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Showing papers in "International Studies Quarterly in 1969"


Book ChapterDOI
TL;DR: In the past two decades the field of international relations studies has become increasingly diversified and is now marked by sharp differences over questions of scope, method, and theory as mentioned in this paper, however, this heterogeneity should not be allowed to obscure broad agreement on some fundamental propositions of overriding importance.
Abstract: In the past two decades the field of international relations studies has become increasingly diversified and is now marked by sharp differences over questions of scope, method, and theory. This heterogeneity, however, should not be allowed to obscure broad agreement on some fundamental propositions of overriding importance. One of these is the feeling shared by traditionalists and scientifically-oriented investigators alike, and by many academic scholars as well as sophisticated policymakers, that the way in which the leaders of nation-states view each other and the nature of world political conflict is of fundamental importance in determining what happens in relations among states.

555 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The relationship between national identity and political autonomy, between national integration and political sovereignty, and between national self-identity and political authority has been studied in a variety of forms and carries with it political consequences.
Abstract: Nationalism takes a variety of forms and carries with it a variety of political consequences. A major variable distinguishing one pattern of nationalism from another has been the interplay between "nation" and "state." At bottom, this is a relationship between national identity and political autonomy, between national integration and political sovereignty. In many of the developed countries of the post-World War II world the sense of national identity evolved prior to the crystallization of the structures of political authority. By contrast, in most of the currently underdeveloped, newly independent countries this sequence is reversed: authority and sovereignty have run ahead of self-conscious national identity and cultural integration. To this extent it can be said that Europe produced nation-states, whereas Asia and Africa have produced state-nations. These two broad patterns of relationships have never been as clear-cut as has been traditionally supposed. Their implications are particularly pertinent for understanding the role of nationalism in political stabilization and economic modernization, as well as its possible role in reshaping the patterns of political control and consolidation. What is called for is an appreciation of the mobilization character of nationalism-specifically, nationalism as the embodiment of at least two types of mobilization that may outstrip one another.

56 citations



Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, a framework for the comparison of regional international relations and its application to five of the fifteen subordinate systems into which international politics could be divided was proposed, including the Middle East, West Europe, Latin America, Southeast Asia, and West Africa.
Abstract: This article offers a framework for the comparison of regional international relations and its application to five of the fifteen subordinate systems into which international politics could be divided.' The five subordinate systems to be discussed-the Middle East, West Europe, Latin America, Southeast Asia, and West Africahave been chosen because they are geographically disparate and fairly representative of the types of subordinate systems which exist throughout the international system.2

32 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: For instance, simulation techniques for the study of politics variously blend intuition, science, and value judgments as discussed by the authors, such as game possible future international crises with professional diplomats to discussions with a wholly computerized Barry Goldwater.
Abstract: More obviously than most other recent research methodologies, simulation techniques for the study of politics variously blend intuition, science, and value judgments. Such techniques range from gaming possible future international crises with professional diplomats to discussions with a wholly computerized Barry Goldwater. As dynamic but artificial realizations of political processes, simulation models lend themselves to all kinds of analyses: philosophers and policy scientists may use them to clarify goals or to invent and appraise policy alternatives, while empirically-oriented simulators seek generally to describe and explain political behavior.

23 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors suggest that the explanation for many of the inadequacies of the Department of State and many things that are puzzling about it lies in the nature and functioning of the dominant subculture that exists in the Department.
Abstract: The Department of State has had many critics, including Presidents. John F. Kennedy once asked Charles Bohlen, "What's wrong with that goddamned Department of yours, Chip?"' The Department remained an enigma to him and he developed the "Bundy operation" in the White House largely because he could not find a way to use the Department of State effectively. This article will suggest that the explanation for many of the inadequacies of the Department and many of the things that are puzzling about it lies in the nature and functioning of the dominant subculture that exists in the Department. The beliefs and actions of members of the Department are influenced by the Departmental culture in much the same way that they are influenced by the national culture. The day-to-day working world of a Departmental officer will normally be made up of people who are carriers of the ideas and norms of the subculture. To discuss the operation of the Department of State without considering the role of the subculture is like trying to explain tidal change without reference to the role of the moon.

