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Showing papers in "International Organization in 1982"


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors argue that the prevailing view of international economic regimes is strictly positivistic in its epistemological orientation and stresses the distribution of material power capabilities in its explanatory logic.
Abstract: The prevailing model of international economic regimes is strictly positivistic in its epistemological orientation and stresses the distribution of material power capabilities in its explanatory logic. It is inadequate to account for the current set of international economic regimes and for the differences between past and present regimes. The model elaborated here departs from the prevailing view in two respects, while adhering to it in a third. First, it argues that regimes comprise not simply what actors say and do, but also what they understand and find acceptable within an intersubjective framework of meaning. Second, it argues that in the economic realm such a framework of meaning cannot be deduced from the distribution of material power capabilities, but must be sought in the configuration of state-society relations that is characteristic of the regime-making states. Third, in incorporating these notions into our understanding of the formation and transformation of international economic regimes, the formulation self-consciously strives to remain at the systemic level and to avoid becoming reductionist in attributing cause and effect relations. The article can therefore argue that the prevailing view is deficient on its own terms and must be expanded and modified. Addressing the world of actual international economic regimes, the article argues that the pax Britannica and the pax Americana cannot be equated in any meaningful sense, and that the postwar regimes for money and trade live on notwithstanding premature announcements of their demise.

3,295 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The authors define international regimes as principles, norms, rules, and decision-making procedures around which actor expectations converge in a given issue-area, defined as intervening variables, standing between basic causal factors and related outcomes and behavior.
Abstract: International regimes are defined as principles, norms, rules, and decisionmaking procedures around which actor expectations converge in a given issue-area. As a starting point, regimes have been conceptualized as intervening variables, standing between basic causal factors and related outcomes and behavior. There are three views about the importance of regimes: conventional structural orientations dismiss regimes as being at best ineffectual; Grotian orientations view regimes as an intimate component of the international system; and modified structural perspectives see regimes as significant only under certain constrained conditions. For Grotian and modified structuralist arguments, which endorse the view that regimes can influence outcomes and behavior, regime development is seen as a function of five basic causal variables: egoistic self-interest, political power, diffuse norms and principles, custom and usage, and knowledge.

2,302 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors analyse the demand for international regimes and assess the significance of transgovernmental policy networks in order to understand lags between structural change and regime change, as well as to assess the importance of trans governmental policy networks.
Abstract: International regimes can be understood as results of rational behavior by the actors—principally states—that create them. Regimes are demanded in part because they facilitate the making of agreements, by providing information and reducing transactions costs in world politics. Increased interdependence among issues—greater ‘issue density’—will lead to increased demand for regimes. Insofar as regimes succeed in providing high quality information, through such processes as the construction of generally accepted norms or the development of transgovernmental relations, they create demand for their own continuance, even if the structural conditions (such as hegemony) under which they were first supplied, change. Analysis of the demand for international regimes thus helps us to understand lags between structural change and regime change, as well as to assess the significance of transgovernmental policy networks. Several assertions of structural theory seem problematic in light of this analysis. Hegemony may not be a necessary condition for stable international regimes; past patterns of institutionalized cooperation may be able to compensate, to some extent, for increasing fragmentation of power.

769 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors propose a conceptualization of regimes based on the realist image of international politics, in which autonomous self-interested states interact in an anarchic environment.
Abstract: The study of regimes can contribute to our understanding of international politics only if regimes represent more than international organizations and less than all international relations. The conceptualization of regimes developed here accepts the realist image of international politics, in which autonomous self-interested states interact in an anarchic environment. Yet there are situations in which rational actors have an incentive to eschew unconstrained independent decision making, situations in which individualistic self-interested calculation leads them to prefer joint decision making (regimes) because independent self-interested behavior can result in undesirable or suboptimal outcomes. These situations are labeled dilemmas of common interests and dilemmas of common aversions. To deal with these, states must collaborate with one another or coordinate their behavior, respectively. Thus there are different bases for regimes, which give rise to regimes with different characteristics. Coordination is self-enforcing and can be reached through the use of conventions. Collaboration is more formalized and requires mechanisms both to monitor potential cheating and to insure compliance with the regime. The article elucidates the assumptions of such an interest-based approach to regimes, assimilates alternative explanations into this framework, and develops the implications for regime maintenance and change.

