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Showing papers in "International Journal of Urban and Regional Research in 2003"


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The right to the city is not merely a right of access to what already exists, but a right to change it as discussed by the authors. But what is social justice? Is justice simply whatever the ruling class wants it to be?
Abstract: The right to the city is not merely a right of access to what already exists, but a right to change it. We need to be sure we can live with our own creations. But the right to remake ourselves by creating a qualitatively different kind of urban sociality is one of the most precious of all human rights. We have been made and re-made without knowing exactly why, how, and to what end. How then, can we better exercise this right to the city? But whose rights and whose city? Could we not construct a socially just city? But what is social justice? Is justice simply whatever the ruling class wants it to be? We live in a society in which the inalienable rights to private property and the profit rate trump any other conception of inalienable rights. Our society is dominated by the accumulation of capital through market exchange. To live under capitalism is to accept or submit to that bundle of rights necessary for endless capital accumulation. Free markets are not necessarily fair. Worse still, markets require scarcity to function. The inalienable rights of private property and the profit rate lead to worlds of inequality, alienation and injustice. The endless accumulation of capital and the conception of rights embedded threin must be opposed and a different right to the city must be asserted politically. Derivative rights (like the right to be treated with dignity) should become fundamental and fundamental rights (of private property and the profit rate) should become derivative. But new rights can also be defined: like the right to the city which is not merely a right of access to what the property speculators and state planners define, but an active right to make the city different, to shape it more in accord with our heart's desire, and to re-make ourselves thereby in a different image.

1,954 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors argue that culture-led regeneration and place-making now mirrors the product branding of Nike and Sony, vying with them for consumer and political attention through the use of star architecture and retail strategies that belie their public good/realm and cultural distinctions.
Abstract: The industrial ‘Event City’, host to World Fair, sporting, cultural and ceremonial mega-event, has been transformed in its late-capitalist form into the ‘City as Event’– from the all year round festival city to the ubiquitous ‘Cities of Culture’. These self-styled culture cities now look to the contemporary art museum and cultural district to provide a cosmopolitan edge to their promotional icons and associations, with Art now acknowledged as an ‘industry’. Cities worldwide, irrespective of their indigenous culture and heritage (e.g. Guggenheim Bilbao, Rio et al.), are thus emulating the brand reinforcement witnessed in leisure and entertainment products and themed experiences, which themselves have entered the retail environment as prime urban consumption spaces. The paper critiques this evolution of the city of culture and the branded art facility in terms of their form and function, arguing that form has followed regional funding, and that culture-led regeneration and place-making now mirrors the product branding of Nike and Sony, vying with them for consumer and political attention through the use of star architecture and retail strategies that belie their public good/realm and cultural distinctions. The cost of these flagships and cultural strategies, the paper concludes, is borne in terms of cultural diversity and production versus consumption and mediation; in community cultural activity and amenity; and by those who do not have a stake in the gentrification process which attaches to these globalized grands projets La ‘Ville de l'industrie de l'evenement’ (accueillant Exposition universelle ou mega-evenement sportif, culturel ou commemoratif) est devenue sous sa derniere forme capitaliste la ‘Ville-Evenement’– de la ville festivaliere toute l'annee, aux ‘Villes culturelles’ ubiquistes. Ces pretendues villes de culture comptent desormais sur le musee d'art contemporain et le quartier culturel pour fournir un atout cosmopolite a leurs associations et icones promotionnelles, l'Art etant maintenant reconnu comme une ‘industrie’. A travers le monde, quels que soient leurs culture et heritage locaux (ex.: Guggenheim Bilbao, Rio et autres), des villes sont donc en train d'imiter la consolidation de marque appliquee aux produits de loisirs et realisations thematiques, lesquels ont penetre la sphere du commerce de detail comme principal espace de consommation urbain. L'article critique cette evolution de la ville culturelle et du lieu artistique ‘etiquete’, dans la forme et la fonction, affirmant que la forme a suivi le financement regional, et que la regeneration ou la fabrication de lieux par la culture reflete la strategie de marque des produits Nike et Sony; en effet, ils rivalisent avec eux pour attirer consommateurs et politiques, en utilisant une architecture vedette et des strategies de distribution qui desavouent leurs distinctions culturelles et leur domaine ou bien public. Pour conclure, ces produits vedettes et strategies culturelles ont un cout en termes de diversie et production culturelles (opposees a consommation et intervention), en charme et activite culturelle de la communaute, cout paye par ceux qui n'ont pas part au processus d'embourgeoisement associea ces ‘grands projets’ internationaux.

627 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors discuss the potential of Lefebvrian citizenship by constructing a theoretical sketch of one possible citizenship based on the right-to-the-city concept, which they call the right to the global city.
Abstract: This article joins many contemporary activists and scholars in criticizing and seeking alternatives to the ongoing neoliberalization of the global political economy. It sets out two main arguments: (1) in order to resist the growing control of capital over the global political economy, one important project is to develop new notions of citizenship that expand the decision-making control of citizens; and (2) Henri Lefebvre's concept of ‘the right to the city’ is one particularly fertile set of principles on which to base such alternative citizenships because it resists and rethinks both traditional citizenship forms and capitalist social relations. The first part of the article outlines the context in which Lefebvre's ideas might be pursued by examining the contemporary destabilization of traditional citizenship and its relationship to global political and economic restructuring. The second part of the article develops more specifically the potential of Lefebvrian citizenship by constructing a theoretical sketch of one possible citizenship based on Lefebvre's idea: what I call the right to the global city. The article finishes by suggesting that the right to the city can be extended beyond the urban context. It points toward a new set of more democratic political relationships in which the power of inhabitants to shape the global political economy displaces the power of capital and the nation-state. Cet article fait echo a nombre de militants et d'intellectuels contemporains critiquant la neoliberalisation actuelle de l'economie politique mondiale, et y cherchant des alternatives. Il expose deux arguments principaux: d'abord, pour resister au contro le croissant du capital sur l'economie politique mondiale, un grand projet doit definir de nouvelles notions de citoyennete qui permettent aux citoyens de mieux maitriser les decisions; ensuite, le concept de ‘droit a la ville’ d'Henri Lefebvre est un ensemble particulierement productif de principes utilisables pour asseoir ces citoyennetes alternatives, car il repousse et repense a la fois les formes de citoyennete traditionnelles et les relations sociales capitalistes. La premiere partie de l'article delimite le cadre dans lequel les concepts de Lefebvre pourraient s'appliquer, en examinant la destabilisation contemporaine de la citoyennete classique et son lien avec la restructuration politico-economique mondiale. La seconde partie developpe le potentiel de la citoyennete selon Lefebvre en ebauchant une possible citoyennete theorique basee sur son idee: ce que j'appelle le droit a la ville mondiale. L'article se termine en suggerant que le droit a la ville peut s'etendre au-dela du contexte urbain. Il vise un nouvel ensemble de relations politiques plus democratiques ou le pouvoir des habitants pour faconner l'economie politique mondiale supplante celui du capital et de l'Etatnation.

