Showing papers in "Historical Journal of Film, Radio and Television in 2004"
TL;DR: In this paper, a lower middle-class taste-community in the 1930s: Admissions figures at the Regent cinema, Portsmouth, UK, were investigated, and a lower-middle class taste community was identified.
Abstract: (2004). A lower middle-class taste-community in the 1930s: Admissions figures at the Regent cinema, Portsmouth, UK. Historical Journal of Film, Radio and Television: Vol. 24, No. 4, pp. 565-587.
24 citations
TL;DR: The analogy of the tape recording hobby with hunting was active longest, until the hunt became less exciting, the appreciation of everyday and technological sounds, or the culture of sound, shifted and the hunting metaphor was dismissed as too frivolous by the sound hunters as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: sonics was socially a bridge too far for the sound hunters. The analogy of the tape recording hobby with hunting was active longest, until the hunt became less exciting, the appreciation of everyday and technological sounds, or the culture of sound, shifted and the hunting metaphor was dismissed as too frivolous by the sound
17 citations
TL;DR: In this paper, Bela Balazs, one of the first and most influential film theorists of all times, discussed the genre of this wonderful Polish film and its genre in general.
Abstract: ‘We must first speak about the genre of this wonderful Polish film’ [1]. With these words in 1948 Bela Balazs, one of the first and most influential film theorists of all times, began his discussio...
14 citations
TL;DR: In this paper, the Psyche and Society: Radio advertising and social psychology in America, 1923-1936, is discussed, with a focus on advertising and advertising psychology in advertising.
Abstract: (2004). Psyche and society: Radio advertising and social psychology in America, 1923-1936. Historical Journal of Film, Radio and Television: Vol. 24, No. 4, pp. 517-534.
13 citations
TL;DR: In the GDR, nearly all households were able to receive TV programs originating from two different political systems: on the one hand their own programs which were government controlled, and on the other hand government controlled programs as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: Nearly all households in the GDR were able to receive TV programs originating from two different political systems: on the one hand their own programs which were government controlled, and on the o...
13 citations
TL;DR: In this article, the same situation on this and on the other side of the intra-German border is described, and the same TV programs are shown on both sides of the border.
Abstract: It's 8:00: the family gathers in front of the TV—the evening program starts. It's the same situation on this and on the other side of the intra‐German border—and the same TV programs. Tatort (thril...
11 citations
TL;DR: The history of the Third Reich remains a hot topic for television documentaries as mentioned in this paper, and the overwhelming majority of these documentaries could be classified as "documentary" or "non-documentary".
Abstract: Nearly 60 years after the end of the Second World War, the history of the Third Reich remains a ‘hot topic’ for television documentaries. The overwhelming majority of these documentaries could neve...
11 citations
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors present limited scholarship about the history of television in the former GDR (German Democratic Republic) that is based on systematic research into archival of sources.
Abstract: To date, there is limited scholarship about the history of television in the former GDR (German Democratic Republic) that is based on systematic research into archival of sources. Knut Hickethier's...
9 citations
TL;DR: In this paper, a revision of modern American history in the age of Scarface is presented, with a focus on the role of women in the development of the modern American economy.
Abstract: (2004). Revisioning modern American history in the age of Scarface (1932). Historical Journal of Film, Radio and Television: Vol. 24, No. 4, pp. 535-563.
7 citations
TL;DR: As the Second World War came to an end in August 1945, Edwin Levin, the radio columnist for the progressive New York City daily PM, hoped ‘that peacetime radio will apply its tremendous war-born en...
Abstract: As the Second World War came to an end in August 1945, Edwin Levin, the radio columnist for the progressive New York City daily PM, hoped ‘that peacetime radio will apply its tremendous war‐born en...
7 citations
TL;DR: This article used newsreels released in France during the Second World War and found that the newsreel extracts from news reels were commonly used in retrospective documentaries such as Ophuls's The S...
Abstract: Excerpts from newsreels released in France during the Second World War are generally familiar to scholars thanks to their widespread use in retrospective documentaries such as Marcel Ophuls's The S...
TL;DR: The date 9 November 1989, the day the Berlin Wall came down, is one of the most important dates in German history as mentioned in this paper and it can be understood as having an impact on the shape of an entire era, as Jurgen...
Abstract: 9 November 1989, the day the Berlin Wall came down, is certainly one of the most important dates in German history. It can be understood as having an impact on the shape of an entire era, as Jurgen...