500 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the usefulness of the concept of regimes is questioned on the grounds that it is a fad; ambiguous and imprecise; value-biased towards order rather than change or equity; essentially static in its interpretation of the kaleidoscopic reality of international cooperation and conflict; and rooted in a limiting, state-centric paradigm.
Abstract: This article questions the usefulness of the concept of regimes on the grounds that it is a fad; ambiguous and imprecise; value-biased towards order rather than change or equity; essentially static in its interpretation of the kaleidoscopic reality of international cooperation and conflict; and, finally, rooted in a limiting, state-centric paradigm. Each of these objections represents a dragon that unwary young scholars should be warned to avoid—or at least to treat with caution. On the grounds that those who look for a tidy general theory encompassing all the variety of forces shaping world politics are chasing a will o' the wisp, the article suggests as an alternative that we should pay attention to the overlapping bargaining processes, economic and political, domestic as well as international, by which the outcomes of the interaction of states, of authorities with markets and their operators, and of political institutions and economic enterprises, determine between them the "who-gets-what" of the international political economy.

371 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the dynamics of international regimes are treated as social institutions and three developmental sequences are identified, and the resultant regimes are described as spontaneous orders, negotiated orders, and imposed orders.
Abstract: The dynamics of international regimes are treated as social institutions. How and why do regimes arise from the interactions of individual actors over time? Three developmental sequences are identified, and the resultant regimes are described as spontaneous orders, negotiated orders, and imposed orders. How do regimes change once they have become established in specific social settings? Three major types of pressure for regime change arise from internal contradictions, shifts in underlying power structures, and exogenous forces. The next task in studying the dynamics of international regimes is to seek a more sophisticated understanding of the factors determining the incidence of these developmental sequences and pressures for change.

347 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors argue that there may be lags between changes in basic causal variables and regime change, and there may also be feedback from regimes to basic causal variable.
Abstract: Two distinct traditions have developed from structural realist perspectives. The first, the billiard ball version, focuses purely on interaction among states. The second, the tectonic plates version, focuses on the relationship between the distribution of power and various international environments. It is the latter tradition that suggests why regimes may be important for a realist orientation. However, it also opens the possibility for viewing regimes as autonomous, not just as intervening, variables. There may be lags between changes in basic causal variables and regime change. There may be feedback from regimes to basic causal variables. Both lags and feedback suggest an importance for regimes that would be rejected by conventional structural arguments.

279 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, a comparison of international regimes with respect to specificity, formality, modes of change, and distributive bias is made, showing that some international regimes are durable and others fragile, and why some invite wide compliance and others provoke deviation.
Abstract: International regimes are attitudinal phenomena. They are thus subjective and exist primarily as participants' understandings, expectations or convictions about legitimate, appropriate or moral behavior. Regimes are identified and their tenets described by studying records of participants' perceptions gleaned either from interview transcripts or from appropriate documents. Theorizing concerning international regimes currently focuses upon identifying analytic characteristics that might become bases for comparative empirical studies and foundations for generalization. Particularly promising are comparisons of international regimes with regard to specificity, formality, modes of change, and distributive bias. The regime that buttressed late 19th century European colonialism is compared to the international food regime of the present day with respect to these analytic features. Observations on the two cases suggest reasons why some international regimes are durable and others fragile, why some invite wide compliance and others provoke deviation, and why some change while the international structure of power remains constant but others change only after the weak become strong.

232 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, a synthesis of the analyses of regimes offered by mainstream views and by a normative view of world order represented by the eco-reformist approach is presented. But the discussion is illustrated with references to the Law of the Sea negotiations.
Abstract: Much of the confusion in the current literature on regimes is due to the fact that two very different metaphors about nature, science, and culture inform the discussion. The two metaphors—the organic and the mechanical—imply six different approaches to world order studies, and hence to the analysis and advocacy of regimes. Each of the six—eco-environmentalism, eco-reformism, egalitarianism, liberalism, mercantilism, and mainstream views—advances different arguments about the origin of regimes, the structural principles that explain their growth and decay, their functioning, and the values they serve. Yet each approach uses the same basic vocabulary: system, structure, process, costs-and-benefits, public goods, management, learning, organization, hegemony, and collaboration. Clarity about each argument, and a possible synthesis of views, can be achieved only if we understand the semantic and philosophical contexts in which the terminology is embedded. This article attempts the task of terminological and contextual explication in the setting of evolutionary epistemology and of contending theories of international relations. It opts for a synthesis of the analyses of regimes offered by mainstream views and by a normative view of world order represented by the eco-reformist approach. The discussion is illustrated with references to the Law of the Sea negotiations.