539 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The concept of social capital plays a key role in these new policies, as it presumably connects local participation, based on horizontal networks and reciprocity, with such positive results as economic growth and democratic intensity, even in distressed, excluded areas as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: Only a couple of decades ago urban movements were demanding, usually without much success, increased participation by the grassroots and a democratization of urban politics. Even though they staged what were perceived as ‘urban revolts’ (Castells, 1983: 65) and ‘backyard revolutions’ (Boyte, 1980), the structures of local decisionmaking did not open up very far; established interests in urban renewal hardly budged. Meanwhile, however, the movements’ demands appear to have become reality: the way politicians, urban scholars and activists in urban development now all highlight the importance of grassroots empowerment and citizen participation for dealing with urban problems makes it look as if success has finally been achieved. The topic of urban ‘exclusion’ is finally on the official agenda; policy-makers of all stripes apply not only the rhetoric of grassroots participation, but also a variety of programs addressing urban problems that seek to incorporate and harness community-based interests and local activism. What might appear as the fulfilment of earlier grassroots empowerment claims is actually part of a new mode of governance that has emerged in and for neglected and disadvantaged areas and communities. 1 Their ‘exclusion’ is now described as having a new, more multidimensional character than that which inequality or segregation formerly described, and the need for new policies to address this problematic side of neoliberalism seems uncontested. The concept of ‘social capital’ plays a key role in these new policies, as it presumably connects local participation, based on horizontal networks and reciprocity, with such positive results as economic growth and democratic intensity, even — or especially — in distressed, excluded areas. Through examining the way ‘social capital’ has been deployed by researchers and practitioners in the field of urban movements and community development, this article reveals the powerful and in many ways effective role the concept is playing in framing the contemporary reconfigurations in local state-society relations, impacting especially on the trajectory of third or voluntary sector development. It does so by exemplifying a more general trend of dissolving social and political perspectives into economic ones, by painting a variety of different kinds of civic engagement into a single — positively charged — corner, and thereby creating a new framework for dealing with urban inequality and poverty that appears to involve mobilization from below but does so in an extremely circumscribed and biased way.

301 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Zhang et al. as discussed by the authors found that a high degree of gender segregation among rural-urban migrants exists in the urban labor market, that peasant women's urban work opportunities are short-lived, and that upon marriage women migrants are relegated back to the village and to the ‘inside’, in part to sustain gender division of labor as a household strategy.
Abstract: Over the last two decades, social and economic changes in transitional economies have produced many new outcomes. In this article, I examine some of the ways in which China's transition has produced gendered outcomes and highlight evidence of these outcomes. I argue that during transition the state has shifted its goals to economic ones, but unlike capitalist economies it still has at its disposal instruments of social control. Peasants are made more vulnerable and must rely on migrant work for survival, but their low institutional status relegates them to outsider status in urban areas. These circumstances, together with socio-cultural traditions that constrain women's mobility and endorse stratifications, have enabled the development of a labor regime that fosters segmentation and division of labor. Peasant migrants' reliance on social network further reinforces segregation in the urban labor market. Using multiple sources of macro-level and field surveys, I examine both quantitative and qualitative evidence of gender segregation and division of labor. The findings show that a high degree of gender segregation among rural-urban migrants exists in the urban labor market, that peasant women's urban work opportunities are short-lived, and that upon marriage women migrants are relegated back to the village and to the ‘inside’, in part to sustain gender division of labor as a household strategy. Au cours des deux dernieres decennies, les gouvernements de transition ont connu des evolutions economiques et sociales aux consequences nouvelles et variees. Cet article examine comment la transition chinoise a produit des effets differencies selon le sexe, et en detaille la realite. Durant la phase transitoire, l'E tat a transpose ses objectifs sur le terrain economique mais, contrairement aux pays capitalistes, il dispose encore d'instruments de regulation sociale. Rendue plus vulnerable, la population rurale doit compter sur les travailleurs migrants pour sa survie; cependant, une fois en ville, leur faible statut institutionnel en fait des travailleurs ‘en marge’. Alliee aux traditions socio-culturelles qui limitent la mobilite des femmes et nourrissent les stratifications, cette situation a permis la creation d'un systeme d'emploi tendant a la segmentation et la division du travail. La dependance des migrants ruraux par rapport au reseau social vient renforcer la segregation sur le marche du travail urbain. A partir d'etudes de terrain et de niveau global, l'article explore les elements quantitatifs et qualitatifs de segregation sexuelle et division du travail. D'apres les resultats, il existe un degre important de segregation selon le sexe parmi les migrants sur le marche de l'emploi urbain, les possibilites de travail en ville sont de courte duree pour les paysannes et, quant au mariage, les migrantes sont ramenees a leur village et a‘l'interieur’, en partie pour soutenir une strategie domestique de division sexuee du travail.

272 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors focus on the housing issues of rural migrants arising from urbanization, with particular reference to chengzhongcun, a topic with considerable impact on policymaking.
Abstract: This article focuses on the housing issues of rural migrants arising from urbanization, with particular reference to chengzhongcun, a topic with considerable impact on policymaking. An attempt is made to understand the underlying rationale of self-help in housing and the important role of chengzhongcun in sheltering rural migrants in the context of China's rural-urban dichotomy. As demonstrated in this study, chengzhongcun accommodate, with little in the way of government resources and assistance, millions of rural migrants because of their social accessibility and affordability. While not denying their social problems, we argue that chengzhongcun in fact act as an innovative and positive agent to promote urbanization in present day China by housing massive numbers of rural migrants and assimilating them into cities. Current government policies towards chengzhongcun have generated a wide range of interest conflicts and confrontations. The consequences of such conflicts show that the government policies were problematic and unworkable, as they violated basic market principles as well as citizen rights. Policy strategy towards the redevelopment of chengzhongcun must acknowledge their credibility in the Chinese road to urbanization and requires more thoughtful and prudent consideration of migrants' demands for affordable housing. Cet article traite des problemes de logement que rencontrent les migrants ruraux du fait de l'urbanisation, et s'attache aux chengzhongcun, sujet epineux de la politique publique. L'etude tente de comprendre pourquoi les migrants ruraux doivent se debrouiller par eux-memes pour se loger, et pourquoi les chengzhongcun sont importants pour leur hebergement dans le cadre de la dichotomie chinoise villecampagne. Avec une aide et des ressources gouvernenmentales minimes, les chengzhongcun abritent des millions de ces migrants grâce a la nature sociale de leur acces et de leur cout. Sans nier leurs problemes sociaux, l'article affirme que les chengzhongcun ont en fait une action innovante et positive dans la promotion de l'urbanisation contemporaine en Chine, en logeant un tres grand nombre de migrants ruraux tout en les assimilant dans les villes. Les politiques gouvernmentales actuelles a l'egard des chengzhongcun ont genere toute une gamme de conflits d'interets et de confrontations. Leurs consequences montrent que ces politiques problematiques ont ete impraticables, puisqu'elles enfreignaient a la fois les principes de base du marche et les droits des citoyens. Une strategie politique en faveur de la renovation des chengzhongcun doit reconnaitre leur credibilite sur la voie de l'urbanisation en Chine, et exige une prise en consideration plus prudente et refleechie des demandes de logement accessible financierement par les migrants.

253 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors explored the processes by which distinctive red-light districts are created in western cities, focusing on the changing location of female prostitution in Birmingham (UK). Adapting Henri Lefebvre's ideas on the production of space, as well as Michel de Certeau's distinction between strategies and tactics, the article argues that the changing locations of prostitution in the city is the result of a constant interplay between the ordering strategies enacted by the police, council and community protestors and the resistive tactics adopted by sex workers.
Abstract: This article explores the processes by which distinctive red-light districts are created in western cities, focusing on the changing location of female prostitution in Birmingham (UK). Adapting Henri Lefebvre's ideas on the production of space, as well as Michel de Certeau's distinction between strategies and tactics, the article argues that the changing location of prostitution in the city is the result of a constant interplay between the ordering strategies enacted by the police, council and community protestors and the resistive tactics adopted by sex workers. The net outcome of this process, it is argued, is that a space is created for prostitution so that its resistive potential can be contained within a heterosexually-ordered city. The article therefore concurs with Lefebvre when he argues that conceptualized space tends to overcode and dominate lived space, but concludes that sex work always threatens to create new ‘spaces of representation’ that challenge the heterosexual ordering of society. En examinant les processus par lesquels se creent des quartiers ‘chauds’ caracterises dans les villes occidentales, cet article s'interesse a la delocalisation de la prostitution feminine a Birmingham (Royaume-Uni). A partir des idees d'Henri Lefebvre sur la production d'espace, et de la distinction etablie par Michel de Certeau entre strategies et tactiques, il est demontre que le changement d'implantation de la prostitution dans la ville resulte d'une interaction permanente entre, d'une part, les strategies autoritaires decretees par la police, la municipalite et les opposants membres de la communaute et, d'autre part, les tactiques de resistance adoptees par les travailleuses du sexe. Cette combinaison se solde par la creation d'un espace pour la prostitution de sorte que sa ‘resistivite’ puisse etre maitrisee dans le cadre d'une ville regie par un ordre heterosexuel. L'article rejoint ainsi Lefebvre lorsqu'il affirme qu'un espace conceptualise tend a sur-codifier et dominer l'espace vecu ; toutefois, il conclut que le travail du sexe menace constamment de generer de nouveaux ‘espaces de representation’ defiant l'ordre heterosexuel de la societe.