TL;DR: In the early stages of the First World War, the French Pathé Company as discussed by the authors converted weekly news magazines into weekly newsreels, which carried mixed programmes of foreign and domestic events.
Abstract: In 1908 the French Pathé Company, then a leading film producer, which made occasionally films dealing with recent events, converted them into regular weekly news magazines. The second producer, Gaumont, followed soon and so did two other smaller firms, Eclair and Eclipse. Both Pathé and Gaumont created in other countries nationally registered subsidiaries. Pathé was especially effective in collecting and redistributing filmed items from various origins which allowed it to cover effectively events taking place all throughout the world. In contrast with print magazines, mostly interested in national problems, newsreels carried mixed programmes of foreign and domestic events. They met with such success that on the eve of the First World War the four French companies were able to offer twice-weekly issues. At the outset of the conflict most belligerent countries instituted a War Office department of cinematography. France was especially backward in this field. Politicians and officers realized how important it was to control and monitor information but there was, until the last months of the war, a permanent rivalry among various authorities. Obsessed by the fear of espionage, the staff would have liked to tell as little as possible about the operations while the government found it necessary to reassure public opinion thanks to copious, optimistic news. It was not exceptional to see the Minister of Defence, himself a general, ask the general-in-command to let journalists visit the front-line and hear that his request had not been fulfilled. Hastily organized, an information office provided the newspapers with press releases but had no material for film companies. Recurrent complaints addressed to the government show that film producers had to face a difficult situation: most employees had been mobilized, laboratories had been requisitioned for war industries, the remaining operators had no access to barracks or training grounds, let alone to the war zone. The newsreels companies had to make do with what could be filmed freely, in the streets during parades or in train stations. The only series still available in full, the Gaumont one, comprised, beside the usual items about social life, banal scenes of military reviews but also English pictures and even German sequences bought in Switzerland. Aware of the damaging effects of such poor cinematic information, the government looked for a solution but, caught between the staff and film producers, it was unable to impose its will before February 1915. It was then that an agreement signed between the Ministry of War and the producers created a ‘Cinematic Section of the Army’ whose four operators worked for each of the four companies. The producers and the staff decided jointly where these men would be sent and what they would film. Film processing and editing were made by the companies which, after the censors had checked the movies, could freely use their material. Five
TL;DR: In this article, Radio Free Europe and international decision-making during the Hungarian crisis of 1956 are discussed. But the authors do not discuss the role of the Hungarian government in the decision making process.
Abstract: (2004). Radio Free Europe and international decision-making during the Hungarian crisis of 1956. Historical Journal of Film, Radio and Television: Vol. 24, No. 4, pp. 589-611.
TL;DR: In East Germany, television programming was not restricted to ideology or information, but in fact added variety and game shows into its program within the first few years as discussed by the authors, which was unique, because a large number of these shows served to transmit the state-sanctioned cultural and politicalideological values, that is, images about the development of the socialist country, about the new human community, and drawing distinct boundaries with the West.
Abstract: Entertainment played an important role in television on both sides of the Iron Curtain. In East Germany, television programming was not restricted to ideology or information, but in fact added variety and game shows into its program within the first few years. This type of non-fictional television entertainment was unique, because a large number of these shows served to transmit the state-sanctioned cultural and politicalideological values, that is, images about the development of the socialist country, about the new ‘human community’, and drawing distinct boundaries with the West. From the beginning of GDR broadcasting in 1952, there were entertainment programs that proclaimed their journalistic intent within their titles, for example, Tages Arbeit–Abends Gäste (Day’s Work–Evening’s Guests, 1955–1956). This kind of sentimentalizing of content and the communication of social values was characteristic of these entertainment programs. This is why East German media scholar Lutz Haucke inquired into the ‘use of sentimentality’ [1], considering emotionality to be ‘the real crux’ of the socialist style of ‘entertainment art’ [2]. In GDR television, conceptualized as a medium of mass communication, entertainment programs were a fitting mode for the transmission of various topics specific to the GDR. Numerous variety, quiz or game shows exemplify the perfect interweaving of these topics and non-fictional entertainment [3]. The spectrum ranges from programs about the working world (Glück auf! [4]/Good luck!, 1957–68), to sports (Das große Spiel/The Big Game, 1963), and the army (Die Augen—links!, Eyes left!, 1967–1969). There are a considerable number of these programs in the collections of the German Broadcasting Archive Potsdam–Babelsberg (Deutschen Rundfunkarchiv Potsdam–Babelsberg/DRA). The few investigations of GDR television entertainment programs published since 1990 have focused on their most distinctive aspects [5]. The unique characteristics of the shows were described, as well as their overall content and the way in which they were integrated into the SED-dominated media structures. Without a doubt, this is an important aspect of these productions. A production like Jetzt schlägts Dreizehn (That’s the Last Straw, 19 August 1961), which celebrates the building of the Berlin Wall in a variety show, is difficult to explain out of context. The Berlin Wall-building show is just an example, but it shows how permeable the relationship between boundary and border-crossing could be. While hit songs were being crooned at the Berliner Volksbühne, a popular Berlin venue, well-known television announcers broadcast from the border soldiers in the Berlin area. In the glow of popular culture, other topics could
TL;DR: From the first test program in December 1952 to the end of German Democratic Republic television in December 1991, children's television was one of the fundamental features of East German televisio...