143 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In the case of postwar trade, the changing outcomes can be predicted simply and with rough accuracy by a hegemonic model as discussed by the authors, yet that model cannot explain the continuing reduction of tariffs, the development of new nontariff codes, and the persistence of crucial norms, rules, and institutions.
Abstract: Regimes can be analyzed both as ‘outcomes to be explained’ and as mediating social institutions that affect international transactions. In the case of postwar trade, the changing outcomes can be predicted simply and with rough accuracy by a hegemonic model. Yet that model cannot explain the continuing reduction of tariffs, the development of new nontariff codes, and the persistence of crucial norms, rules, and institutions. These durable features of modern trade suggest that the logic of regime maintenance is distinct from that of regime initiation. Nor can the hegemonic model account for the regime's highly uneven weakening. The most prominent trade barriers are in mature, basic industries; the least prominent are in industries with differentiated products and extensive research and development expenditures. One explanation (which usefully complements a hegemonic model) is that sectors differ systematically in their capacity to adapt competitively to imports, and hence in their need to preserve their position by trade barriers. Despite the regime's uneven weakening, trade volumes have continued their secular growth. In sectors where the regime remains strong, it has stimulated two-way trade in similar products (intraindustry trade). Where the regime is weaker, new nontariff barriers diminish hypothetical trade growth but rarely aim at a permanent rollback in market shares or trade volume.

121 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors argue that due to its function as a normative term the national interest cannot be understood in taxonomic categories; it necessitates an investigation of the logic of its use according to specified criteria.
Abstract: Since the notion of the “national interest” plays a pivotal role in the discourse of state action, its clarification as a normative term is historically as well as systematically important. Differing from the conventional approach, which defines the national interest according to genus and taxa, I shall argue that due to its function as a normative term the national interest cannot be understood in taxonomic categories; it necessitates an investigation of the logic of its use according to specified criteria. In this context the notion of the “public interest” is, for historical as well as systematic reasons, illuminating. As historical investigation shows, the term national interest is neither self-justificatory nor arbitrary within the conventions of the European state system until the late nineteenth century. Important changes in the international system can be traced by following the fundamentally changed usage of the term after 1870. A short comparison with and critique of Waltz's “systemic theory” of international relations concludes the article.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors present attributes of an intergovernmental organization designed to achieve efficient, equitable, and stable exploitation of ocean resources, the orbit-spectrum resource, and Antarctica.
Abstract: When should internationally shared resources be subdivided and property and management rights to parts of the resource be distributed among nation states? Subdivision leads to inefficient exploitation and to an arbitrary division of benefits under three conditions: when property rights cannot be economically enforced; when the size and the value of the resource are unknown; and when exploitation involves external economies. The efficient use of such common property resources requires private or public regulation. Voluntary private regulation is likely to be effective only when few users are involved. In other cases, public regulation is called for. Some attributes of an intergovernmental organization designed to achieve efficient, equitable, and stable exploitation are presented. Current proposals for managing ocean resources, the orbit-spectrum resource, and Antarctica are considered.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The regime for payments financing embedded in the postwar Bretton Woods system was based on the principle, formally articulated in the Charter of the International Monetary Fund (IMF), that nations should be assured of an adequate but not unlimited supply of supplementary financing for balance-of-payments purposes as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: The regime for payments financing embedded in the postwar Bretton Woods system was based on the principle, formally articulated in the Charter of the International Monetary Fund (IMF), that nations should be assured of an adequate but not unlimited supply of supplementary financing for balance-of-payments purposes Norms included the obligation to avoid policies inconsistent with the IMF Charter (ie, to play by the agreed rules of the game) In the 1970s the regime seemingly underwent profound change, as the private credit markets emerged as an increasingly important rival to the IMF as a source of payments financing Nonetheless, this change fell short of a transformation of kind, insofar as the Fund continues to play a role as informal certifier of creditworthiness in the markets Rather, it represents an example of ‘norm-governed change’ Despite greater ambiguity in rules and decision-making procedures, a strong element of continuity in basic principles and norms remains

