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Showing papers in "International Affairs in 1988"



Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, an agenda for the 21st century can be found in the book store, online book store and book store online book stores, where it can give wellness for all people from many societies.
Abstract: Where you can find the an agenda for the 21st century easily? Is it in the book store? On-line book store? are you sure? Keep in mind that you will find the book in this site. This book is very referred for you because it gives not only the experience but also lesson. The lessons are very valuable to serve for you, that's not about who are reading this an agenda for the 21st century book. It is about this book that will give wellness for all people from many societies.

115 citations






Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The core of international relations is constituted by two other, more general, concerns as mentioned in this paper : how and with what concepts to analyse relations between states and across frontiers, what regularities can be observed, what causes can be divined, what analytical categories can best explain such phenomena as interstate conflict, the impact of nationalism, the role of the economic in international contexts.
Abstract: The subject-matter of the academic discipline of international relations is often thought of as being very much a question of facts: tracing the foreign policy of one country here, the relations between states in a particular region there. More loosely it can be described as the reflective analysis of current affairs. These elements are all, or should be, of interest to the academic study of international relations; but they do not constitute what one may term the core of the discipline as it has developed in universities since the first departments were established after the First World War. Rather, the core of international relations is constituted by two other, more general, concerns. One is the question how and with what concepts to analyse relations between states and across frontiers. What regularities can be observed, what causes can be divined, what analytical categories can best explain such phenomena as inter-state conflict, the impact of nationalism, the role of the economic in international contexts? The second is the question of value, of the normative. When is it legitimate to intervene or use force; what are our obligations to the states in which we happen to be born or find ourselves as opposed to other, international, entities; what forms of international economic relationship are preferable on grounds of justice; what forms of association and solidarity, and at what cost, is it appropriate to argue for?

71 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
Ian Bellany1

66 citations








Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: For Margaret Thatcher, the'special relationship' between Britain and America is an axiom of foreign policy as mentioned in this paper, and it has been the subject of intense scholarly scrutiny in the last decade or so.
Abstract: For Margaret Thatcher, the 'special relationship' between Britain and America is an axiom of foreign policy. At a dinner in Washington in 1985 to celebrate 200 years of diplomatic relations between Great Britain and the United States she announced: 'There is a union of mind and purpose between our peoples which is remarkable and which makes our relationship truly a remarkable one. It is special. It just is, and that's that."' The Prime Minister's brisk assertion notwithstanding, the 'special relationship' has been the subject of intense scholarly scrutiny in the last decade or so. In the process a less rosy, much more complex view has become accepted among historians.



Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors discuss the implications of a stronger China for China itself, its neighbors, and the great power balance, and assess the implications for a stronger and stable China.
Abstract: China's modernization is already rapidly improving the welfare of one quarter of mankind and changing communist ideology. But China is not only growing more stable and prosperous, it is also growing stronger. China's fourth modernization, national defence, is rarely treated in great detail, but it is increasingly clear that the reform of the defence sector is also having an important impact on both domestic and foreign policy. The process began in earnest in 1978 and by 1987 had completed its first stage of reorganization. At a major meeting of military and civilian officials in December 1986, the strategy for the next phase of military modernization was discussed.1 At the dawn of the new age of Chinese military power, it is essential to assess the implications of a stronger China for China itself, its neighbors, and the great power balance.





Book ChapterDOI
TL;DR: The Japanese energy that is currently directed overseas is no longer based, as it was in the 1960s, on a nationally orchestrated strategy, and Japanese society itself displays its loss of faith in the belief-system so dominant in the late twentieth century as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: Japan is in an era of transition. Behind a facade of confidence in their country’s future, many Japanese feel adrift in the world of the late twentieth century.1 The Japanese energy that is currently directed overseas is no longer based, as it was in the 1960s, on a nationally orchestrated strategy. Governments are no longer sure how to guide society, or with what goals. And Japanese society itself displays its loss of faith in the belief-system so dominant in the 1960s. Today the almost blind belief of that period in the loyalty to big business firms has lost its appeal. It is not an exaggeration to say that in the 1980s Japan had been improvising its responses to the unfamiliar challenges from within and without on an ad hoc basis, tenaciously adhering to time-honoured ways of doing things.



Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the arabs search for egyptian nationhood is discussed and a discussion of the role of Islam in this process is presented. But this discussion is limited.
Abstract: egypt islam and the arabs search for egyptian nationhood 190



Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The last stage of racial reconciliation in Zimbabwe, formerly known as Rhodesia, began in November 1987 when President Robert Mugabe announced the voluntary appointment of 11 whites to parliament.
Abstract: The last stage of racial reconciliation in Zimbabwe, formerly known as Rhodesia, began in November 1987 when President Robert Mugabe announced the voluntary appointment of 11 whites to parliament. The British-sponsored constitution adopted at independence in 1980 required Zimbabwe's new black leaders to have 20 white seats in the parliament of 100 (even though whites accounted for less than 2 per cent of the population) for the first seven years of independence, but the black government was free after April 1987 to remove all the mandated seats. By keeping white representation so prominent when no longer required to do so, Zimbabwe's leaders have dramatically illustrated the extent of reconciliation in a country that suffered from a brutal 15-year civil war between blacks and whites. As racial reconciliation in Zimbabwe is one of the few signs of hope for stability in the bleak landscape of southern Africa, many scholars and observers have cited the country as a model for racial reconciliation in a post-apartheid South Africa. This article will argue that the process of racial reconciliation that has occurred in Zimbabwe cannot be duplicated in South Africa, because of crucial differences in the white population there. Examining the Zimbabwe experience still yields valuable lessons, however, for what must be done if there is to be peace after apartheid in South Africa.