Showing papers in "Hispania in 2021"
TL;DR: In this article, the authors study the socioeconomic wealth and inequality of the Saragossan clergy during the Late Middle Ages through tax sources, using tax analysis of the Pontifical tithe registers of the Crown of Aragon and the Vatican Apostolic Archive.
Abstract: The aim of this article is to study the socioeconomic wealth and inequality of the Saragossan clergy during the Late Middle Ages through tax sources. An analysis of the pontifical tithe registers preserved in the Archive of the Crown of Aragon and the Vatican Apostolic Archive makes it possible to document the tax contribution of the Aragonese clergy in general, and of Saragossa’s ecclesiastics in particular. Specifically, by means of a broad chronological study, we can define the structure and hierarchy of the Church of Saragossa, how the wealth of the ecclesiastics evolved and how the different economic circumstances that existed under the Crown of Aragon during the Late Middle Ages affected this heterogeneous group.
13 citations
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors examine the negotiation dynamics regarding "fiscal business in Burgos" in the late fifteenth century, exploring the progressive centralization of royal power and the increasing influence of inconspicuous financial powers.
Abstract: espanolLos mas recientes estudios sobre el avance del «Estado Fiscal» han permitido trascender el ambito de lo puramente institucional y desentranar los fuertes vinculos existentes en los siglos bajomedievales entre el creciente poder fiscal de la Corona y el incipiente capitalismo financiero, examinar los fenomenos de percepcion tributaria desde la perspectiva del «negocio» y recuperar nuevos escenarios de dialogo y consenso donde confluyen las elites financieras y de poder urbanas, los circulos cortesanos e, incluso, la nobleza, contribuyendo asi de una forma decisiva a la imbricacion consciente de las elites locales en la centralizacion del poder. Como resultado de todo ello, ha emergido con fuerza la necesidad de enfocar el analisis hacia el ambito y gestion local del fisco regio, escenario en el que confluyen muchos de estos aspectos. En este trabajo intentaremos abordar, a partir del analisis del encabezamiento en Burgos, la definicion de los nuevos ambitos de negociacion y pacto que afectan al «negocio fiscal» a finales del siglo XV, la obligada adaptacion de los recursos a la evolucion y centralizacion del poder monarquico y, por supuesto, el papel y el poder de los discretos poderes financieros. EnglishThe most recent research on the rise of the Fiscal State has shed light that goes beyond the institutional dimension to highlight the strong links between the Crown’s fiscal power and the emergence of financial capitalism during the late Middle Ages. Further, it has examined tax collection phenomena from the «business» perspective, recovering new settings for dialogue and consensus between financial and urban elites, the court and even the nobility, which in turn contributed to the progressive centralization of power in the local elites. This has driven a need to focus analysis on the local management of the royal treasury as the space where most of these dynamics converge. By analysing the “encabezamiento” of the “alcabalas” of the town of Burgos., this paper examines the negotiation dynamics regarding «fiscal business in Burgos» in the late fifteenth century, exploring the progressive centralization of royal power and the increasing influence of inconspicuous financial powers.
9 citations
TL;DR: The figure of governor of the Citadel of Barcelona has often been associated with the charismatic Flemish engineer, Jorge Prospero de Verboom, who built the fortress by order of Philip V.
Abstract: The figure of governor of the Citadel of Barcelona has often been associated with the charismatic Flemish engineer, Jorge Prospero de Verboom, who built the fortress by order of Philip V. His undeniable character has in many ways overshadowed the other governors who ruled this impressive construction. It should be remembered, however, that, between 1718 and 1808, the Barcelona Citadel had ten different governors, and it is surprising how little is known about them. Not all were born in Spain: some were from colonial America while a small number were of Flemish origin, but were qualitatively more significant than those from Spain. Indeed, there were no Spanish governors until 1765. However, they were all subjects of the Spanish Monarchy, except one who was French. Their military rank suggests they were elite army officers and most wielded an impressive record of services to the king on eighteenth-century battlefields. Even so, belonging to the troops of the Royal Household —being a captain in the regiments of the Royal Spanish and Walloon Infantry Guards— was a prerequisite to access this position.