209 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors focus on the positive roles that the scene can play in helping young people to find themselves as they make the transition from childhood to adulthood, and consider the risks that they can encounter in the process.
Abstract: In recent years, geographers and urban sociologists have sought to map and understand the emergence and development of lesbian and gay spaces within the city — popularly dubbed ‘the scene’. It is often asserted that the city is a space of sexual liberation and that specifically the ‘scene’ can play an important part in lesbian and gay men's identity formation and development. However, despite the range and richness of the academic literature on the production and emergence of lesbian and gay urban spaces, relatively little attention has been paid to the actual role of the scene in the ‘coming out’ process and the way young lesbians and gay men negotiate transitions to adulthood. This article addresses this neglect by drawing on empirical work with lesbians and gay men in the UK to explore what the scene has meant to them. In the first half of the article we focus on the positive roles that the scene can play in helping young people to find themselves as they make the transition from childhood to adulthood. In the second half of the article we consider the risks that they can encounter in the process. We conclude by reflecting on the scene as a paradoxical space, and on the implications of this research for the youth transitions and urban studies literatures, and for social policy. Dernierement, des geographes et sociologues urbains ont tente de cartographier et comprendre l'emergence et le developpement des espaces gays et lesbiens dans la ville (lieux communement appeles ‘la scene’). On affirme souvent que la ville est un espace de liberation sexuelle et que, notamment, ‘la scene’ peut jouer un role important dans la formation et l'evolution de l'identite des hommes et femmes homosexuels. Toutefois, en depit de l'etendue et de la richesse des references universitaires sur la production et l'apparition d'espaces urbains gays et lesbiens, rares sont ceux qui ont traite la fonction reelle de la scene dans le processus de coming out, et de la facon dont les jeunes homosexuels negocient la transition vers l'âge adulte. L'article s'interesse a cette lacune a partir de travaux empiriques realises avec des homosexuels, hommes et femmes, au Royaume-Uni et visant a explorer ce que la scene a signifie pour eux. La premiere partie de l'article se consacre aux roles positifs que la scene est en mesure de jouer en aidant les jeunes a se trouver au moment de la transition entre enfance et âge adulte. La deuxieme partie porte sur les risques qu'ils peuvent rencontrer sur ce parcours. La conclusion amene une reflexion sur la scene en tant qu'espace paradoxal, et sur les implications de cette recherche au niveau de la litterature sur les phases de transition de la jeunesse et les etudes urbaines, ainsi qu'au niveau de la politique sociale.

206 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: This paper reviewed the development of writing on urban protest movements and introduced a review syposium, which was held at the University of South London, UK. and reviewed the authors' work.
Abstract: Reviews the development of writing on urban protest movements and introduces a review syposium

141 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors explore the production of the nightlife industry within a new urban entertainment economy by drawing upon debates about the transition from Fordism to post-Fordism, and the assumed shift away from standardized and mass towards more segmented and niche consumer markets.
Abstract: This article explores the production of the nightlife industry within a new urban entertainment economy. We do this by drawing upon debates about the transition from Fordism to post-Fordism, and the assumed shift away from standardized and mass towards more segmented and niche consumer markets. In contrast to some of the more self-congratulatory accounts of varied, flexible niche urban consumption, our starting point is to pursue more neo-Fordist interpretations which explore continuity as well as change and in particular stress growing corporate control in entertainment and night-life economies, the increased use of branding and theming, and the emergence of segmented, sanitized and gentrified consumer markets. These processes are illustrated and empirically examined in relation to changes within the UK nightlife sector which has undergone rapid restructuring, re-concentration and segmentation over the last 10 years. We discuss a number of implications which emerge from these developments, such as the erosion of diversity and choice, and the possibilities for alternative/independent and historic/community forms of nightlife production and spaces to coexist in such a context. L'article examine la production du secteur de la vie nocturne dans le cadre d'une nouvelle economie urbaine des loisirs. Pour cela, il s'inspire des debats sur la transition du Fordisme au post-Fordisme, et sur le soi-disant decalage des marches de consommation de masse standardises vers des niches et des marches plus segmentes. Contrairement a certaines des justifications auto-suffisantes d'une consommation urbaine de niches variee et flexible, son point de depart consiste a suivre des interpretations plus neo-Fordiennes qui explorent continuite et changement, en soulignant notamment la main-mise croissante d'entreprises dans les economies du loisir et de la vie nocturne, le recours accru a une strategie de marque ou de theme, et l'emergence de marches de consommation segmentes, aseptises et embourgeoises. Ces processus sont illustres et etudies empiriquement d'apres les transformations du secteur de la vie nocturne au Royaume-Uni, lequel a connu un enchainement de restructuration-reconcentration-segmentation au cours des dix dernieres annees. Hormis plusieurs implications de ces evolutions (comme l'erosion de la diversite et du choix), l'article aborde les possibilites de coexistence, dans un tel contexte, de formes alternatives ou independantes et historiques ou collectives de production et d'espaces de vie nocturne.

138 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors compare the opportunity structures of New York City and Amsterdam for organized squatting, and compare the two distinct squatting waves, with an intermission of several years.
Abstract: text: In this article the opportunity structures of New York City and Amsterdam for organized squatting are compared New York City knew two distinct squatting waves, with an intermission of several years The literature on US urban movements predicts transformation through cooptation and repression Only the first wave, in which housing activists used squatting as a tactic, fits this prediction The second wave of squatting in New York City, and squatting in Amsterdam in general, escaped cooptation because they involved a squatters' movement proper, in which squatting was not only a tactic but also central to its existence Compared to Amsterdam, squatting in New York was hampered by technical difficulties and political isolation Stricter protection of private property made New York squatters restrict themselves to publicly-owned abandoned buildings Turf conflicts tended to develop on the neighbourhood level when these buildings were later claimed for the development of low-income housing In Amsterdam this type of conflict was rare because of the broad support for low-income (re)development Instead, Amsterdam saw citywide protest directed at the real estate sector and municipal authorities Cet article compare la structure des opportunites des villes de New York et Amsterdam concernant les squats organises New York a connu deux vagues de squattage separees de plusieurs annees Les textes sur les mouvements urbains aux Etats-Unis prevoient une mutation par cooptation et repression Seule la premiere vague, pour laquelle les militants en faveur du logement ont utilise le squattage comme tactique, repond a cette prediction La seconde vague d'operations a New York, et celles d'Amsterdam en general, ont echappea la cooptation, car il s'agissait de mouvements de squatters a proprement parler, ou le squat n'etait pas seulement une tactique mais surtout un fondement de leur existence Comparea Amsterdam, le squattage a New York s'est heurtea des problemes techniques et a un isolement politique La protection plus stricte de la propriete privee a force les squatters new-yorkais a se limiter aux bâtiments publics abandonnes Des luttes de territoires ont eu tendance a se developper entre voisins lorsque ces bâtiments ont ensuite ete reclames pour amenager des logements a faible loyer A Amsterdam, rare fut ce genre de conflit grâce au vaste soutien favorable au (re)amenagement social; au contraire, une protestation generale s'est elevee a l'encontre du secteur immobilier et des autorites municipales