22 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The recent emphasis on the study of international regions as an intermediate level of analysis between the nation-state and the global international system appears to reflect in part an increasing problem in the discipline of isolating relatively stable units of analysis during periods of rapid social change.
Abstract: The recent emphasis on the study of international regions as an intermediate level of analysis between the nation-state and the global international system appears to reflect in part an increasing problem in the discipline of isolating relatively stable units of analysis during periods of rapid social change. While it may be premature to sound the death knell for the nation-state as an effective social unit for processing what Almond and Powell call the regulative, extractive, distributive, and responsive tasks of a political system,' it is also clear that the technological revolution in communication, transportation, and modes of production does not respect the territorial boundaries recognized in international diplomatic practice. Structural-functional models of an integrated and largely self-contained social system have perhaps not proved more productive in guiding research to date because of the difficulties in defining the boundaries of a sociocultural system which are not necessarily coextensive with the territorial boundaries of the separate states upon which much of our aggregate statistical data is based. Cultural areas, as Shibutani reminds us, "are set neither by territory nor by formal group membership but by the limits of effective communication."2 Because the effectiveness of communica-

22 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, a somewhat loose and general definition of a regional subsystem is employed, "a pattern of relations among basic components of a region" and the international politics of East Asia are dealt with directly as a region.
Abstract: East Asia, two decades ago a war-ravaged and largely colonial backwater, has moved to the very forefront of the contemporary international scene. In the policy debate over Vietnam, statesmen have daily sought to comprehend the complex and recently remote world of Asian politics. Scholars of international affairs now make direct and often primary reference to Asia in discussing issues such as multipolarity, international violence, nuclear proliferation, and regionalism. Yet despite this marked increase in attention, surprisingly few works beyond those specifically focused on Vietnam strategy have dealt concretely and comprehensively with the international politics of the region. One way in which the fundamental trends of the last decade can be identified and analyzed is to consider East Asia as a regional subsystem. The concepts of "regionalism" and "regional subsystem" have become increasingly popular in analysis of international relations, but the varied and often ambiguous ways in which they have been used have had uneven and frequently dubious results. No attempt is made here to clear the methodological problems that have grown up around these concepts, but rather the international politics of East Asia are dealt with directly as a regional subsystem. It is. necessary, however, to consider initially the theoretical bases underlying the discussion. A somewhat loose and general definition of a regional subsystem is employed, "a pattern of relations among basic

21 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: This article explore an area of inquiry between these two foci, which we might usefully term "submacro" and emphasize the need to stress what they have called "subordinate systems."
Abstract: Foreign policy analysis of individual nation-states (micro) and the study of the global international system (macro) represent one important analytic division in the field of international relations, The purpose of this special issue is to explore an area of inquiry between these two foci, which we might usefully term "submacro."' There is nothing original about this level of analysis if we include the notion of regions and integration, although there is some controversy over the term "region." The debate between the traditionalists and behavioralists often obscures another division-that between the area specialists and the theorists-generalists (the latter usually possessing greater or lesser expertise in "Western" affairs). The importance of bridging the differences between the two has been emphasized by Leonard Binder and Michael Brecher,2 who were similarly concerned with the need to stress what they have called "subordinate systems." In each case, however, their concern has been with one particular region (the Middle East and Southern Asia) and solely in the contemporary setting. To this perspective we have initially added the vertical and

21 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: A subordinate state system, as suggested elsewhere, requires six conditions for its existence: delimited scope, with primary stress on a geographic region; at least three actors; objective recognition by most other actors as constituting a distinctive community, region, or segment of the global system; self-identification as such; units of power relatively inferior to units in the dominant system, using a sliding scale of power in both; and more intensive and influential penetration of the subordinate system by the dominant systems than the reverse as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: A subordinate state system, as suggested elsewhere, requires six conditions for its existence: (1) delimited scope, with primary stress on a geographic region; (2) at least three actors; (3) objective recognition by most other actors as constituting a distinctive community, region, or segment of the global system; (4) selfidentification as such; (5) units of power relatively inferior to units in the dominant system, using a sliding scale of power in both; and (6) more intensive and influential penetration of the subordinate system by the dominant system than the reverse. Measured by these criteria the Middle East is certainly one of the few developed subordinate systems in contemporary international politics.'