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In 1980, Mexico decided not to join the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) and postponed Mexican entry indefinitely as mentioned in this paper, due to a growing resentment of U.S. dominance combined with a preference for conducting relations with the United States on a bilateral basis.
Abstract: In 1980 Mexico decided not to join the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT). Certain objective conditions formed a positive environment for Mexican adherence, but President L6pez Portillo postponed Mexican entry indefinitely. This critical decision is examined from two perspectives: a left-leaning foreign policy, and domestic constraints in the Mexican political system. Major foreign policy factors were a growing resentment of U.S. dominance combined with a preference for conducting relations with the U.S. on a bilateral basis. Internal political pressures reflected the continued reform of the Mexican political system at the upper levels and the relative autonomy of some elite groups from the state. L6pez Portillo's decision did not constitute an outright rejection of trade liberalization. However, the decision could have international repercussions in ‘politicizing’ U.S.-Mexican trade relations, in slowing trends toward freer trade (especially in Latin America), and in strengthening multilateral organizations like UNCTAD in which Third World countries exercise considerable power.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The direction of movement of integration between the member states of the European Communities was uncertain in the early 1970s as discussed by the authors, and the teleological ambiguities were resolved, and in the late 1970s member states increasingly stressed autonomy rather than integration.
Abstract: The direction of movement of integration between the member states of the European Communities was uncertain in the early 1970s. The increasingly intergovernmental style of decision making was then seen to have a potential for furthering integration, although a number of disintegrative pressures were noted. In 1973–1974, however, the teleological ambiguities were resolved, and in the late 1970s member states increasingly stressed autonomy rather than integration. Intergovernmental decision making then acquired a different character from that which it had shown in the early seventies. A shift in the center of gravity of the Communities' institutions, away from the Commission and in favor of the Presidency and the national foreign ministers and officials, both reflected and encouraged these developments.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In the 1970s, the U.S. executive branch was forced to make a significant change in the procedure it uses to influence decisions by the multilateral development banks as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: In the 1970s the U.S. executive branch was forced to make a significant change in the procedure it uses to influence decisions by the multilateral development banks. This procedural change—from exclusive reliance on behind-the-scenes pressure to open voting in bank councils—reflects two more fundamental alterations: the relative diminution of U.S. power in bank councils and, especially, the development of increased congressional interest in formulating U.S. policy toward the banks. As a result of these two changes, the United States has identified publicly many of the policies it seeks to promote through the banks. Taken as a whole, the U.S. voting record indicates an abandonment of the verbal commitment to the liberal concept of maintaining the banks as apolitical financial institutions. Since the concept has never been a reliable guide to U.S. behavior in bank councils, its abandonment does not signify a major change in the relationship between the banks and the United States government. Rather, it signifies an opening of the U.S. political process, one that encourages public debate and multiple advocacy in the making of U.S. policy toward the banks.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The rise of direct marketing of crude oil by state-owned enterprises from producer countries has added to the instability of world oil trade as mentioned in this paper, which contributed to the demise of traditional patterns of vertical integration.
Abstract: The rise of direct marketing of crude oil by state-owned enterprises from producer countries has added to the instability of world oil trade. The major cause of the rise of direct marketing was the changing structure of barriers to entry into the industry by new firms. Upstream, shifting entry barriers enabled state-owned enterprises increasingly to displace international companies; meanwhile, independents were increasing their share of refining capacity downstream. These changes contributed to the demise of traditional patterns of vertical integration. But these vertically integrated linkages had served to stabilize world oil trade, so their demise added to the turbulence of the international market. In response, both governments and firms from oil-importing countries have sought, with mixed success, to create new ties to sellers in order to stabilize the market.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, an analysis of the disparate views of the member states and of three case studies of the MX-1 tank treads, the ribbon bridge, and ROLAND II indicates that ideological advocacy has been high among international and national elites.
Abstract: Rationalization, standardization, and interoperability (RSI) has been an important issue in NATO throughout the 1970s. Increasingly, national political and military leaders have expressed the concern that doctrine, procedures, and materiel should be harmonized more effectively as one means of counterbalancing the Warsaw Pact. However, in the past decade RSI initiatives have been largely unsuccessful. Weapons standardization in NATO depensupon the scope and degree of ideological advocacy for the collaborative security imperative and the influence of economic competition in arms production and sales among the members of the Alliance. An analysis of the disparate views of the member-states and of threecase studies—the MX-1 tank treads, the ribbon bridge, and ROLAND II—indicates that ideological advocacy has been high among international and national elites (if not among subnational elites), but that the increased economic competition following the rise of European defense industries during the last fifteen years has exacerbated national policy differences and decreased the prospects for RSI success.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Radio waves, which are used to transmit information electronically, are a portion of the larger spectrum of electromagnetic waves, and in order to communicate without interference at any given time, a user must have exclusive access to a frequency over a geographical area determined by the distance that the signals travel to targeted receivers.
Abstract: Radio waves, which are used to transmit information electronically, are a portion of the larger spectrum of electromagnetic waves. They are used for purposes as diverse as telephone, AM and FM radio, UHF and VHF television, air and marine navigation, radar, radio astronomy, meteorology, data transmission, and electronic mail. Some uses of the spectrum entail transmitting or receiving information via satellites orbiting the planet. In order to communicate without interference at any given time, a user must have exclusive access to a frequency over a geographical area determined by the distance that the signals travel to targeted receivers.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The experiences of these firms and of the Indian government in promoting their foreign investments have had important consequences for the domestic policy process in India and for Indian foreign policy as mentioned in this paper, which has disproportionately affected the five to ten largest Indian industrial conglomerates that control the bulk of Indian joint ventures abroad.
Abstract: Indian firms are moving abroad in increasing numbers to establish manufacturing plants with local partners in less-industrialized countries. As a result, India has become one of the few important sources of Third World technology. Indian foreign direct investment was the intended consequence of foreign trade policies designed to link exports with investment, and the unintended consequence of Indian regulatory policies designed to restrict the domestic growth of large-scale private enterprises. In addition, Indian overseas operations were aided by existing financial and technical collaboration agreements in India and by expanded collaboration overseas between transnational corporations and Indian private and public enterprises. These various factors have disproportionately affected the five to ten largest Indian industrial conglomerates that control the bulk of Indian joint ventures abroad. The experiences of these firms and of the Indian government in promoting their foreign investments have had important consequences for the domestic policy process in India and for Indian foreign policy.


