scispace - formally typeset
Search or ask a question

Showing papers in "International Review of Sociology in 2001"


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The first major post-war revival of theoretical interest in the state that began in Western Europe during the mid-1960s was mainly led by Marxists interested in the general form and functions of the capitalist state; but a key supporting role was played by Marxist-feminists who extended such ideas to the patriarchal capitalist state as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: This article addresses West European and North American developments in theorizing the state. It briefly reviews the first major post-war revival of theoretical interest in the state that began in Western Europe during the mid-1960s. This was mainly led by Marxists interested in the general form and functions of the capitalist state; but a key supporting role was played by Marxist-feminists who extended such ideas to the patriarchal capitalist state. A second revival during the late 1970s is then described. This involved many more theoretical currents and substantive concerns and was also more institutionalist in overall approach. Although the self-declared movement to �bring the state back in� originated in the USA, some of the most innovative work in this theoretical movement is rooted in less overtly state-centred approaches originating in Western Europe. Indeed some of them argue that the state as such should be dethroned from its central position in analyses of political power and domination. Thus, in addition to neo-statism, I also consider Foucauldian theory, feminism, and discourse analysis. By the 1990s this proliferation of approaches had contributed paradoxically to an apparent withering away of interest in the state as such. None the less, as I argue below, research on the state is continuing in new and exciting forms and directions.

135 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The study of political elite transformations is studied in this paper, where the authors focus on political elite transformations in the 1990s. International Review of Sociology: Vol. 11, No. 2, pp. 181-199.
Abstract: (2001). The Study of Political Elite Transformations. International Review of Sociology: Vol. 11, No. 2, pp. 181-199.

46 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors discuss space, time, religious diversity and the sacred in Prisons, and present an approach to do time: Space, Time Religious Diversity and the Sacred in Prison.
Abstract: (2001). Doing Time: Space, Time Religious Diversity and the Sacred in Prisons. International Review of Sociology: Vol. 11, No. 3, pp. 371-382.

34 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, political elite studies at the year 2000: Introduction and an overview of the main themes of the year were discussed, with a focus on the role of political elite.
Abstract: (2001). Political Elite Studies at the Year 2000: Introduction. International Review of Sociology: Vol. 11, No. 2, pp. 175-180.

22 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: According to a study published in France by Villeneuve-Gokalp ( 1997), living as a couple and yet maintaining one's individual independence would appear to be a relatively common occurrence in the early stages of a relationship.
Abstract: Conjugal transformations have been many over the last 30 years. They have particularly affected the domain of divorce rather than marriage. Having passed completely unseen for a long time, the residential autonomy of couples has been the particular subject of interest of family specialists. The spread of couples living together without marrying and the increase of second unions might have encouraged the development of double residences and explain the recent excitement of interest in this lifestyle commonly called ‘Living Apart Together’ ( LAT) . However, according to a study published in France by Villeneuve-Gokalp ( 1997) living as a couple and yet maintaining one’s individual independence would appear to be a relativelycommon occurrence in the early stages of a relationship. Sixteen per cent of couples do not live together all the time at the beginning of their ‘conjugal life’. It also seems, according to this same study, that two-thirds ( 66%) of members of couples claim that this separation is due to pressures external to the couple itself, usually family related or professional; 34% claim that it is in order to retain their independence. A voluntary separation of domicile might appear to be a prudent behaviour, with both parties taking the time to verify the solidity of their relationship while maintaining their individual space. Perhaps it is a way of imposing a lifestyle that respects the individual autonomy of each party. The preference of an independent relationship is much more common in second unions, and this fact reinforces both the hypothesis of prudence and the desire for autonomy. If one of the two members of a couple has experienced at least one break up, in nearly 2 cases out of 10, cohabitation is delayed, but does eventually happen. According to the In stitu t Nation al de Sta tistiqu es et d ’Etu des Econ omiqu es ( INSEE) ( Villeneuve-Gokalp, 1997) data, it would seem that few couples can withstand long-term residential separations. In fact, among couples who still consider themselves united after Ž ve years, only 12% continue in separate residences. The others have succumbed to the charm or to the necessity of a shared domicile. Twenty years ago, couples living together without marr ying was beginning to be more common; now, the two-household couple is the new style. Each, in its own time, may have served the purpose of loosening the overly rigid bonds of the traditional marriage and, then, the equally restraining ones of permanent cohabitation. Perhaps there is also a new form of love semantics, as we shall see. In tern a tion al Rev iew of Sociology—Rev u e In tern a tion ale de Sociologie, Vol. 11, No. 1, 2001