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In the early 1990s, under the inspiration of the private sector-funded policy think tank, the Urban Foundation, a standardized capital subsidy was introduced as a means of financing the orderly settlement of poor households on peri-urban land.
Abstract: Control over the urbanization process in South Africa was redefined after the mid-1980s, when the policy of ‘orderly urbanization’ replaced that of racially based ‘influx control’. In the early 1990s, under the inspiration of the private sector-funded policy think tank, the Urban Foundation, a standardized capital subsidy was introduced as a means of financing the orderly settlement of poor households on peri-urban land. Currently, the capital subsidy may be considered the cornerstone of the South African national housing policy. This article examines how the capital subsidy framework has perpetuated the practice of control by submitting urban expansion in the lowest income sector to rigid regulation. It discusses recent responses from various sectors of the South African society, while also examining how continuity in the intervention approach was maintained from previous decades. The article points to a need to depart from the capital subsidy framework as a basis for informal settlement intervention in South Africa. En Afrique du Sud, la maitrise du processus d'urbanisation a ete redefinie vers la fin des annees 1980, alors que la politique publique de ‘l'urbanisation ordonnee’ remplacait celle du ‘contro le des flux’ aux criteres raciaux. Au debut des annees 1990, inspiree d'un groupe de reflexion strategique finance par le secteur prive, la Urban Foundation, une subvention d'equipement classique, a ete lancee comme moyen de financer l'implantation ordonnee des menages pauvres dans les terres peri-urbaines. Actuellement, la subvention d'equipement peut etre consideree comme la pierre angulaire de la politique nationale du logement en Afrique du Sud. L'article examine comment le systeme des subventions d'equipement a perpetue l'exercice du controle en soumettant l'expansion urbaine a une reglementation rigide pour la population aux plus faibles revenus. Il etudie les reactions recentes de plusieurs secteurs de la societe sud-africaine, tout en approfondissant comment la continuite de cette demarche a ete preservee a partir des dernieres decennies. Ces travaux soulignent la necessite de sortir du systeme des subventions d'equipement comme fondement d'intervention pour l'habitat sauvage en Afrique du Sud.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Time banks have been used as a grassroots tool to promote social inclusion through community self-help and active citizenship in the UK as mentioned in this paper, where time credits are earned for each hour of voluntary service given, and can be used to purchase services from other members in return.
Abstract: Community currencies have been put forward as a grassroots tool to promote social inclusion through community self-help and active citizenship. ‘Time banks’ are a new form of community currency in the UK which are receiving government support. Time credits are earned for each hour of voluntary service given, and can be used to purchase services from other members in return. This article discusses new findings from the first national study of time banks to assess their impacts and potential. An evaluative framework is employed which describes social inclusion as comprising effective economic, social and political citizenship rights. Evidence is presented from a national survey of time banks and from an in-depth case study of Rushey Green Time Bank, situated in a health care setting in a deprived area of south London. Time banks are found to be successful at engaging socially excluded and vulnerable groups of people in community activities — many for the first time — boosting their confidence, social networks, skills and well-being, as well as opening up possibilities for challenging inequitable social institutions and creating spaces where different values prevail. Their potential as tools for democratic renewal, promoting civic engagement and active citizenship is discussed. Les ‘unites de valeur’ communautaires sont considerees comme des outils essentiels pour encourager l'inclusion sociale grâce a une entraide communautaire et une citoyennete active. Les ‘banques de temps’ constituent une nouvelle forme d'unite de valeur communautaire au Royaume-Uni, avec le soutien du gouvernement. Des credits de temps, acquis pour chaque heure de benevolat donnee, peuvent servir a acheter en retour des prestations aupres d'autres membres. L'article examine les resultats de la premiere etude nationale sur les banques de temps afin d'en estimer l'impact et le potentiel. Un cadre d'evaluation est applique, definissant l'inclusion sociale comme un ensemble de droits effectifs, a la fois economiques, sociaux et de citoyennete politique. Des indications sont fournies par une enquete nationale sur les banques de temps, et par une etude de cas approfondie de la Rushey Green Time Bank portant sur les services medicaux dans une zone defavorisee du sud de Londres. Ces banques reussissent a impliquer dans des activites communautaires des groupes de population — souvent pour la premiere fois — socialement exclus et vulnerables, renforcant leurs reseaux sociaux, confiance, competences et bien-etre, tout en leur offrant des possibilites d'affronter des institutions sociales inequitables et en creant des espaces ou prevalent d'autres valeurs. L'article traite aussi du potentiel des banques de temps comme outil de renouveau democratique, stimulant engagement civique et citoyennete active.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The importance of space lies in understanding it as an object of political struggle, a constitutive component of human agency, and a facilitator as well as constraint upon action as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: The last two decades have witnessed an explosion of empirical research on the role of space in group life at the same time scholars have lamented the under-theorization of space in sociology. In particular, mainstream poverty researchers have conceptualized space as a neutral backdrop against which action unfolds and viewed poor people's agency as passive and unreflexive. This article attempts to move beyond this space-as-container ontology and provide a more coherent view of how theorizing space and spatial issues can help us understand the actions of the urban poor. At the core of the paper is an attempt to theorize agency as a spatial phenomenon — with spatial attributes and spatial influences — and offer empirical insight into how different spatial meanings can enable or constrain particular forms of social action and behavior. My intent is to contribute to an understanding of the urban poor as spatial actors. I argue that the importance of space lies in understanding it as an object of political struggle, a constitutive component of human agency, and a facilitator as well as constraint upon action. Les deux dernieres decennies ont connu une explosion des recherches empiriques sur le role de l'espace dans la vie de groupe, tandis que les intellectuels deploraient le manque de theorisation de l'espace en sociologie. En particulier dans le courant dominant de la recherche sur la pauvrete, l'espace a ete conceptualise comme un decor neutre devant lequel se deroule l'action, et la capacite d'action des pauvres etait consideree comme passive et irreflechie. Cet article tente de depasser cette ontologie de l'espace-contenant et de fournir une vision plus coherente de la facon dont on peut theoriser l'espace et dont les aspects spatiaux peuvent aider a comprendre les actions des populations urbaines pauvres. L'essence de ce travail vise a theoriser l'agence en tant que phenomene spatial — avec des influences et attributs spatiaux — et a proposer un apercu empirique de la maniere dont differentes significations spatiales peuvent susciter ou limiter des formes specifiques d'action et de comportement sociaux. Le propos est de contribuer a une reconnaissance des pauvres des villes en tant qu'acteurs spatiaux. Donner son importance a l'espace, c'est le concevoir comme theme de lutte politique, element constitutif de l'agence humaine, ainsi qu'aide et entrave a toute action.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, a case study of the marginalization of youth from the downtown public spaces of Portland, Maine, USA is presented, where the ambivalence of public policy responses to diversity on the street is documented empirically through a detailed case study.
Abstract: In this article the ambivalence of public policy responses to diversity on the street are documented empirically through a detailed case study of the marginalization of youth from the downtown public spaces of Portland, Maine, USA. Urban planners, architects and property developers have become increasingly concerned with improving the quality of urban life and the public spaces on which it depends. They argue that urban revitalization initiatives must embrace diversity — cultural and economic, as well as functional and spatial. This diversity of different ‘diversities’ is often under-theorized, as are the benefits of, and relationships among, social and cultural diversity, economic diversification, mixed-use and multi-purpose zoning, political pluralism, and democratic public space. It is my contention that this ambivalence is not simply a smokescreen for vested commercial interests, but also provides opportunities for expressing alternative visions of what diversity and the city itself should be. Looking specifically at youth, I explore a relatively underexamined aspect of inner-city diversity. While there is a relatively well-developed literature about the contested place of low-income groups, racial minorities and the homeless in urban redevelopment initiatives, youth have largely been ignored. Dans cet article, l'ambivalence des reponses que la politique publique apporte a la diversite de la rue fait l'objet de donnees empiriques grâce a une etude de cas detaillee sur la marginalisation de la jeunesse dans les espaces publics du centre-ville de Portland, dans le Maine (Etats-Unis). Urbanistes, architectes et promoteurs se soucient de plus en plus d'ameliorer la qualite de la vie urbaine et les espaces publics dont celleci depend. Selon eux, les initiatives de revitalisation urbaine doivent englober la diversite, tant culturelle et economique, que fonctionnelle et spatiale. Cette diversite de plusieurs ‘diversites’ est peu theorisee, pas plus que les avantages et rapports mutuels de la pluralite culturelle et sociale, de la diversification economique, d'un zonage plurifonctionnel et polyvalent, du pluralisme politique et de l'espace public democratique. L'article soutient que cette ambivalence, loin d'etre un simple paravent pour droits acquis commerciaux, cree des possibilites d'exprimer d'autres visions de ce qu'une diversite et la ville elle-meme devraient etre. Concernant les jeunes, il explore un aspect plutot neglige de la diversite des centres-villes: alors qu'il existe une litterature relativement elaboree sur la place contestee des groupes a faibles revenus, des minorites raciales et des sans-abri dans les initiatives de reamenagement urbain, la jeunesse a ete largement ignoree.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, a conceptual framework drawing upon Nancy Fraser's and Iris Marion Young's ideas about economic and cultural injustice is proposed for evaluating local empowerment initiatives, which is then drawn upon to explore the nature and effectiveness of participation with reference to one specific New Deal For Communities partnership scheme in the London Borough of Hackney, Shoreditch, concerned with regeneration.
Abstract: Economic inequalities have been increasing between and within nations, regions and cities, but questions of redistribution have to some extent been displaced by those of recognition, empowerment and diversity in urban and regional inquiry and policy. A conceptual framework drawing upon Nancy Fraser's and Iris Marion Young's ideas about economic and cultural injustice is proposed for evaluating local empowerment initiatives, which is then drawn upon to explore the nature and effectiveness of participation with reference to one specific New Deal For Communities partnership scheme in the London Borough of Hackney, Shoreditch – Our Way, concerned with regeneration. Our findings suggest that while participation is certainly a necessary condition for moving towards a more egalitarian society, current policies are valuable but limited in terms of the degree of representation and the extent of control. They are part of an affirmative agenda – that is, they tackle symptoms but not causes of deprivation. We conclude that if long-term remedies are desired, then transformative solutions which address both economic and political injustice are necessary. Les inegalites economiques se sont creusees entre et au sein des nations, regions et villes mais, dans les etudes et dans les politiques urbaines et regionales, les questions de redistribution ont, dans une certaine mesure, ete supplantees par celles de reconnaissance, empowerment et diversite. L'article propose un cadre conceptuel inspire des idees de Nancy Fraser et Iris Marion Young sur l'injustice economique et culturelle afin d'evaluer les initiatives locales d'empowerment. Cette evaluation permet ensuite d'explorer la nature et l'efficacite de la participation en evoquant un programme de regeneration en partenariat de type New Deal for Communities, a Shoreditch, dans la banlieue londonienne de Hackney (Our Way). Les resultats suggerent que, si la participation est bien sur une condition necessaire pour aller vers une societe plus egalitaire, les politiques actuelles, quoique precieuses, sont limitees en termes de degre de representation et niveau de maitrise. Elles s'inscrivent dans une demarche antidiscriminatoire en traitant les symptomes, mais pas les causes de l'appauvrissement. En conclusion, si l'on souhaite des solutions a long terme, il faut des transformations remediant aux injustices tant economiques que politiques.