6 citations
TL;DR: In this article, the authors analyze the political relations framework developed by the city of Cuenca with these centralization agents, focusing on day-today decision-making processes, in order to address in some detail the steady process of incorporating these officers, and the measures adopted by towns to manage their presence and participation in urban political life.
Abstract: espanolLas medidas de centralizacion politica emprendidas por los Reyes Catolicos tienen en la figura del corregidor uno de sus pilares fundamentales. Su presencia en el mundo urbano persigue su sometimiento a las directrices centralizadoras regias, lo que constituye una injerencia en los espacios de reproduccion de las elites locales y explica la oposicion mostrada por estas a su despliegue en las ciudades y los diferentes ritmos experimentados por la imposicion de estos oficiales en los diversos entes urbanos, pues no todas las ciudades y villas demostraron similares disponibilidades y capacidades para ejercer esa oposicion. En este estudio se busca analizar, desde la cotidianeidad de los procesos de toma de decisiones, el marco de relacion politica que el concejo de Cuenca llego a establecer con los agentes de la centralizacion. Se ha optado por escoger una cronologia precisa y relativamente corta, que permite abordar con cierto nivel de detalle el proceso de insercion estable del corregidor y las medidas adoptadas por la ciudad para «gestionar» su presencia y participacion en la vida politica urbana. Se ha contado para ello con los ricos fondos documentales del Archivo Municipal de Cuenca y del Registro General de Corte. EnglishKeepers of the City or corregidores were one of the fundamental pillars of the centralization policies adopted by the Catholic Monarchs. Their presence in towns aimed to ensure the enforcement of royal centralization directives, thus interfering in the socio-political reproduction spheres of local elites. This helps to explain the opposition of urban elites to the deployment of these officers in their towns, and variations in the speed of imposition of these keepers among diverse urban entities, since not all towns demonstrated similar abilities and skills to exercise that opposition. This paper analyses the political relations framework developed by the city of Cuenca with these centralization agents, focusing on day-today decision-making processes. Our study comprises a precise and relatively short chronology in order to address in some detail the steady process of incorporating these officers, and the measures adopted by towns to «manage» their presence and participation in urban political life. This article has benefited from the rich archival sources of Cuenca Municipal Archive and the Registro General de Corte (Simancas).
6 citations
TL;DR: Ferrer del Rio (1814-1872) has traditionally been considered a paradigmatic exponent of progressive historiography for his works dedicated to the Communities of Castile and the reign of Charles III of Spain this paper.
Abstract: The writer Antonio Ferrer del Rio (1814-1872) has traditionally been considered a paradigmatic exponent of progressive historiography for his works dedicated to the Communities of Castile and the reign of Charles III of Spain. However, in the light of recent contributions on liberal political cultures and the relations between nationalism and religion in Spain, this ideological ascription needs to be reviewed. Analysis that sets aside oversimplified labels will give us greater insight into the complexity of the historian’s contribution. Sources include his correspondence with the archivists Manuel and Prosper de Bofarull, and other lesser-known works he wrote, in addition to his publications in the press. Their contextualization reveals a changing attitude towards liberalism, which at the beginning of the reign of Isabella II was close to Moderantism, and then evolved towards openly progressive positions. The historiographical rehabilitation of eighteenth-century reformism undertaken by this author offers an opportunity to probe the contradictions and limits of Hispanic catholic liberalism.
4 citations
TL;DR: In this article, the authors explain the attempt by the Figueras Government to recruit 80 free-corps battalions that should have served to end the Carlist threat without having to resort to conscription.
Abstract: The aim of this paper is to explain the attempt by the Figueras Government to recruit 80 free-corps battalions that should have served to end the Carlist threat without having to resort to conscription. This episode has received little attention, and has been misinterpreted and even confused on occasions with another of the voluntary enlistment episodes that threatened the military monopoly of state violence during the “Democratic Sexennium”. To achieve its objective, the paper draws primarily on the proceedings of the different parliaments operating during those years and the circulars issued by the Directorate General of Infantry, in addition to the press and bibliography of the time. These materials will demonstrate that the Government initiative was completely distorted by the military corporation, which accommodated it to its own military logic; this caused the complete failure of a recruitment that could have only been the huge success expected if it had connected with the Republican myth of “the People in arms”.