21 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors compare the various forms assumed by non-residential conjugal arrangements in different socio-historic and cultural contexts, and analyze their implications for family life.
Abstract: Introduction2 On the basis of available studies on the Caribbean and Europe,3 this paper compares patterns of forming conjugal, non-residential unions in both societies. Visiting unions in the Caribbean and European, non-residential, conjugal arrangements ( living apart together/chacu n chez soi) constitute two forms of non-legalized union in which spouses share a sexual and affective, but nonresidential sphere. This is a pattern of family formation that is far removed from the normative model ( legal marriage) and cohabitation.4 Our interest is twofold: to compare the various forms assumed by non-residential conjugal arrangements in different socio-historic and cultural contexts, and to analyze their implications for family life. The role of non-residential arrangements in the formation of families with female headship, the birth of children out of wedlock, the relationship between fathers and children and gender relations have constituted a signiŽ cant sphere of debate and research in Caribbean societies for a number of decades. We examine the extent to which there is a con uence between these issues and those present in analyses of family life in European countries. Finally, to encourage a broader sphere of re ection, we refer to the various theoretical positions that have sought to explain recent changes in patterns of couple formation in European countries, and the persistence of nonresidential conjugal arrangements in the Caribbean for several centuries.

16 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Freedman as mentioned in this paper pointed out that the fundamental reason for women's political under-representation is a political culture which does not offer women any positive model of female power and concluded that the non-coincidence between the signs of power and those of femininity is the main obstacle to an important presence of women in the political institutions of these countries.
Abstract: The under-representation of women in political institutions is a quasi-universal phenomenon, notwithstanding the glaring exception of Scandinavian countries. Comparative studies seem to be, for this reason, particularly required, to distinguish actually universal factors for women’s political under-representation, from more culturally speciŽ c ones.1 The universal factors identiŽ ed so far include the dominant sexual division of labour, in which women are in charge of the domestic work ( including the care of children) ; the domination of political parties by men; and electoral systems with single-member constituencies. A recent comparative study of women representatives in France and the UK offers a more cultural explanation. The author of the study, J. Freedman, makes the hypothesis that the ‘fundamental factor for the exclusion of women from the political Ž eld [ is] a political culture which does not offer women any positive model of female power’;2 and indeed she concludes from her survey that the ‘non-coincidence between the signs of power and those of femininity’3 is the main obstacle to an important presence of women in the political institutions of these countries. As a French observer of women’s political representation in South Asia, I was particularly interested in J. Freedman’s work. Her observations drew me to question the impact, if any, of the Hindu Goddess—a uniquely popular, positive Ž gure of feminine power—on the political representation of women in two countries where Hinduism is the religion of the majority: India and Nepal. To speak of ‘the Goddess’ is actually misleading: the Hindu pantheon includes a number of female deities, who are conventionally divided into two main categories: benign goddesses and Ž erce goddesses, respectively characterized by a set of features such as their character, appearance, mobility, kinship, residence, worshippers, priest, etc.4 But the deity referred to as ‘The Goddess’ is most often either Kali or Durga, who both are without consorts and embody absolute Shakti,5 i.e. the cosmic, feminine principle of power. In the last 20 years the Hindu Goddess has been the object of much interest in various circles, both in India and in the West. Ecofeminism and New Age spirituality have invoked her as a source of inspiration. But ‘is the Hindu Goddess a feminist?’ asked R. Sunder Rajan.6 Such a question points to the relationship between a cultural artefact, deŽ ned as essentially feminine, and real women. My intention here is to examine, more speciŽ cally, the relationship between the Goddess and those women who engage with politics. Does In tern a tion al Rev iew of Sociology—Rev u e In tern a tion ale de Sociologie, Vol. 11, No. 1, 2001