Abstract: From the first test program in December 1952 to the end of German Democratic Republic television in December 1991, children's television was one of the fundamental features of East German televisio...
TL;DR: In another age television might have seemed like ‘a piece of witchcraft’, today in ultramodern Britain it was ‘something new under the sun’ as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: So ran the song performed by Adèle Dixon in late 1936 during the opening ceremonies of the BBC’s regular television service, and as the months went by, the Corporation warmed to this futuristic theme. The BBC Handbook proclaimed that, whereas in another age television might have seemed like ‘a piece of witchcraft’, today in ultramodern Britain it was ‘something new under the sun’ [1]. Here was excitement and novelty, a world-beater way ahead of the technical and artistic dreams of its developers. The arrival of television as we would recognise it—the most potent communication medium of the 20th century—should have been an outstanding success, the ‘must-
TL;DR: The Moneda, the palace of Salvador Allende, democratically elected socialist president of Chile since 1970, was attacked by airplanes on 11 September 1973 as discussed by the authors, which resulted in the "Moneda Putsch".
Abstract: 11 September 1973: airplanes attack the Moneda, the palace of Salvador Allende, democratically elected socialist president of Chile since 1970. The results of the Putsch, which was supported by the...
TL;DR: In this article, the last broadcast of the GDR Radio and TV in East Germany is described, and it is shown that it is the same as the one in the West German broadcasting system.
Abstract: New Year’s Eve of 1991: in Adlershof (East Berlin, where GDR Television was located) a party is celebrated (same thing as every year). As usual, it was produced in October to avoid unpleasant surprises. Although the program itself (of the ‘compulsory cheerfulness’ type, with stars from East and West, confetti, polkas, Champagne, etc.) does not contain any indications of it, everybody knows: this is the last broadcast! At 5 minutes to 12 new programs will come on screen, directed from Leipzig, Potsdam and Hamburg. This was the result of two political movements since the autumn of 1989. First, The first free Parliament of the GDR (Volkskammer, People’s Chamber), elected on 18 March 1990, and in office up to 2 October 1990, could not agree on a future structure of GDR radio and television which would be compatible with the West German media regulations [1]. Contrary to the centralized media system in East Germany, the West German system is organized on a federalist basis, the Länder (federal states) having jurisdiction over the radio and TV network. There were basically two problems which prevented a settlement. To transfer responsibility to the new in the East was not possible, as the latter were formed in East Germany only after the elections in October, i.e. after unification. But, more importantly, there was no consensus as to whether centralized GDR Television should continue to exist or not. On the one hand, there was a general aversion against anything ‘central’, coming from East Berlin, a fear of ‘preserving GDR identity’ in the programs and concern about the persistence of the old institution and the old ‘cadres’. Doubt existed, on the other hand, as to whether a channel which had been reformed and generally accepted in the meantime, should be abolished, whether a reorganization of television by the Länder was economically feasible and practicable in a short period of time, and whether the East German population might not want their own channel accompanying them on their way to German unity. This stalemate situation was resolved by Article 36 of the Unification Treaty. The essential points were: first, GDR radio and television came under the jurisdiction of a Commission of the new Länder for a transition period up to 31 December 1991. This commission appointed Rudolf Mühlfenzl, the former editor-in-chief of Bayerische Rundfunk TV (Munich), manager. Mr. Mühlfenzl made it clear that he preferred an end of the radio and TV network in East Berlin. His first measure was to convert the two TV channels into one channel, the so-called DFF Länderkette (regional TV
TL;DR: In Norway, the first Norwegian national newsreel was released in August 1941, while Norway was occupied by German troops, and was produced by members of the Norwegian National News Service as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: In August 1941, while Norway was occupied by German troops, the first Norwegian national newsreel ever was released. Equipped by the Germans, the newsreel itself was produced by members of the Norw...