19 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors question whether the study of international relations is proceeding in a desirable direction, and, if not, offer a suggestion for the reorientation of International relations scholarship.
Abstract: Scholarship about scholarship, like theory about theory, and teaching about teaching, is rarely very stimulating. Such commodities are not in short supply in the field of international relations, and this is not an attempt to add to them. The purpose of this paper is rather to question whether the study of international relations is proceeding in a desirable direction, and, if not, thereby to offer a suggestion for the reorientation of international relations scholarship. The utility of any academic discipline (including international relations) is measured ultimately by the contribution made to the understanding of human problems and/or to the improvement of the human condition. This is particularly true of the social sciences, which focus upon human beings as they relate to each other in the process of group interaction.


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors consider whether there are any gains to be obtained from analyzing what we know of Communist affairs in terms of systems theory, and they propose to apply systems theory to the study of the Communist system.
Abstract: There is now a relatively large and growing literature on the use of systems theory in political science and in international relations. A significant part of that inquiry has concerned the usefulness of systems theory as a tool with which to study regional groupings of states-known also as subordinate systems or as subsystems. Although the Communist system has been studied from the point of view of its organizational characteristics,' no attempts have been made, to this writer's knowledge, to apply systems theory to the study of the Communist system. The purpose of this article is to consider whether there are any gains to be obtained from analyzing what we know of Communist affairs in terms of systems theory. Several characteristics of international Communism make application of systems theory both more interesting and more difficult than is the case with other regional systems. For one thing, there is the problem of whether to focus only on those states whose governments are Communist or, alternatively, to look at all Communist

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors assume that the relations between two actors can be characterized as being either symmetrical or asymmetrical, and the direction of an asymmetrical linkage can be specified.
Abstract: All behavior, from interpersonal to international, is in part relational: although human beings have instincts, and some nations may even have destinies, most of the actions of people and nations -and all human collectivities in between-are responsive to how others have acted or are expected to act. Generally speaking, an actor is more responsive to those who can influence the outcomes available to him than those who cannot. When responses between actors stabilize over time, we commonly think of the actors as having established certain kinds of relations with each other. As a starting point for the analysis which follows, we assume that the relations between two actors can be characterized as being either symmetrical or asymmetrical, and the direction of an asymmetrical linkage can be specified.2 Symmetrical and asymmetrical linkages may be founded on the magnitude and

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The 20 departments and agencies of the federal government which, under the leadership of the State Department, participate in the Foreign Area Research Coordination Group.' -The $41 million dollars these agencies obligated in FY-1967 for foreign affairs research to be done on a contract or grant basis as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: The 20 departments and agencies of the federal government which, under the leadership of the State Department, participate in the Foreign Area Research Coordination Group.' -The $41 million dollars these agencies obligated in FY-1967 for foreign affairs research to be done on a contract or grant basis.2 -The variety of analyses made inside government in departments and agencies spread all around Washington and environs.3 -The 191 major centers associated with American universities in which foreign affairs research, rather than teaching, is the pri-

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: This paper found that the foreign policy opinion maker in small towns and rural areas in the Midwest is likely to be a political science professor in a small liberal arts college, an avid newspaper reader, holds a Ph.D. degree or an "all but", and has an annual income of over $10,000.
Abstract: Who are the foreign policy opinion makers in small towns and rural areas in the Midwest? Are they the town bankers or weekly and small daily newspaper editors? Or are they the familiar denizens of the power structure which C. Wright Mills and Floyd Hunter identified-big corporation farmers and grain elevator owners?' The findings of this study indicate that the foreign policy opinion maker is likely to be a political science professor in a small liberal arts college. He is over forty, an avid newspaper reader, holds a Ph.D. degree or an "all but," and has an annual income of over $10,000. He has occupied the same position for more than ten years, is a Protestant and a Democrat. More important for our purposes, he is an activist. He corresponds with Congressmen, belongs to organizations which take stands on foreign policy issues