15 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors attempt to reconcile the differences between these two seemingly contradictory findings by finding that culture was important for understanding organizational behavior and management and that very little research is available from the Middle East, which indicates that we still do not know enough about the inµ uence cultures have on organizational structures and behaviors.
Abstract: Does culture in uence organizational structure? SpeciŽ cally, what in uences do national cultures have on the structure of organizations? For many years researchers have studied the impact of culture on organizational structure. In their review of the management literature, Adler and Bartholomew (1992) found that 70% of the articles discussed the role of culture. Of these, nearly all concluded that culture was important for understanding organizational behavior and management. On the other hand, in his review of comparative management theory Redding (1994, p. 331) concludes: ‘This review inevitably leads to the conclusion that thirty years’ work has made little impression on the immensely complex problem of cultures and organizational behavior.’ This indicates that we still do not know enough about the in uence cultures have on organizational structures and behaviors. SpeciŽ cally, very little research is available from the Middle East. Earlier, Miller and Mahmoudi (1986) reported that organizational structure of pre-revolutionary Iran was very similar to that of the USA. However, more recently Miller and Sharda (1995) report that national culture did in fact in uence the organizational structure of Jordan, another Middle Eastern nation. In this paper we attempt to reconcile the differences between these two seemingly contradictory Ž ndings.

14 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In Norway, it was illegal for a man and a woman to live together without being formally married, i.e. without the recognition of the state/church as discussed by the authors. But the labour government withdrew a proposal to the parliament to abolish this particular legislation (the so-called "concubinage paragraph" in 1954, and it was finally abolished in 1972, somewhat overdue.
Abstract: Family sociology reacted slowly and reluctantly to the behavioural and structural changes in family life that took place in many industrialized countries from the late 1960s/early 1970s ( Cheal, 1991; Doherty et a l., 1993; Eriksen and Wetlesen, 1996) . The 1950s has been described in Norway as the era of ‘the housewife family’ par excellen ce, using a Parsonian understanding ( Frones and Hompland, 1994; Gronseth, 1972) . This is well documented by solid long-term census data: marriages took place in church1 and it was common to be formally engaged to be married, divorce rates were low and labour market participation for married women, especially with children, was low ( Noack, 1994) . Still, there has been a long-term tradition of unmarried cohabitation or consensual unions in Norway, particularly in certain parts of the country, and mostly in the lower classes ( Brunborg, 1979; Eliot and Hillman, 1960; Sundt; 1855/1989) . The radical protesters against bourgeois marriage have been few in number, but their views were well aired ( Hoel, 1927) . Also, Norwegian family sociology pointed to the inadequacy of the Parsonian understanding of the family ( Gronseth, 1958, 1973) . In a historical perspective ( Goody, 1983; Frones and Hompland, 1994) the 1950s represent a peak in the state/church control of marriage, meaning a high degree of conformity in family life with the state/church as the sole agent empowered to acknowledge marriage. In fact, it was illegal in Norway for a man and a woman to live together without being formally married, i.e. without the recognition of the state/church. In 1954 the labour government withdrew a proposal to the parliament to abolish this particular legislation ( the so-called ‘concubinage paragraph’) . It was Ž nally abolished in 1972, somewhat overdue, to judge from the emerging marriage/cohabitation pattern. Family policy of the 1950s and 1960s was tailored to the nuclear family ideal: child allowance ( paid to the mother) , tax rules favouring one-breadwinner families, child day-care centres were almost non-existent and school started at the age of seven. But the welfare state was under construction and gradually relieving the family of some of the responsibilities for those outside the labour market ( the old, the disabled, unemployed, university students but not married women) . Included was support arrangements for unwed mothers. With regard to prevention and sexual education, Norway was quite conservative in the Scandinavian context ( Henriksen and Holter, 1978) . In tern a tion al Rev iew of Sociology—Rev u e In tern a tion ale de Sociologie, Vol. 11, No. 1, 2001