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors examined the rise and fall of the Yoruba state in the 18th and 19th centuries and found that it was strengthened through greater exposure to international commerce.
Abstract: Certain relationships among hegemony, international openness, capitalism, and state formation are stipulated by Polanyi, Kindleberger, Gilpin, Krasner, and Wallerstein. Here they are put to question through an examination of the rise and fall of the Yoruba state in the 18th and 19th centuries. In contrast to what widely held theories would predict, the Yoruba state was strengthened through greater exposure to international commerce. Second, from the point of view of African traders, the rise of British hegemony meant a decline in freedom to trade. Third, although the remnants of the Yoruba state were on the periphery of the world economy, its traders were able to penetrate international markets, even during periods of international economic crisis, with considerable success. In light of these findings, some suggestions are made for the reformulation of conventional theories;

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The 1970s were a period of turmoil as governments in both developed and less developed countries tried to take the lead in national oil development as discussed by the authors, while multinational corporate and private domestic industry groups blocked the way by switching from renters to political opponents.
Abstract: The 1970s were a period of turmoil as governments in both developed and less developed countries tried to take the lead in national oil development. While governments shifted from the role of landlord to that of entrepreneur, forming state oil companies, multinational corporate and private domestic industry groups blocked the way by switching from renters to political opponents. By the close of the decade, state oil companies had carved themselves a niche in multinational oil company operations but had been forced to make room there for other national industry groups as well. This article compares the process in Norway, Britain, Indonesia, and Malaysia, and tries to explain evidence that states in less developed countries (LDCs) gained more from multinational oil companies than did those in developed countries. Contrasting hypotheses concerning the ability of LDCs to harness multinational companies are explored. An alternative hypothesis is generated that relies on domestic rather than just international factors to explain the relatively greater gains of LDCs; it holds implications for the state's roles as landlord or entrepreneur. This explanation is contrasted with arguments that the coherence or strength of domestic structures explains relative state gains in the international economy.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, a "world-system perspective" is developed outside the confines of the existing community of international relations scholars, which aspires to offer a new way of conceptualizing capitalism.
Abstract: The mere appearance of all this work on the political economy of the world-system should tell us something. Capitalism has been analyzed as a relatively well-integrated social system with its own distinctive and internal dynamics, but the old insistence that it is integrated and internally governed at the national level is now being questioned. Its forms of organization are worldwide; it has organized the world. To comprehend this increasingly visible phenomenon, a "world-system perspective" is being developed outside the confines of the existing community of international relations scholars. This perspective aspires to offer a new way of conceptualizing capitalism. On this terrain Marxist theory has already established a secure beachhead, even if it is one that remains largely outside the perspective of conventional social science. The terrain is now being contested on the Left, as the analysis of development by dependency theory has been carried back into the origins of the European world-system and forward into the present. The issues raised deserve serious attention. This perspective does not form a single, rigorous theory. The literature