Journal ArticleDOI
Ash Amin1
TL;DR: The authors examines issues of place and citizenship raised by the riots in summer 2001 in Bradford, Oldham and Burnley, when Asian youths took to the street to protest against the long-term marginalization and discrimination of working-class Asians.
Abstract: This article examines issues of place and citizenship raised by the riots in summer 2001 in Bradford, Oldham and Burnley, when Asian youths took to the street to protest against the long-term marginalization and discrimination of working-class Asians The article summarizes the forces that triggered the riots, ranging from the activities of the far right and the police to the role of community leaders and the absence of economic opportunity The thrust of the argument, though, is to argue that the riots should be read in terms of the mature claim of a section of British society for recognition as fully-fledged citizens of a multi-ethnic and multicultural society, rather than as claims of ethnic recognition alone Cet article etudie les problemes de place et de citoyennete souleves par les emeutes de l'ete 2001 e Bradford, Oldham et Burnley, quand de jeunes asiatiques sont descendus dans la rue pour protester contre les marginalisation et discrimination constantes de la classe ouvriere asiatique L'article enumere les forces a l'origine du soulevement, allant des activites de l'extrame droite et de la police au role des leaders des communautes et a l'absence de perspective economique Toutefois, l'argument essentiel affirme que les emeutes doivent atre vues en termes de revendication reflechie d'une partie de la societe britannique pour une reconnaissance en tant que citoyens a part entiere dans une societe multi-ethnique et multiculturelle, et non comme des exigences de reconnaissance ethnique uniquement