14 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors present the Elite Research in Germany (ELR) project and the International Review of Sociology: Vol. 11, No. 2, pp. 201-216.
Abstract: (2001). Elite Research in Germany. International Review of Sociology: Vol. 11, No. 2, pp. 201-216.

13 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, who wants divorce: Marriage Values and Divorce in Malta and Western Europe, 2001, Vol. 11, No. 1, pp. 75-87, with a focus on Malta.
Abstract: (2001). Who Wants Divorce?: Marriage Values and Divorce in Malta and Western Europe. International Review of Sociology: Vol. 11, No. 1, pp. 75-87.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors report on the second phase of ongoing qualitative research on American families adopting Romanian children, focusing on how families navigate through their private and public experiences of adoption.
Abstract: The creation of families through international adoption has become increasingly common in the last decade in the USA. The reasons for this trend are complex and involve both domestic and international social conditions. With these prevailing conditions as background, this paper reports on the second phase of ongoing qualitative research on American families adopting Romanian children. It examines the ways in which adoption is socially constructed by families, focusing on how families navigate through their private and public experiences of adoption. The Ž rst phase of this study addressed the choices and risks involved in adopting a Romanian child in the period immediately following the overthrow of the Ceausescu regime in the early 1990s ( Goldberg, 1997) . The current paper revisits the same families six years after their adoptions took place, four years after the Ž rst interviews. There is little sociological research on international adoption and even less speciŽ c to Romania. Some studies on the adoption of Romanian children focus on the deprivation found in orphanages and inadequate care prior to adoption ( Bascom and McKelvey, 1997; Johnson et a l., 1993) . Two recent studies examine outcomes for children adopted from Romania ( Groze and Ileana, 1996; Marcovitch et a l., 1995) . Most of the scholarly research on international adoption comes from the medical, psychological and social work Ž elds and focuses on health and developmental problems resulting from the various conditions children experience both preand post-adoption ( cf. Bartholet, 1997; Haugaard, 1997; Miall, 1996; Tizard, 1991; Watkins and Fisher, 1993) . Some of the most current research looks at the long-term effects of institutionalization that many internationally adopted children have experienced ( Bascom and McKelvey, 1997; Marcovitch et al., 1995; Tizard, 1991; Verhulst et a l., 1992; Wilkinson, 1995) . Much of this research is in uenced by a pervasive cultural assumption of the superiority of biological families over adoptive families. It can be argued that it contains a research bias which re ects signiŽ cant social stigma regarding adoption ( Bartholet, 1997; Kirk, 1984; Miall, 1996; Watkins and Fisher, 1993) . The models for research found in this problem-focused literature limit our understanding of adoption and its contribution to family formation considerably. Awareness of this bias is crucial to understanding how families perceive their own experiences with adoption and the choices they make in presenting themselves internally and externally. One of the few studies that addresses these concerns is Miall’s study of the social construction In tern a tion al Rev iew of Sociology—Rev u e In tern a tion ale de Sociologie, Vol. 11, No. 1, 2001