TL;DR: In this article, the history and development of sports have been closely linked to this channel, and major sporting events like the Olympic Games have been associated with this channel since the mid-1950s.
Abstract: Ever since the establishment of television as a mass medium in the mid‐1950s, the history and development of sports have been closely linked to this channel. Major sporting events like the Olympic ...
TL;DR: Balazs is best known to those interested in film as a film theorist, having writt... as mentioned in this paper, 2003 Berlin, Vorwerk 8 pp. 430, 154b/w ill., 29 Euro
Abstract: Bela Balazs—Marchen, Ritual und Film Hanno Loewy, 2003 Berlin, Vorwerk 8 pp. 430, 154b/w ill., 29 Euro (paper) Bela Balazs is best known to those interested in film as a film theorist, having writt...
TL;DR: In this article, the authors investigate the organization and content development of the field of GDR Television drama in the turbulent years between 1968 to 1975, and show, on the one hand, that liberalizing the medium of television can largely be interpreted as a calculated control maneuver by the new government, and on the other hand, it is also clear that some of what appears to be the centralized implementation of political policies (and which was communicated as such) was actually the result of a complex interaction between the political arena and media institutions.
Abstract: ‘Range and Diversity’—this was the formula for the new cultural policy during this time period, known as the early Honecker era. Previous research has assumed that there was truly more freedom for those working in media behind this slogan. This article will investigate the organization and content development of the field of GDR Television drama in the turbulent years between 1968 to 1975. We will show, on the one hand, that liberalizing the medium of television can largely be interpreted as a calculated control maneuver by the new government. On the other hand, it will also become clear that some of what appears to be the centralized implementation of political policies (and which was communicated as such) was actually the result of a complex interaction between the political arena and media institutions. In order to gain a through understanding of the developments in GDR Television policy between 1968 and 1975, we first must go back in time a bit. After the closing of the borders in 1961, which supposedly ended the threat posed by the ‘class enemy’, many artists had believed in a separate, emancipatory direction for art in the GDR. However, in 1965, the 11th Plenum of the Central Committee (Zentralkomitee, hereafter ZK) of the GDR government’s state party (Sozialistische Einheitspartei Deutschlands, Socialist United Party, hereafter SED) reduced creative freedom for authors and directors considerably, speaking out against the aesthetic Modern as a whole, and proving the progressive artists false in their belief. In the plenum, the cultural officials took up a well-known strategy [1]: through the renewed pointed criticism against the ‘nihilistic, schematic, anti-populist works’ of a ‘late bourgeois’ formalism [2] within all media, that which was not considered ‘socialist realism’ was barred completely. It has been shown, therefore, that the government had already begun to condemn the trends in the international modern art scene as ‘subjectivism’, as ‘idealistic’, ‘voluntaristic’, and ‘revisionist’ before the period under investigation. In order to systematically stop this supposedly dangerous type of art, all organizatorial and artistic levels of television broadcasting were put under the control of the State Television Broadcasting Committee (Staatliches Fernsehkomitee) [3] in September 1968, and the influence of the party was intensified through the founding of a film and television organization in January 1967.
TL;DR: In this article, the authors demonstrate the similarities between Hollywood and the pornography industry, as well as how their respective paths diverged, and demonstrate that the crucial ingredient in the success of the porn business is its adoption of an industrial model based on the Studio System that dominated Hollywood from the 1920s until the late 1960s.