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors analyze the relationship between state and transnational corporations over local engine manufacture, and the tension between import substitution and export promotion, revealing a growing disjuncture between the internationally conditioned requirements of capital accumulation and the locally based demands of social reproduction.
Abstract: Development policy is analyzed by liberal models in terms of bargaining transactions between interest-maximizing actors and by the dependency perspective in terms of the internalized requirements of worldwide capital accumulation. Both approaches assume the working of capitalist rationality in dependent nations. In contrast, a focus on productive relations, class alliances, and political coalitions reveals the constraints on developmental policies in nations built around the partial development of capitalist productive forces and occupying a subordinate role in the international division of labor. Analysis of the Venezuelan auto policy during the Perez administration (1974–79) shows the relations constituting socially defined actors and the structures underlying the policy bargaining process. It posits that in Venezuela there is a growing disjuncture between the internationally conditioned requirements of capital accumulation and the locally based demands of social reproduction; that the common interest of state and bourgeoisie in maintaining the rentier basis of the economy shapes the direction and extent of industrial development; and that circulation of petrodollars has absorbed production as a phase of circulation. The struggle between state and transnational corporations over local engine manufacture, and the tension between import substitution and export promotion, concealed an underlying conflict between rent appropriation and capital accumulation.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: One of the fruits of U.S. hegemony in the postwar years was the emergence of a dominant perspective in the social sciences of the 1950s and early 1960s that had optimistic expectations concerning economic prosperity and political democracy throughout the world.
Abstract: One of the fruits of U.S. hegemony in the postwar years was the emergence of a dominant perspective in the social sciences of the 1950s and early 1960s that had optimistic expectations concerning economic prosperity and political democracy throughout the world. Loosely organized around Parsonian structural functionalism, two substantive wings of this perspective took shape: the theory of industrial society and the theory of modernization, one for the developed portions of the world and one for the developing areas. The division was predicated upon a series of fundamental contrasts-traditional vs. modern, rural vs. urban, agricultural vs. industrial, sacred vs. secular-a number of which were restated as the Parsonian pattern variables (ascription vs. achievement, particularism vs. universalism, etc.).'

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The U.N. Economic Commission for Latin America (ECLA) of import-substitution industrialization and integration policies was used to stimulate employment and technological development, and to alleviate the balance-of-payments difficulties resulting from deteriorating terms of trade as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: Industrialization efforts in Central America started in the post–World War II period, partly as a result of advocacy by the U.N. Economic Commission for Latin America (ECLA) of import-substitution industrialization and integration policies. Import-substitution industrialization was expected to stimulate employment and technological development, and to alleviate the balance-of-payments difficulties resulting from deteriorating terms of trade. From the beginning, import-substitution industrialization was linked to the creation of the Central American Common Market (CACM), which was expected to encourage industrialization through the formation of larger markets and through protectionist policies. But integration's final form abandoned many of the policies advocated by ECLA, particularly those relating to planning and treatment of foreign actors. Instead, the 1960 integration agreements emphasized “free trade” and the rapid creation of a customs union. The Central American Common Market provided an opening to foreign capital, which was encouraged, rather indiscriminately, through protection and fiscal incentives.


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Waltz as mentioned in this paper pointed out that the authors under review did not consider economics an independent variable in explaining the international system and argued that the distribution of power is a system-level variable and the factors generating that distribution within states (economic growth) are "unit-level" and reductionist.
Abstract: Kenneth Waltz claims that I have misunderstood his argument and that he did not say or imply what I attributed to him. I will deal with his points and then offer some concluding reflections. 1. Economics as an independent variable I noted (Review, pp. 691, 693) that the authors under review did not consider economics an "independent variable" in explaining the international system. Waltz correctly regarded "economics" as one important constituent of the power capabilities of nations. But for him the distribution of power is a "system-level" variable and the factors generating that distribution within states (economic growth) are "unit-level" and "reductionist." They might therefore be relevant to a theory of foreign policy but not to a theory of international politics. (More on this below.) In fact, as I showed in the review, the disinclination to deal with unit-level influences or their dismissal is one primary basis of my criticism of his conclusions. His long chapter on economics does not remedy this. It is entitled "Structural Causes and Economic Effects" and merely illustrates the difficulty. Political structure of the system is primary and economics merely an effect-or, in other terms, a dependent variable. 2. Interdependence is low or declining It is possible that Waltz is inconsistent in his view of current interdependence; if so, there may be scattered grounds for his present claim that interdependence "has been rising from the low point reached after World War II." Yet this sentence must be balanced against formulations in Theory of International Politics.