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, Elites, Structures, and Political Action in Latin America, the authors discuss the role of the elite, structures, and political action in Latin American social networks.
Abstract: (2001). Elites, Structures, and Political Action in Latin America. International Review of Sociology: Vol. 11, No. 2, pp. 231-246.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors propose a re-integration of the sociological discussion of religion with the main-line sociology, in which the traditional sub-discipline of the "sociology of religion" as largely dominated by the secularization paradigm is practised at an increasing distance from central theoretical and practical concerns of main line sociology, but it does so in an era in which, after the collapse of Marxism, and in the face of the global ‘triumph of capitalism, progressive commodiµ cation and the spread of invasive managerialism,1 main
Abstract: The recomposition of the religious Ž eld proceeds apace, but it does so in an era in which the traditional sub-discipline of the ‘sociology of religion’ as largely dominated by the secularization paradigm is practised at an increasing distance from central theoretical and practical concerns of main-line sociology. Correspondingly, and conversely, in the aftermath of the collapse of Marxism, and in the face of the global ‘triumph of capitalism’, progressive commodiŽ cation and the spread of invasive managerialism,1 main-line sociology is itself now undergoing theoretical renewal. It is also rediscovering an emancipatory and ethical role in (not least) the making visible of the constructive power of a global/local world system and the corresponding intensiŽ cation of local identities of many kinds. The now increasingly differentiated discussion of the interpenetrating representations of modernity/postmodernity which has been of central importance in the renewal of social and cultural theory thus provides a crucial factor in the potential reintegration of the sociological discussion of religion with the main-line. In this context the 20th-century transformation of the space–time matrix, traced out, for example, by Barbara Adam (1990, 1995, 1998), David Harvey (1989) and Helga Nowotny (1994) provide a speciŽ c point of access into this complex interface. In summary terms, as relentless acceleration and simultaneity becomes the goal of informational systems and spaces proliferate in virtuality, so ‘post-human’ identities compete for attention in new economies of space and time. All that is solid and indeed sacred melts,  ows and melds; the language of ultimacy, religion, the sacred (e.g. omniscience, omnipotence, omnipresence) is transmuted into the functional vocabulary of informatics. In the religious Ž eld (le champ religieux) the human/post-human condition stumbles and falters on the arête between new and emergent polarities between chthonic and virtual identiŽ cations in space and place, and in time and opportunity. This might at Ž rst seem to be a very abstract way of characterizing a complex situation. We shall, therefore, set up an initial dilemma inherited from the main-line sociological tradition represented by Durkheim as reworked by the Balkan-American sociologist Stjepan Me Ïstrović, who seeks to represent the present-day human condition in the West as the ‘postemotional society’, a International Review of Sociology—Revue Internationale de Sociologie, Vol. 11, No. 3, 2001