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Membership in international organizations, no novelty for longest established states and a symbol of independence for those more recently organized, imposes a characteristic tension on governments, which almost always attempt to form and carry out highly independent foreign policies.
Abstract: Membership in international organizations, no novelty for longestablished states and a symbol of independence for those more recently organized, imposes a characteristic tension on governments, which almost always attempt to form and carry out highly independent foreign policies. The ancient myth of sovereignty supports the practice of pretending that national interest, however defined, determines all foreign policy considerations. Moreover, the well-nigh universal governmental inclination toward modernization, a high level of welfare services and national development generally fits without obvious friction into independent foreign policies. However obeisant the constitutions and doctrinal pronouncements of international organizations may be to national independence, these bodies nevertheless seek to regulate interstate relationships. This regulation proceeds, perhaps sporadically and haltingly and so far never in an unbroken line, through practice, the establishment of standards and norms, the adjustment of international disputes, and the promotion of the general welfare. The deliberative organs of international organizations mass-

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The study of international law, particularly in the United States, is now undergoing a period of rapid evolutionary if not revolutionary change as discussed by the authors, and there has been a shift away from the kinds of legalistic and moralistic studies which have characterized much international legal literature.
Abstract: The study of international law, particularly in the United States, is now undergoing a period of rapid evolutionary if not revolutionary change. In general, there has been a shift away from the kinds of legalistic and moralistic studies which have characterized much international legal literature. International law-in-books, i.e., the law stated by publicists but not necessarily observed in practice, is no longer dominant; increasingly students focus on the international law-in-action, i.e., the law which is observed in practice.' Myres S. McDougal distinguishes "theories of" and "theories

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: "Simulating International Conflict" is a provocative and informative piece which goes quite some distance towards making explicit some of the utilities of three diverging and, at the same time, converging models of the international system.
Abstract: The comments that follow concern theoretical concepts and modular constructs involved in the Political-Military Exercise (PME), the Technological, Economic, Military, Political Evaluation Routine (TEMPER), and the Inter-Nation Simulation (INS) investigated by Alker and Brunner in their article in this issue. Alker and Brunner's very perceptive article provides the occasion for these comments; however, it must be emphasized that my comments are not directed to their study so much as to the models which they used. "Simulating International Conflict" is a provocative and informative piece which goes quite some distance towards making explicit some of the utilities of three diverging and, at the same time, converging models of the international system. As the authors indicate, the models differ not only in terms of their programmed and unprogrammed assumptions, but also in their levels of abstraction-from PME, the least abstract, to INS, the most abstract. Each differs from the others also in that PME is played entirely by human actors, INS is partially computerized, and TEMPER is an all-computer game. Since each of the three simulations posits a model of the international system, the validity of experiments using any one is in large part a function of the validity of its model. Models are of utility if and only if they contribute to an expansion of our understanding of a theory or a process or of some phenomenon. The term has been used in many ways, but as I am employing it, a model is an artificial or abstract representation of a systemic relationship adduced by

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The present moment is an appropriate one when an analytical as well as extrapolatory look can be taken at India's defence expenditure, what it has achieved, the areas where the effort appears to be inadequate, and what a reasonable projection of future defence expenditure might be as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: It is now more than five years since India was compelled to expand her armed forces, and to sustain herself in a state of military preparedness. In this period, the country has had to fight a war at high altitudes at divisional level, a border skirmish in salty marshes, and a short limited war involving more than twelve divisions on both sides. National security is one of our prime concerns today, and at different levels and in different areas, both external and internal aspects of national security are enmeshed, thus presenting an increasingly complicated picture. The present moment is an appropriate one when an analytical as well as extrapolatory look can be taken at India's defence expenditure, what it has achieved, the areas where the effort appears to be inadequate, and what a reasonable projection of future defence expenditure might be.