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors bring regulation theory and the broader post-Fordist debate together with an empirical study of the emergence and consequences of tourism in Harlem, showing that the valorization of cultural diversity, as well as under-served markets, has helped reposition this formerly unmarketable area in relation to city, state and capital markets.
Abstract: This article brings regulation theory and the broader post-Fordist debate together with an empirical study of the emergence and consequences of tourism in Harlem. It shows that the valorization of cultural diversity, as well as under-served markets, has helped reposition this formerly unmarketable area in relation to city, state and capital markets. Moreover, as development occurs, the nature of regulation pertaining to Harlem begins to change. The author argues that the failure to disaggregate – to link the elements of the restructuring economy to outcomes for specific areas and residents, leads to an overly pessimistic view. Tourism-based development may act as an equalizing force, helping to rebalance the uneven urban spatial development characteristic of Fordism and symbolized by the social isolation and concentrated poverty of the racial ghetto in the US. The role of cultural capital as the engine of growth in Harlem, has meant that revitalization promotes cultural differentiation along with standardization. Overall, cultural tourism requires substantial civic engagement. This gives the community control, but at the same time disciplines and stabilizes. Urban tourism thus incorporates a new mode of regulation, making for greater social/political and economic inclusion, but with the associated costs as well as benefits. Cet article allie la theorie de la regulation et le debat plus large du post-Fordisme, a une etude empirique sur l'apparition et les consequences du tourisme a Harlem. Il montre que la valorisation de la diversite culturelle, de mame que les marches sous-approvisionnes, ont aidea repositionner cette zone auparavant sans attrait commercial dans une relation avec les marches de la ville, de l'Etat et des capitaux. En outre, avec l'expansion, la nature de la regulation propre a Harlem a commencea changer. L'absence de desagregation – qui associe les elements de l'economie en restructuration aux resultats en faveur de zones et residents particuliers – conduit a une vision des plus pessimiste. Toutefois, un essor base sur le tourisme peut avoir une force compensatrice, aidant a reequilibrer l'amenagement spatial urbain inegal, caracteristique fordienne symbolisee par l'isolement culturel et la pauvrete concentree dans les ghettos raciaux aux Etats-Unis. Le role du capital social en tant que moteur de croissance d'Harlem s'est traduit par une revitalisation favorisant a la fois differenciation culturelle et normalisation. Le tourisme culturel implique surtout un engagement civique reel, celui-ci donnant la maa'trise a la communaute, tout en apportant discipline et stabilite. Le tourisme urbain amene donc un nouveau mode de regulation, creant une meilleure inclusion socio-politique et economique, mais avec les couts (et avantages) associes.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors examine the relationship between urban conflicts and global social movements by looking for continuities and ruptures between former and current urban conflicts, pointing out the specificity of the latter: to politicize the contradictions of neoliberal restructuring; to challenge the discursive and institutional terrains of urban politics which were shaped in the 1990s, often with active participation of former movement actors; and, finally to act simultaneously on various spatial scales.
Abstract: The emergence of global social movements is essentially symbolized by the names of cities like Seattle, Genoa or Porto Alegre. This is not accidental, because groups stemming from various parts of the world need places to constitute themselves as movements. But the role of cities in representing great parts of the movements' consciousness also hints at the importance urban struggles have for global protests. The article examines the relationship between urban conflicts and global social movements. By looking for continuities and ruptures between former and current urban conflicts it points out the specificity of the latter: to politicize the contradictions of neoliberal restructuring; to challenge the discursive and institutional terrains of urban politics which were shaped in the 1990s, often with active participation of former movement actors; and, finally, to act simultaneously on various spatial scales. In the last part of the article some examples of ‘glocalized’ urban protests are presented and analysed, pointing out their ambiguities as well as the specific contribution they can make to the strategic orientation of the global social movements: to fight the destructive influences neoliberal globalization exerts on everyday life and, thereby, to develop alternative forms of societalization. L'apparition des mouvements sociaux mondiaux est essentiellement symbolisee par les noms de ville comme Seattle, Genes ou Porto Alegre. Cela n'a rien de fortuit puisque des groupes issus de plusieurs parties du monde ont besoin de lieux pour se constituer en mouvements. Toutefois, le role des villes dans la representation de vastes pans de la conscience de mouvements suggere l'importance des luttes urbaines pour la contestation planetaire. L'article examine le rapport entre les conflits urbains et les mouvements sociaux mondiaux. En recherchant continuites et ruptures entre l'agitation urbaine anterieure et actuelle, il souligne la specificite de cette derniere: politiser les contradictions de la restructuration neo-liberale; remettre en cause les terrains discursifs et institutionnels de la politique urbaine dessines dans les annees 1990, souvent avec la participation active d'anciens acteurs des mouvements; et finalement intervenir simultanement sur plusieurs echelles spatiales. La derniere partie de l'article presente et analyse quelques cas de contestations urbaines ‘glocalisees’, relevant leurs ambiguites, ainsi que la contribution qu'elles peuvent apporter a l'orientation strategique des mouvements sociaux mondiaux: combattre les influences destructrices de la ‘globalisation’ neo-liberale sur la vie quotidienne et, ce faisant, creer de nouvelles formes societales.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, a way out of this relative stagnation, by attempting to systematically develop an integrated view on structure and agency in the context of urban land rent, is offered in this article.
Abstract: Whilst real estate capital became a driving force in analyses of urban development, urban land rent theory has made only very limited progress during the past decade. There are a number of reasons for this – such as a weak conceptualization of the role of political agency, for example. Hence, a way out of this relative stagnation, by attempting to systematically develop an integrated view on structure and agency in the context of urban land rent, is offered in this article. Advances in critical theory, thinking about space and dialectic reasoning contribute to the development of a new perspective on land rent. Land rent is conceptualized as a middle-range theory. In order to bring together concrete urban phenomena with the general process of political-economic development, a systematic link between land rent theory and the theoretical apparatus of the French Regulation School is developed. The reformulation of land rent theory from a regulationist perspective underlines the importance of the institutional context (and its changes) for an understanding of rent and its role in the urban context. In so doing, land rent theory proves to be a very useful tool for providing an integrated political-economic perspective for analyses of urban phenomena. This is illustrated briefly in the cases of Vienna and Montevideo. Si le capital immobilier est devenu un point central des analyses du developpement urbain, la theorie n'a guere progresse au cours de la derniere decennie. Plusieurs facteurs sont en cause, telle la faible conceptualisation du role politique d'agence. Cet article propose donc une porte de sortie a cette relative stagnation, en tentant de construire systematiquement une vision integree de la structure et l'agence dans le cadre de la rente urbaine. Les progres en matiere de theorie critique, reflexion en termes d'espace et raisonnement dialectique facilitent l'elaboration d'une nouvelle perspective sur la location fonciere, laquelle est conceptualisee en tant que theorie intermediaire. Afin de regrouper phenomenes urbains concrets et processus general d'amenagement politico-economique, une relation systematique est etablie entre la theorie sur la rente fonciere et l'appareil theorique de l'Ecole Francaise de Regulation. Reformuler la theorie sur la rente fonciere d'un point de vue regulationiste souligne combien le contexte institutionnel (et ses changements) est important pour comprendre la rente et son role dans le cadre urbain. Ce faisant, la theorie sur la rente fonciere se revele un outil tres utile pour creer une perspective politico-economique integree permettant d'analyser les phenomenes urbains. Cet aspect est brievement illustre dans les cas de Vienne et Montevideo.

Journal ArticleDOI
Fergus Lyon1
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors explored the activities and functioning of urban food traders associations in Ghana and found that strong indigenous groups of women traders who have been able to sustain cooperation over many years in contrast to many other forms of collective action.
Abstract: This article explores the activities and functioning of urban food trader associations in Ghana. These associations are strong indigenous groups of women traders who have been able to sustain cooperation over many years in contrast to many other forms of collective action. They shape urban food systems and link urban consumers with rural producers. The analysis relates the findings to the literature on socio-economics, institutional economics and collective action. Of particular interest are the social relations and networks within associations that allow traders to access informal credit and information with contracts based on trust. The factors that contribute to the ability to sustain collective action are explored. These include leadership structures and acceptance of the authority of market queens by other women traders, as well as the need to have the benefits that come from membership of associations.

Journal ArticleDOI
Hill Kulu1
TL;DR: Using the individual-level data of the 1989 Soviet census and multivariate methods, this paper showed that several factors (age, education, occupation, employment sector, ethnic origin, place of origin) shape the individual's housing and living conditions in the late Soviet period in Tartu.
Abstract: Research on the residential and housing differences of urban populations in post-second world war Central and Eastern Europe has a tradition extending back to the 1960s. Most studies have focused on the Polish, Czech and Hungarian (large) cities using aggregatelevel data and testing simultaneously the impact of a few factors on residential and housing differences. This research clarifies the housing differences in the late Soviet era of Tartu (the second largest city in Estonia). Using the individual-level data of the 1989 Soviet census and multivariate methods, the article demonstrates that several factors (age, education, occupation, employment sector, ethnic origin, place of origin) shape the individual's housing and living conditions in the late Soviet period in Tartu. On the one hand, the results support the importance of the policy of different institutions (state, enterprises) in shaping people's living conditions; on the other hand, they also point to people's resources and desires as the cause. Depuis les annees 1960, on trouve regulierement des recherches sur les differences de quartier et de logement des populations urbaines dans l'Europe centrale et orientale de l'apres-guerre. La plupart des etudes sont consacrees aux (grandes) villes polonaises, tcheques et hongroises, a partir de donnees globales, et testent simultanement l'impact de quelques facteurs sur les differences de quartier et de logement. Cet article eclaire les differences d'habitat a Tartu (deuxieme ville d'Estonie) vers la fin de l'ere sovietique. Se basant sur les donnees individuelles du recensement sovietique de 1989 et sur des methodes multivariables, il demontre que plusieurs facteurs (âge, instruction, emploi, secteur d'activite, origine ethnique, lieu de naissance) configurent les conditions de logement et de vie des habitants de Tartu a cette epoque. D'un cote, les resultats confirment l'importance de la politique de diverses institutions (etat, entreprises) dans les conditions de vie de la population; de l'autre, ils revelent aussi comme cause les ressources et aspirations des gens.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors consider the city of art as a typology of a high culture local system and test some hypotheses of cultural districtualization in the art city of Florence.
Abstract: This article engages in the debate on cultural economics that has recently become more intense in Italy, in order to focus on two particular aspects: the city of art as an autonomous socio-economic unit of analysis, and the hypothesis of its districtualization as a driving force for culture-driven and sustainable economic development. In the article we consider the city of art as a typology of a High Culture local system and we test some hypotheses of cultural districtualization in the art city of Florence. Thus, we concentrate on the ‘artistic component’ of the productive factor CANH, taking into account only private firms that operate in the field of art restoration and are localized in the Florence city territory. With this as our aim, we undertook an analysis and integration of the questionnaires collected in research by ARTEX (1998) that accounted for 145 firms in the cluster of art restoration. Our analyses brought to light a few interesting signs that evidence the occurrence of different degrees of cultural districtualization. Cet article participe au debat sur l'economie culturelle qui s'est recemment anime en Italie, et vise deux aspects particuliers: la ville d'art en tant qu'unite d'analyse socio-economique autonome et l'hypothese de sa constitution en districts en tant que moteur de developpement economique durable propulse par la culture. La ville d'art est consideree comme une typologie de systeme local de culture elevee; ainsi, sont testees quelques hypotheses sur les districts culturels dans la cite d'art de Florence. Les travaux se concentrent sur la ‘composante artistique’ du facteur productif (CANH), tenant compte uniquement des entreprises privees qui uvrent dans la restauration d'art et sont implantees sur le territoire urbain de Florence. Etant donne ce but, une analyse a ete entreprise, en integrant des questionnaires collectes par une enquete d'ARTEX (1998) couvrant 145 entreprises dans le secteur de la restauration d'art. L'etude a mis en avant quelques signes interessants qui montrent l'occurrence de plusieurs degres de ‘districtualisation’ culturelle.