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The Structure of Mexican Elites: An Enduring Puzzle as mentioned in this paper is an enduring puzzle of the structure of Mexican elites that has been studied extensively in the last few decades.
Abstract: (2001). The Structure of Mexican Elites: An Enduring Puzzle. International Review of Sociology: Vol. 11, No. 2, pp. 217-229.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The study of political elite in federal democracies has been studied in this paper, with a focus on the role of the elite in the election process. But the study is limited to the United States.
Abstract: (2001). The Study of Political Elites in Federal Democracies. International Review of Sociology: Vol. 11, No. 2, pp. 247-264.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The authors argue that although the changes occurring in the present are unprecedented, this does not necessarily mean that religious sources of morality have outlived their usefulness, despite themselves, some analysts rely on such sources without acknowledging where they come from.
Abstract: Much is made of the new situation often referred to as the global information society. Such terms as ‘global information society’ are important because they draw attention to ways in which human life is reshaping itself, in conjunction with communication and information technologies (CITs). Widespread use of these technologies helps to alter the basic matrix of social life, most profoundly at the level of time and space. New ways are constantly sought to manage the emerging unprecedented situations, for instance when workers are no longer necessarily under one roof at the same time. But as more than one commentator has observed, mere management cannot solve all the problems that emerge. Some of these are quite clearly moral problems, despite the fact that management approaches often obscure this dimension. At this point further difŽ culties arise. For most of human history, religion has been, among other things, a source of morality. But in many places in Europe and North America social adherence to, and reliance on organized religion has waned. This raises the question, does religion have anything to offer today? Some of the best commentators on the need for morality seem to ignore religion, and one can understand why. But although the changes occurring in the present are unprecedented, this does not necessarily mean that religious sources of morality have outlived their usefulness. Indeed, despite themselves, some analysts rely on such sources without acknowledging where they come from. It is a mistake to think that the ‘global information society’ has outlived morality and religion. One of the most in uential authors who writes on these themes is Zygmunt Bauman. In what follows, Bauman’s work is used most frequently as a foil for the arguments presented here. Bauman has written insightfully on globalization, postmodernity, social change, ethics, and religion. In placing these themes together, Bauman’s work is seen as a major contribution to social understanding. But it is also possible to reach some different conclusions from Bauman’s.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: This paper found that a magazine like Fortune could hardly be expected to approve of a writer who penned passages like the following: "One Dimensional Man" and "One-dimensional man".
Abstract: I don’t know why, but a few months ago I found myself reading Herbert Marcuse, the ‘improbable guru’ of the 1960s, as Fortune, the popular US business magazine, labeled him at the time. Fortune found him improbable on two counts. First, his age: Marcuse in the 1960s was himself in his sixties, leading the decade of those in their twenties who said they trusted no one in their thirties, or above—except Marcuse and his paradigm-shattering One Dimensional Man. Second, his philosophy: a magazine like Fortune could hardly be expected, though, to approve of a writer who penned passages like the following:

