lorenzo is explored in this article, where Alonso does not appear in corpore in the novel, although she makes her presence felt throughout the work, and when summoned to appear, both women are represented by surrogates.
Abstract: WHILE Cervantine critics remain enamored of Don Quixote and Sancho, they tend to shy away from Dulcinea. Evidently, she is less alluring than knight and squire even though she inspires the one, bedevils the other, and is the prime mover in many episodes.' Yet she never appears in corpore in the novel, although she makes her presence felt throughout the work. Nor do we come face to face with her alter ego, Aldonza Lorenzo. Instead, when summoned to appear, both women are represented by surrogates. The tension created between Alonso
TL;DR: In fact, el uso de SER + locativo no aparece en la mayoria de los textos que se emplea en la ensefianza del espafiol como segunda lengua as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: estd1 el correo?" "LD6nde estd la casa?," en contextos en que el hablante nativo diria: "LD6nde es la clase?" (O mejor: "LD6nde es el sal6n de clase?"), "LD6nde es el correo?" "LD6nde es la casa?" Hecho semejante no debe asombrarnos. El uso de SER + locativo no aparece en la mayoria de los textos que se emplea en la ensefianza del espafiol como segunda lengua. Casi todos los autores prefieren evadir este problema afirmando, simplemente, que ESTAR se usa para indicar lugar. Como resultado, se aconseja a los alumnos usar siempre ESTAR antes de un locativo, excepto cuando se trata de eventos, caso en que se usa SER. Esta norma no corresponde a la realidad de la lengua. El hablante nativo usa a diario oraciones como las que aparecen a continuaci6n (se marcan como 1.1 y 1.2), y siente, ademis, que estos pares no son exactamente equivalentes:
TL;DR: In the Middle Ages, adultery committed by a wife was a serious transgression punishable by law as discussed by the authors, and women were forbidden to even accuse a guilty husband in the courts because his offence allegedly caused her no dishonor and because she would not bear responsibility for any illegitimate offspring of his Conversely, the law codes severely punished the guilty woman and her partner The Fuero juzgo would turn the adulterers over to the wronged husband, who could have both put to death.
Abstract: ily, for the nascent capitalism of the Middle Ages could not afford to neglect the resources these capable women offered In their husbands' absences, wives often ran family businesses, acting as agents Others worked with their spouses as partners Indeed, some women were trained by their fathers or husbands and themselves specialized in certain crafts If the head of a family died prematurely, to guarantee the possession of the business to his heirs and to prevent a possibly tragic financial situation, women were allowed by the guilds to continue in their husband's trade and were given most of the prerogatives of master craftsmen These activities were usually only permitted for women who belonged to a man, be he father or husband' For a variety of reasons, other women were forced to live outside the law Adultery, that is adultery committed by a wife, was a serious transgression punishable by law All relevant laws were clearly prejudicial to married women A wife was forbidden to even accuse a guilty husband in the courts because his offence allegedly caused her no dishonor and because she would not bear responsibility for any illegitimate offspring of his Conversely, the law codes severely punish the guilty woman and her partner The Fuero juzgo, for example, would turn the adulterers over to the wronged husband, who could have both put to death2 This same regulation is repeated in the thirteenth-century Fuero de Baeza3 The Fuero de Miranda del Ebro advocated burning one or both of them4 The Siete partidas of Alfonso el Sabio allowed not only the wronged husband to punish the guilty wife and lover, but also permitted her father to do so5 This late thirteenth-century law code is nevertheless more lenient than its predecessors: although men were to be killed, adulteresses could receive a lighter sentence consisting of a public beating, incarceration in a convent and deprivation of all dower rights (SP, vII, xvii, 15) These laws reflect the medieval world's fear
TL;DR: Aguirre et al. as discussed by the authors pointed out that a texto tan moderno como Puntos de partida (Random House, 1981) omita consistentemente el acento en oir.
Abstract: al respecto: "Se declara que la h muda colocada entre dos vocales no impide que 6stas formen diptongo: de-sahu-cio, sahu-me-rio. En consecuencia, cuando alguna de dichas vocales, por virtud de la regla general, haya de ir acentuada, se pondri el acento ortogrifico como si no existiese la h: vahido, baho, rehuso, prohiben, ahito, ahaman." (Real Academia Espafiola de la lengua: Ortograffa. [Madrid: Imprenta Aguirre, 1974], paigina 25). En cambio, Carlos Otero-Pelegrfn escribe: "Pero no siempre resulta tan inutil la h no pronunciada. Cuando escribimos, por ejemplo, prohibir o rehusar, parece que queremos poner de manifiesto que esas palabras tienen tres silabas y no dos, como pudieran hacer creer las graffas proibir y reusar. En este y otros casos parecidos la h viene a ser el moj6n que marca la linde silibica." (Evoluci6n v revolucion en romance, [Barcelona: Editorial Seix Barral, 1971], pigina 25). Por la cita de la Academia esti claro que la fonologia del espafiol decide tanto el silabeo como la acentuaci6n. 'Nos llama la atenci6n que un texto tan moderno como Puntos de partida (Random House, 1981) omita consistentemente el acento en oir. Esto indica ignorancia por parte de los seis profesores que lo escribieron, o bien una obediencia ciega al diccionario viejo de la Real Academia. Esta clase de errores sienta una base negativa para los estudiantes y maestros que lo usan. TCreemos que aun es un caso especial porque fon6ticamente puede ser monosflabo itono (clitico), pronunciado [awn], y bisilabo t6nico con hiato [a-i6n]. Cuando significa "todavia" (criterio de la Academia para acenturarlo) es siempre bisilabo, y por lo tanto debe acentuarse por raz6n del hiato. Cuando significa "hasta, tambi6n, inclusive" debe escribirse sin acento seg6n la Academia. En este caso aun es un monosilabo dtono, por ejemplo en "aun los sordos han de ofrme" y en "no hizo nada por 61, ni aun lo intent6." (Ejemplos de la Real Academia). Sin embargo creemos que akin en este caso es posible poner 6nfasis en la palabra aun, y la inica manera es acentuar el vocablo fon6ticamente, y en consecuencia ortogrificamente.