Journal ArticleDOI
Monica Degen1
TL;DR: In this article, the authors examine how power expresses itself in the sensuous reorganization of public space, thus shaping public life, and compare and contrast the key discourses in interviews held with planners and politicians driving the regeneration process.
Abstract: Increasingly cities are using regeneration strategies to revive their economy and to give a facelift to their physical environment to compete on a global catwalk. As urban environments change, their sensuous geography is also altered. This article argues that the transformation of sensescapes has been a neglected dimension of urban politics that needs to be analysed. By focusing on two inner-city neighbourhoods, el Raval in Barcelona and Castlefield in Manchester, I examine how power expresses itself in the sensuous reorganization of public space, thus shaping public life. I first develop a theoretical framework around the concept of ‘socially embedded aesthetics’ to uncover sensuous-material and social spatializations of power. I then compare and contrast the key discourses in interviews held with planners and politicians driving the regeneration process. Supported by my own ethnographic observations two aspects are analysed: firstly, the physical reorganization of the neighbourhoods shaped by the strategy of accessibility and ‘designer heritage aesthetic’; secondly, the envisaged public life that the transformation of public places is expected to support. The research unveils similar sensuous ideological frameworks in the regeneration of both these areas: processes that foster the inclusion of commercially profitable experiences in public places and the exclusion of marginal ones or those that do not fit into the conceived vision of official agents. Les villes ont de plus en plus recours a des strategies de regeneration pour ranimer leur economie et ‘ravaler’ leur environnement physique, afin de rivaliser sur une passerelle planetaire. Tandis que les cadres urbains evoluent, leur geographie sensorielle se modifie. La transformation des ‘paysages sensoriels’ est une dimension negligee de la politique urbaine alors qu'elle exige une analyse. En s'attachant a deux anciens quartiers centraux, El Raval a Barcelone et Castlefield a Manchester, l'etude examine comment le pouvoir s'exprime dans la reorganisation sensorielle de l'espace public, reconfigurant donc la vie publique. L'article definit d'abord une structure theorique autour du concept ‘d'esthetique socialement incrustee’, montrant ainsi les spatialisations sensori-physiques et sociales du pouvoir. Il compare et oppose ensuite les discours-cles tenus lors d'entretiens avec des specialistes de l'amenagement et politiciens menant la demarche de regeneration. Appuyee par les observations ethnographiques de l'auteur, l'analyse porte sur deux aspects: d'une part, la reorganisation physique des quartiers en fonction de la strategie d'accessibilite et ‘d'esthetique patrimoniale du concepteur’; d'autre part, la vie publique prevue, censee etre favorisee par la transformation des lieux publics. Cette recherche revele des structures ideologiques sensorielles similaires dans la demarche de regeneration, lesquelles encouragent l'inclusion d'experiences porteuses de benefices commerciaux dans les espaces publics, et l'exclusion d'activites marginales ou de celles qui ne coincident pas avec la vision concue par les officiels.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the relationship between architecture, territory and identity within major city-regions, and attempts to unpick notions of cultural and aesthetic meanings stemming from particular mega-projects.
Abstract: This article concerns the relationship between architecture, territory and identity within major city-regions, and attempts to unpick notions of cultural and aesthetic meanings stemming from particular mega-projects. Debates over the form and function of major new architectural projects reveal ongoing attempts by territorial elites to re-narrate nations within the context of the re-regulation of sovereignty within Europe. To understand what these processes may mean, we employ Billig's conception of 'banal nationalism', which notes the pervasiveness of nationalism as an ideology through everyday life. We explore the idea practically by considering one example of an urban development project: the (unbuilt) Welsh Opera House in Cardiff Bay and the machinations that occurred politically over the choice of a mega-project to represent the re-branding of both a city and a nation. We conclude the article by suggesting that it is important to identify forms of aesthetics, function and location within cities, since the architectural mega-project is increasingly becoming a key tool in the search for new national brands in Europe's free market of identities. Overall, although it may be worthwhile for culture to play a significant role within debates regarding nationalism and identity within globalization, cultural meanings generated from aesthetic forms may take different modes according to what territorial scale a mega-project is attempting to represent.

Journal ArticleDOI
David Lyon1
TL;DR: In this paper, a new feature of these systems is the apparent willingness to create modes of integration between previously separate systems, and the dependence on algorithmic techniques permit data-sharing across several boundaries that were previously less porous.
Abstract: Since September 11th 2001 ‘terrorism’ has understandably become the preoccupation of many, especially in urban areas, where the threat of ‘terrorism’ is greatest High on the list of priorities is tightening up the technological means of ensuring security, by adopting in particular new surveillance measures While these are mainly expansions of already existing systems — biometrics, ID cards, CCTV and communications interception — an interesting and perhaps disturbing new feature of these is the apparent willingness to create modes of integration between previously separate systems Similar software and dependence on algorithmic techniques permit data-sharing across several boundaries that were previously less porous The dispersed data-gathering of the surveillant assemblage, that includes relatively ‘innocent’ items such as consumer transaction trails —‘categorical seduction’— converges with the more centralized activities of policing and intelligence —‘categorical suspicion’— in the effort to make urban areas safe The consequences of this are likely to be far-reaching, reinforcing our reliance on technological solutions, and increasingly inserting them into the routines of everyday life in the city Depuis le 11 septembre 2001, le ‘terrorisme’ est naturellement devenu la preoccupation de beaucoup, surtout dans les zones urbaines ou la menace ‘terroriste’ est la plus forte Aux premiers rangs des priorites, on trouve les moyens technologiques d'assurer la securite, notamment l'adoption de nouvelles mesures de surveillance Si certaines consistent principalement aetendre les systemes existants (biometrie, cartes d'identite, circuits de television et interception des communications), l'une des nouvelles methodes, interessante mais quelque peu troublante, est la volonte apparente de creer des modes d'integration entre des systemes jusqu'alors independants Des logiciels similaires et une subordination a des techniques algorithmiques permettent le partage de donnees a travers plusieurs frontieres auparavant moins permeables La collecte de donnees eparses dans l'assemblage de surveillance, incluant des elements relativement ‘innocents’ tels que le suivi des transactions de clients s'allie aux activites les plus centralisees de la police et du renseignement afin de securiser les zones urbaines Les consequences sont susceptibles d'aller plus loin, renforcant notre dependance a l'egard de solutions technologiques et multipliant celles-ci dans les routines de la vie quotidienne urbaine

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: This paper examined the initial workplace experiences of white working-class male school-leavers and found that the attitudes and actions of young school leavers and their responses to structural changes in the labour market that have transformed their opportunities compared with both their fathers' generation and their female peers.
Abstract: This article brings together debates about labour market change, work-based identities, growing concerns about the problem of working-class, low-achieving boys and the identification of a contemporary crisis of masculinity. It draws on a longitudinal study of young men in Sheffield and Cambridge — contrasting local labour markets in England — examining the initial workplace experiences of white working-class male school-leavers. Two individual cases are explored in depth, looking at initial working pathways in order to assess the attitudes and actions of young school leavers and their responses to the structural changes in the labour market that have transformed their opportunities compared with both their fathers' generation and their female peers. The implications for theoretical debates about working lives and the trasformation of gender divisions are assessed.

