Showing papers in "Howard Journal of Criminal Justice in 2018"
TL;DR: It is argued that the framing of the policy problem, the mechanisms used to involve experts and the type of evidence actively sought, have continued to marginalise the involvement of the drug user in policymaking.
Abstract: Over the past two decades, policymakers have been encouraged to develop evidence‐based policies in collaboration with experts. Drug policy is unique since it has an established inbuilt mechanism for soliciting expertise via the Advisory Council for the Misuse of Drugs (ACMD). Increasingly alternative mechanisms have been used. Based upon detailed analysis of two case studies of drug policymaking using alternative methods to solicit expertise, we argue that the framing of the policy problem, the mechanisms used to involve experts and the type of evidence actively sought, have continued to marginalise the involvement of the drug user in policymaking.
18 citations
Abstract: Victims of honour‐based violence/abuse (HBV/A), forced marriage (FM), and female genital mutilation (FGM) are now defined as ‘priority groups’ in the UK's Code of Practice for Victims of Crime (commonly known as the Victims’ Code of Practice or VCOP). These groups encompass: those who are affected by the most serious forms of crime; those persistently targeted by crime; those vulnerable by age or physical or mental health; and those classified as intimidated victims. The Code recommends that these victims receive a ‘priority service’ that includes rapid needs assessment and enhanced support. This article draws upon research commissioned by a county police force in southern England which wanted to develop its provision for ‘priority service’ victims. It analyses data gathered from interviews with victims and multi‐agency practitioners and explores four dimensions of victim and practitioner experience: recording and locating victims; initiating a case; modes of protecting victims; and closing a case. It also discusses future directions and challenges for priority victim work in England and elsewhere, and identifies the many challenges experienced by practitioners working to support the victims of HBV/A, FM, and FGM. It argues that the voices of both victims and practitioners must be considered in the co‐creation of future priority services in this field.
17 citations
TL;DR: In this article, the authors consider the political reaction and policy response to the 2011 England riots and examine how different policy solutions became attached to these problems with varying degrees of impact, with the outcome that those that were initiated in the aftermath of the disorder were both limited and short-lived, with some having only tangential links with the riots.
Abstract: This article considers the political reaction and policy response to the 2011 England riots Drawing on the framework of John Kingdon's (1995) multiple streams approach (MSA) the analysis in this article starts with the ‘policy window’ caused by the focusing event of the riots, and traces the ways in which this was used to frame different kinds of policy ‘problem’, rather than the more typical method of using the MSA to help explain the emergence and development of a particular policy It then examines how different policy ‘solutions’ became attached to these problems with varying degrees of impact In fact, more than anything, we argue that the framing of the riots served to close down many avenues for policy development, with the outcome that those that were initiated in the aftermath of the disorder were both limited and short‐lived, with some having only the most tangential links with the riots
8 citations
8 citations
TL;DR: In this article, the exact status of Iceland in light of the Nordic penal exceptionalism thesis is examined, where punishment in the Nordic countries is fundamentally more benign than that in Anglophone countries (Pratt 2008a, 2008b).
Abstract: This article seeks to examine the exact status of Iceland in light of the Nordic penal exceptionalism thesis. This thesis considers that punishment in the Nordic countries is fundamentally more benign than that in Anglophone countries (Pratt 2008a, 2008b). Yet from this perspective the remote Nordic country of Iceland remains overlooked. That is unfortunate as, at first sight, there is much to be intrigued about: Iceland's prison rate is very low; Iceland is small and homogeneous which may offer cultural or structural pre‐conditions for a positive penal system. Its penal estate is tiny with a small number of very small prisons. In addition, Iceland has a history of low crime rates and a tradition of lenient sentencing practices. All this makes it interesting to consider whether the penal exceptionalism thesis (Pratt and Eriksson 2011) actually extends to Iceland. To what extent does Iceland fit the Nordic mould of penal practice?
5 citations
TL;DR: In this article, the authors present a rare insight into convicted "traffickers" and draw on research undertaken using risk assessment data from criminal justice sources relating to those convicted for trafficking offences in the UK between 2004 and 2008.
Abstract: This article presents a rare insight into convicted ‘traffickers’ and draws on research undertaken using risk assessment data from criminal justice sources relating to those convicted for trafficking offences in the UK between 2004 and 2008. Analysis of these data identified conflicts between the dominant understanding of trafficking and the group of people ultimately convicted for this activity. It is argued that there is a need to contextualise the response to this group with knowledge of their backgrounds often including the structural barriers experienced through migration. Developing an awareness of these offending pathways is important in understanding the nexus between the movement and exploitation of victims and the structures that control access to employment and income as well as for developing effective interventions for those involved in these offences.
5 citations