4 citations
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors analyze the evolution of the Castilian brotherhoods between 1325 and 1476 and highlight the role of the monarchs in the process, and show how they paved the way for an institution that was seen as an instrument for the exercise of royal power.
Abstract: espanolEste articulo pretende profundizar en el analisis de los complejos cambios que presenta la evolucion de las hermandades castellanas entre 1325 y 1476. Lo haremos conjugando la diversidad de las muchas iniciativas de caracter concejil que fueron surgiendo en distintos rincones del reino y la tendencia a la unidad y el control regio que se inicia tempranamente y cristaliza en tiempos de Isabel y Fernando. Por lo tanto, destacaremos el papel de los reyes en este proceso y la forma en que se abrio camino la idea de una institucion entendida como instrumento para el ejercicio del poder monarquico. EnglishThis article seeks to analyse in greater depth the complex changes in the evolution of the Castilian brotherhoods between 1325 and 1476. To do so, we have juxtaposed the diverse council initiatives that were emerging in various corners of the kingdom, and the tendency to unity and royal control that began at an early stage and crystallized during the reign of Isabella and Ferdinand. We will therefore highlight the role which the monarchs played in the process, and show how they paved the way for an institution that was seen as an instrument for the exercise of royal power.
3 citations
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors describe and analyse the life of merchant Jaime Tinto Miralles (1770-1839), a rich businessman, who was born and died in Barcelona, but made his fortune in the Americas (first in Merida de Yucatan, later in Havana).
Abstract: The article aims to describe and analyse the life of merchant Jaime Tinto Miralles (1770-1839), a rich businessman, who was born and died in Barcelona, but made his fortune in the Americas (first in Merida de Yucatan, later in Havana). After his second and definitive return to Barcelona in 1823, Tinto became one of the main entrepreneurs dedicated to the transatlantic slave trade in this city. He combined his considerable business activity with a notable public role and was a councillor of Barcelona. The study of his career will help clarify the link between the capital of Catalonia and the slave trade in Cuba, as well as offering new clues to illustrate how dedication to an illegal activity, such as trafficking African people, allowed the enrichment and social promotion of some individuals and their families.
2 citations
TL;DR: In this article, the authors analyse the role played by cities in the success of a procedure which was initially a response to a rationale opposing centralization, and question assumptions made about royal control while drawing attention to the role of urban actors who, while having their own interests and conception of residencias, were crucial to their advancement and success.
Abstract: The present article focuses on the ‘trials or residence’ or juicios de residencia, a system of officers’ accountability which, despite being instrumental in the opposition exerted by medieval cities to the centralizing efforts of monarchs, is at the same time considered one of the pillars of the state-building paradigm in Castile. The main objective is to analyse the role played by cities in the success of a procedure which was initially a response to a rationale opposing centralization. Local sources, such as city council records, are used to reconstruct the practice of residencias in order to understand the extent to which the Catholic Monarchs’ policies were real innovations, were based on prior customs or were the result of negotiation with the cities, and/or were aspirations that never materialised. As a result, the study questions assumptions made about royal control while drawing attention to the role of urban actors (both city councils and urban population) who, while having their own interests and conception of residencias, were crucial to their advancement and success.
2 citations
TL;DR: The XXVIII Congress of the Spanish Socialist Workers Party in May 1979 has been remembered for the famous resignation of its General Secretary, Felipe Gonzalez as discussed by the authors, which created a smoke screen for other debates of greater practical significance which also took place at that meeting.
Abstract: The XXVIII Congress of the Spanish Socialist Workers Party in May 1979 has been remembered for the famous resignation of its General Secretary, Felipe Gonzalez. The PSOE had reaffirmed its position as a Marxist Party and Felipe Gonzalez had lost the nominalist debate on the party’s definition. The emotional and media impact of his resignation created a smoke– screen for other debates of greater practical significance which also took place at that meeting. These included the party’s approach to regional policy. In 1979, the nature of the construction of the State of Autonomous Communities was at stake, and PSOE had the chance to establish how to form and order the new State model in its resolution on the Autonomous Communities. It was at this meeting that any aspiration towards a federal state was rejected for the time being, and where, for the first time, the term self-determination disappeared from its “maximum programme”. This right, however, was maintained in congress until the last moment, and continued to be defended by one part of socialism. This fact has been disregarded by the historiography, showing the extent to which a resolution has been forgotten that defined the rationalizing drift upon which the Socialist Party embarked from that point on.