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TL;DR: In this paper, the authors report case study evidence from the sphere of domestic services in UK urban areas, showing that although domestic services are slightly more commodified amongst higher-income populations, the uneven contours of commodification cannot be explained simply in terms of whether populations can afford to use formal service provision.
Abstract: A common assumption is that commodification – the process by which goods and services are increasingly produced by capitalist firms for a profit under conditions of market exchange – is colonizing, albeit slowly and unevenly, ever more areas of daily life. Yet little evidence has been supplied to show either the extent or unevenness of this penetration. Here, therefore, we first draw upon secondary data to evaluate the degree to which the advanced economies have been permeated by commodification. This identifies large spaces of non-exchanged work, non-monetized exchange and non-profit-motivated monetary exchange. To both explain the existence of these spaces as well as the uneven penetration of commodification, we then report case study evidence from the sphere of domestic services in UK urban areas. This displays that although domestic services are slightly more commodified amongst higher-income populations, the uneven contours of commodification cannot be explained simply in terms of whether populations can afford to use formal service provision. While economic constraints do prevent the advance of commodification, especially in lower-income populations, strong ‘cultures of resistance’ are also uncovered that impede its deeper penetration. To conclude, therefore, the contrasting roles played by economic and cultural constraints in slowing the advance of commodification and creating its uneven contours are explored. On suppose generalement que la marchandisation – processus par lesquels biens et services sont produits de plus en plus par des entreprises capitalistes a but lucratif aux conditions du marche– gagne des domaines toujours plus nombreux de la vie quotidienne, quoique de maniere lente et inegale. Pourtant, il existe peu de preuves de l'ampleur ou de l'irregularite de cette penetration. En consequence, l'article se base d'abord sur des donnees indirectes pour evaluer la mesure dans laquelle la marchandisation s'est infiltree dans les economies avancees. Il identifie ainsi de vastes espaces de travail sans compensation, d'echanges non-monetises et de transactions financieres sans but lucratif. Pour expliquer a la fois l'existence de ces espaces et la penetration inegale de la marchandisation, l'article integre une etude de cas probante, emanant du domaine des services aux particuliers dans des zones urbaines du Royaume-Uni. Celle-ci montre que, bien que ces services soient legerement plus marchands dans les populations a haut revenu, le profil irregulier de la marchandisation ne peut s'expliquer uniquement en fonction des moyens permettant ou non de recourir a une fourniture de services conventionnelle. Les contraintes economiques empachent assurement l'extension de la marchandisation, notamment dans les populations a faible revenu, mais on decouvre egalement de fortes ‘cultures de resistance’ ganant une avancee plus profonde. La conclusion examine les roles opposes que jouent les contraintes economiques et culturelles dans le ralentissement des progres de la marchandisation et dans l'irregularite de son profil.

Journal ArticleDOI
Benjamin Kohl1
TL;DR: In this article, the authors examine how these programs have affected the rights associated with citizenship in Bolivia since 1993 when the administration of President Gonzalo Sanchez de Lozada introduced a broad set of economic and political reforms.
Abstract: Current international development policies promote both free markets and democratic states through privatization and decentralization programs. Building on T.H. Marshall's concept of citizenship, this article examines how these programs have affected the rights associated with citizenship in Bolivia since 1993 when the administration of President Gonzalo Sanchez de Lozada introduced a broad set of economic and political reforms. His administration sold state firms that had accounted for 50% of government revenues at the same time as it adopted a new constitution that recognized the multicultural and pluri-ethnic nature of Bolivian society. His administration also began decentralization programs in government, health and education that transferred 20% of national revenues, as well as the responsibility for providing services, to municipal governments. I show how current development practice has strengthened a neoliberal citizenship regime in which civil rights associated with ownership of private property, and political rights associated with formal democracy and representation, have been promoted at the expense of social rights associated with access to health, education and welfare. Actuellement, les politiques de developpement internationales favorisent a la fois les marches libres et les etats democratiques par des programmes de privatisation et decentralisation. A partir du concept de citoyennete de T.H. Marshall, l'article examine comment ces programmes ont affecte les droits lies a la citoyennete en Bolivie depuis 1993, date a laquelle le gouvernement du President Gonzalo Sanchez de Lozada a lance un vaste train de reformes economiques et politiques. Il a vendu des entreprises publiques qui avaient represente 50% des recettes de l'Etat, tout en adoptant une nouvelle constitution reconnaissant la nature multiculturelle et pluri-ethnique de la societe bolivienne. De plus, il a entame des programmes de decentralisation au niveau du gouvernement, de la sante et de l'education, cedant aux autorites municipales 20% des revenus nationaux et la responsabilite de la fourniture de services. Ainsi, le developpement actuel a renforce un regime de citoyennete neo-liberal ou les droits civils relatifs a la propriete privee, et les droits politiques relatifs a la representation et la democratie officielles, ont ete avantages au detriment des droits sociaux lies a l'acca%s a la sante l'education et l'aide sociale.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors examine how relations developed and stabilized between actors in the different sectors (community based organizations, labor, university) of Los Angeles' progressive community and argue that such relations are a necessary but not sufficient condition for affecting policy outcomes.
Abstract: What margins of maneuverability do urban-based progressive movements have for affecting policy outcomes in entrepreneurial and neoliberal political systems? This article provides a partial answer to this question by examining how relations developed and stabilized between actors in the different sectors (community based organizations, labor, university) of Los Angeles’ progressive community. Such relations are a necessary but not sufficient condition for affecting policy outcomes. I argue that these relations have resulted from a 20-year process of interactions between the more innovative agents of each of the sectors. Through their repeated experimentation in building frameworks to coordinate their partnerships, I argue that a variety of complex mechanisms have taken shape that nourish relations and coordinate complex forms of collective action. Functioning as ‘relational platforms’, these coordinating mechanisms have combined to form an emergent ‘organizational infrastructure’ that facilitates both ongoing relational processes and the mobilization of collective resources in politically effective ways. Thus, by examining the organizational infrastructure that makes such a broad based ‘movement’ possible and sustainable, the article offers the reader one insight into how urban progressives have been able to build the power necessary to affect policies in one of the world's most entrepreneurial and neoliberal cities. Quelles marges de manoeuvre les nouveaux mouvements urbains ont-ils pour inflechir les resultats des politiques publiques dans les systemes neo-liberaux de type entrepreneurial? Cet article presente une reponse partielle en examinant comment se sont tissees et stabilisees les relations entre les acteurs des differents secteurs (organismes a l'echelon communautaire, main-d’œuvre, universite) de la communaute progressiste de Los Angeles. Ces relations sont une condition necessaire, quoique insuffisante, a une influence sur les resultats politiques. Elles sont le produit de vingt ans d'interactions entre les agents les plus creatifs de chacun des secteurs. Malgre leurs experiences repetees visant a construire des cadres pour coordonner leurs partenariats, un eventail de mecanismes subtils s'est constitue, nourrissant les liens et coordonnant des formes complexes d'action collective. Operant comme des ‘plates-formes relationnelles’, ces mecanismes de coordination se sont combines pour faire naitre une ‘infrastructure organisationnelle’, laquelle facilite autant les processus relationnels existants que la mobilisation de ressources collectives selon des modalites politiques efficaces. C'est cette infrastructure qui permet un ‘mouvement’ aussi vaste et durable. Par son analyse, l'article offre au lecteur une vision de la maniere dont les progressistes urbains ont ete capables de generer la force necessaire pour influer sur les politiques publiques dans l'une des villes neo-liberales les plus entrepreneuriales au monde.