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Gottmann et al. as mentioned in this paper introduced the concept of iconographie and carrefour, and defined the cloisons de l’iconographie as "obstacles to la circulation of persons, des choses, and des idées".
Abstract: Lorsqu’il introduit le concept d’iconographie dans son analyse de la politique des Etats, Jean Gottmann l’associe à deux autres concepts plus spéciŽ quement géographiques: la circulation et le carrefour (Gottmann, 1952a, b). Les frontières, dit-il, donnent naissance à des icônes de toutes sortes—drapeaux, tabous sociaux, croyances—qui sont autant d’obstacles à la circulation des personnes, des choses, et des idées; le carrefour étant, lui, un lieu privilégié de rencontre entre le mouvement et l’obstacle au mouvement, entre l’iconographie et l’environnement. Les cloisons de l’iconographie, ajoute Gottmann, sont d’abord dans les esprits. Or il est certains archétypes mentaux qui sont à la fois iconographie et carrefour. C’est l’un de ces derniers qui nous intéresse ici: l’archétype du centre, plus précisément du centre du monde. Quels pays situons-nous au centre du monde? Comment ce centre cloisonnet-il l’espace géographique, et, à l’inverse, comment sert-il à le décloisonner? Une réponse à ces questions nous sera fournie par une étude des cartes mentales d’étudiants américains, belges, canadiens, français, suisses, et polonais interrogés par questionnaire.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The religious meaning of space and time: South and Southeast Asia and Modern Paganism as discussed by the authors is a survey of the meaning of time, space, and space in modern Paganism.
Abstract: (2001). The Religious Meaning of Space and Time: South and Southeast Asia and Modern Paganism. International Review of Sociology: Vol. 11, No. 3, pp. 395-418.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The notion of sacred time was introduced by Max Weber as discussed by the authors, who argued that attitudes toward time first created in a religious environment might keep their religiously established motivational power even if the inµ uence of the religious matrix were to diminish.
Abstract: The phenomenon of time has in more recent years become a favourite topic of sociological and anthropological discussion, whereas the phenomenon of sacred time had already caught the attention of scholars in the area of comparative religion at an earlier stage. In sociology, Max Weber had proposed that attitudes toward time Ž rst created in a religious environment might keep their religiously established motivational power even if the in uence of the religious matrix were to diminish. This paper will try to point to speciŽ c aspects in this argument which are often overlooked in the discussion of Weber’s ‘Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism’. The generally accepted view that Weber wanted to show how religion in uences social structure, or in this case, economic structures in particular is to some extent a formulation which draws attention away from the real problem. The construction of meaning, or constructed meaning as such, an issue central to Weber’s concern, is obviously already part of the approach to what we register as phenomena. Cognitive and emotional frames of reference might be originally located in the complex we call religion, alternatively, they might have been borrowed—or they could be transferred from other locations. Generally speaking, the process of incorporation of outside stimuli into the framework constituting knowledge and orientation is of critical importance, as this framework really shapes the data. Thus taking into account what philosophical phenomenology calls appresentation, the facticity of phenomena so dear to Durkheim (1964, p. 10), Ž nds itself losing some of its seemingly unambiguous quality. In reality, the concept of phenomena is itself used in differing ways in different approaches.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, an analysis of a Difficult Relationship between Polling and the Democratic Process in Germany is presented, based on the International Review of Sociology: Vol. 11, No. 2, pp. 125-147.
Abstract: (2001). Polling and the Democratic Process in Germany - Analyses of a Difficult Relationship. International Review of Sociology: Vol. 11, No. 2, pp. 125-147.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The crossing of a millennium as discussed by the authors is a seminal event in the sociology of time, which has a distinguished but oft overlooked or neglected pedigree (Zerubavel, 1981; Elchardus, 1988; Pronovost, 1989).
Abstract: Time, it may be said, is a fundamental factor of the human condition. At the personal level, as well analyzed by Heidegger (1962), temporality is not extrinsic but rather constitutive of our being-in-the-world, and temporality is equally a parameter of social organization and social interaction. Often one is not aware of time as a fundamental structure relating the human being and the human group to the environment unless there is a rupture in temporality. Instances of ruptures are varied in everyday or ‘normal’ social organization: for example, when ‘time runs out’ at some activity where it is a constraining element (e.g. a sporting event or an impending execution) or a scarce commodity (‘you have two minutes to make a decision’), or even, as for all societies, a shift from ‘secular’ to ‘sacred’ time, or ‘ordinary’ to ‘extraordinary’ with a radical shift in the quantitative and qualitative temporalization of social activities. Had Georges Gurvitch, who developed more than anyone else a complex typology of social times (1964), lived beyond 1965, he would have recognized the ‘revolutionary’ time of ‘1968’ in the West (including here Prague) and of ‘1989’ in Eastern Europe (and China). These were dramatic instances of shifts from ‘ordinary’ time (whether in bourgeois or socialist society), with its everyday sequencing of activities which reproduce social organization, to the pace and content of activities of ‘extraordinary time’ which produce or seek to produce new forms of organization and interaction. Whatever takes place in ‘extraordinary’ time—whether it is the traditional religious sacred or the secular revolutionary sacred—it is characteristic that the emotional level of actors is greatly heightened: exuberance, exultation, frenzy, somberness and the like, which Durkheim captured with his seminal analysis of ‘collective effervescence’ (1995).1 This paper is concerned with a rupture in time reckoning constituting a global event, a unique global event: the crossing of a millennium. Why this event should be a boon to the sociology of time as a specialty area that has a distinguished but oft overlooked or neglected pedigree (Zerubavel, 1981; Elchardus, 1988; Pronovost, 1989) will become readily apparent, I trust, from the ensuing discussion. International Review of Sociology—Revue Internationale de Sociologie, Vol. 11, No. 3, 2001

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors present a paper called "Partnerships for Growth: The Public - Private Balance in Regional Industrial Policy", which is based on the International Review of Sociology Vol. 11, No. 1, pp. 21-35.
Abstract: (2001). Partnerships for Growth: The Public - Private Balance in Regional Industrial Policy. International Review of Sociology: Vol. 11, No. 1, pp. 21-35.