1 citations
TL;DR: In this article, the relationship between royal power and the corregidor or Keeper of the City in Avila during the reign of the Catholic Monarchs was analyzed, seeking to specify the practical extent of this officer's authority.
Abstract: This paper analyses the relations between royal power and the corregidor or Keeper of the City in Avila during the reign of the Catholic Monarchs, seeking to specify the practical extent of this officer’s authority. All documentation concerning the Council of Avila and its Land between 1475 and 1500 has been evaluated. After a quantitative and qualitative application of the methods involved in the decision-making process, an attempt is made to demonstrate that the corregidor, the highest municipal authority, was not necessary for the monarchs’ political intervention in the cities. The royal power and the central courts and institutions of the monarchy —corte, Audiencia Real and Consejo Real— had sufficient resources to deliver their policies to the urban council directly or through other officers whose actions converged with those of the corregidor.
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors explored how tourism, in full expansion during the Francoist regime, was incorporated into the staging and shaping of the international dimension of the itinerant celebration across Spanish territory, spreading landscapes, territories and meanings for October 12, appealing to national, regional and transnational identities.
Abstract: Patriotic celebrations and commemorations have received attention in recent studies on nationalism and territorial identities. October 12 has been the Spanish National Day since 1987. It was known first as the “Day of the Race” in 1918 and became the “Day of Hispanidad” in 1958. The celebration – which survived and adapted to political change, regional differences and international conjunctures throughout the twentieth century – evokes Spain’s imperial past with its identification of “Spanishness”, both among Spaniards and in the world. This paper explores how tourism, in full expansion during the Francoist regime, was incorporated into the staging and shaping of the international dimension of this itinerant celebration across Spanish territory, spreading landscapes, territories and meanings for October 12, appealing to national, regional and transnational identities. The analysis focuses on the deployment of public actors and civil associations during the celebrations of 1957 and 1963 to prove how this symbol became an instrument of cultural diplomacy and the expression of an idea of Spain in the world during the Cold War.
TL;DR: The obra de Alexis de Tocqueville se dirige a hacer salir a los individuos del circulo de their intereses privados, para que asuman their responsabilidad individual, politica and social frente a la masa, escuchen a su deseo innato de libertad and hagan surgir de la igualdad, and, nunca contra ella, sino a traves de ella as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: La obra de Alexis de Tocqueville se dirige a hacer salir a los individuos del circulo de sus intereses privados, para que asuman su responsabilidad individual, politica y social frente a la masa, escuchen a su deseo innato de libertad y hagan surgir de la igualdad, y, nunca contra ella, sino a traves de ella, la libertad politica y social. Su amor a la libertad esta siempre presente e impregna de sentido etico su pensamiento y su actividad politica. De ahi deriva su profundo humanismo ante la situacion de la poblacion india y negra en tierras americanas y su oposicion frontal a la esclavitud y a cualquier planteamiento racista, como algo contrario a los derechos naturales de los seres humanos. Sin embargo, cuando el diputado Tocqueville toma la palabra, su objetivo primero no es ya la dignidad de los seres humanos, sino los intereses de Francia. Su posicion ante la emancipacion de los esclavos en los territorios franceses de ultramar, su actitud ante la conquista de Argelia, sus intervenciones en la Asamblea Nacional sobre politica exterior nos muestran a un hombre de Estado imperialista, colonialista y racista. Anteriormente habia mostrado la ambivalencia de los fenomenos sociales, ahora aparece el mismo ambivalente e incoherente: el filosofo politico versus el diputado en la Asamblea Nacional, el defensor de la dignidad humana versus el hombre remiso a asumir los derechos politicos y sociales de una parte de la humanidad, el moralista en America versus el imperialista y colonialista en Argelia y las colonias de ultramar.