Abstract: In 2002, it was estimated that the pornography business, so vital to California economics and turgid male fantasy around the world, generated more than $57 billion dollars in revenue, $12 billion in the United States alone [1]. North American statistics indicate that porn makes more money than Hollywood at the box office, more than the sum of NBC, CBS and ABC’s revenues, more than the music industry generates from record sales, and more than all major professional sports in the United States combined [2]. In other words, porn is no longer flirting with the mainstream; it is the mainstream. It is my belief that the crucial ingredient in the success of the porn business is its adoption of an industrial model based on the Studio System that dominated Hollywood from the 1920s until the late 1960s [3]. Through comparative history of both Hollywood and the pornography industry, I will demonstrate the tremendous similarities between the two, as well as how their respective paths diverged. The definition of pornography is a contentious issue, debated by academics, lawmakers, and activists. Never was this debate more prominent than in the 1960s and 1970s, when obscenity laws in the United States were being challenged on a regular basis. Supreme Court Judge Potter Stewart threw up his hands in 1964 and offered the public an overly simplified demarcation of the line between eroticism and obscenity: ‘I know it when I see it’ [4]. While this may sound vague and flippant, Stewart’s assertion nonetheless is shared by countless others who have struggled to define pornography over the last century, and those who have been reluctant to do so. The denotation of pornography is further complicated by its inherently dynamic nature. Cultural expectations, contexts and limitations of sexual arousal are constantly changing, and it may be easier to pin down a suppliant porn star than a consistent standard for obscenity. Regardless of the lack of a concrete definition, porn is a big business, encompassing magazines, short and feature-length motion pictures, books, images, graphic novels and art. Current estimates place American porn revenue in the billions of dollars. Some major adult entertainment companies today make more money than their mainstream Hollywood studio counterparts. While the main goal is to make money, the intent of ‘adult entertainment’ is primarily to titillate and arouse, usually to the point of masturbation and, ultimately, sexual gratification.
TL;DR: When Hitler came to power in 1933, Nazi ideologists openly expressed their feeling that the neighbouring Grand Duchy of Luxembourg was German territory and was to be incorporated into a Greater Germany.
Abstract: When Hitler came to power in 1933, Nazi ideologists openly expressed their feeling that the neighbouring Grand Duchy of Luxembourg was German territory and was to be incorporated into a Greater Ger...
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors investigate the relationship between cinematic representations of Chopin and the wider culture in which such representations are produced, and establish the ideological purposes for which the portrayals of the composer were used, how his biography and personality were re-created in the cinema to suit these purposes, and if the filmmakers were successful in fulfilling their ideological objectives.
Abstract: Frédéric or Fryderyk (as he is known in Poland) Chopin [1], a distinguished Polish French composer and piano virtuoso, is one of the favourite artists to be represented in cinema. There are over 20 films in which he appears either as a principal or secondary character [2]. These films are very heterogenous in terms of the period when they were made (the first was produced in 1918, the last one in 2002), the country of production (amongst many they are Poland, Germany, France, Britain, Spain and the USA), genre (Chopin was a character of solemn biopics, love stories and romantic comedies), as well as in their approach to the function of the biography of a famous artist and its relationship to his/her ‘true’ life [3]. This article will investigate the relationship between cinematic representations of Chopin and the wider culture in which such representations are produced. I am interested in establishing the ideological purposes for which the portrayals of Chopin were used, how his biography and personality were re-created in the cinema to suit these purposes, and if the filmmakers were successful in fulfilling their ideological objectives. I will also discuss the relationship between representing Chopin in a particular way and making an artistically accomplished film. Rather than discuss all films about Chopin ever made, I will concentrate on two Polish biopics, Mlodosc Chopina (The Youth of Chopin, 1952), directed by Aleksander Ford, and Chopin—Pragnienie milosci (Chopin—Desire of Love, 2002), directed by Jerzy Antczak, passing over another film about Chopin made by Polish director, La Note Bleue (The Blue Note, 1990) by Andrzej Zulawski, as his film was made in France and was addressed primarily to a French or international audience. The principal context in which I will discuss the films about Chopin will be Polish culture, or more specifically, Polish culture at the moment when the particular biopic was made. First, it is worth saying something about biographical films in general as well as providing some background to Chopin’s life and his legend.
TL;DR: Propaganda is a central issue for non-fiction film in the Third Reich as mentioned in this paper, along with a few well-known and often discussed propaganda films, the newsreels have generally been viewed as the perfect prop.
Abstract: Propaganda is a central issue for non‐fiction film in the Third Reich. Along with a few well‐known and often discussed propaganda films, the newsreels have generally been viewed as the perfect prop...
TL;DR: The period between 1968 and 1974 is a special case of continuity and transformation for television in the GDR as mentioned in this paper, where more than 10 years of programming experience had been accumulated....
Abstract: The period between 1968 and 1974 is a special ‘case’ of continuity and transformation for television in the GDR. On the one hand, more than 10 years of programming experience had been accumulated. ...